@incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Taten statt Worte}, series = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, booktitle = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, editor = {Sabrow, Martin}, publisher = {AVA Akademische Verlagsanstalt GmbH}, address = {[Leipzig]}, isbn = {978-3-946281-15-3}, pages = {141 -- 162}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Behinderung als soziale Kategorie im Kontext epistemischer Ungerechtigkeiten, Ignoranz und Abh{\"a}ngigkeit}, series = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, booktitle = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, editor = {Schleidgen, Sebastian and Friedrich, Orsolya and Wolkenstein, Andreas}, publisher = {Tectum}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8288-4660-9}, doi = {10.5771/9783828877368-153}, pages = {153 -- 182}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten zwischen Medizin und Technik}, series = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, volume = {5}, booktitle = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, editor = {Loh, Janina and Grote, Thomas}, publisher = {J.B. Metzler}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-662-65867-3}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-662-65868-0_5}, pages = {87 -- 106}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Nicht erst seit Covid-19 sind die Wissens- und Kommunikationsl{\"u}cken sowie die Hierarchie zwischen {\"A}rzt*innen und Patient*innen offensichtlich. Zus{\"a}tzlich befinden sich kranke Menschen sowohl aufgrund ihrer Krankheit als auch aufgrund ihrer Abh{\"a}ngigkeit vom Gesundheitswesen in einer besonders verletzlichen Lage; Patient*innen sind ein paradigmatisches Beispiel f{\"u}r fragile epistemische Subjekte. Im vorliegenden Text wird zun{\"a}chst skizziert inwieweit Patient*innen fragile epistemische Subjekte sind und welche Formen testimonialer und hermeneutischer Ungerechtigkeit im Gesundheitswesen besonders zum Tragen kommen. Danach wird ein besonderes Augenmerk auf die Idee gelegt, dass sogenannte „pathozentrische epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten" durch bestimmte theoretische Vorstellungen von Gesundheit untermauert und reproduziert werden. Hierbei soll schlussendlich untersucht werden, inwieweit dieses Problem durch technische Mittel in der Medizin verst{\"a}rkt oder geschw{\"a}cht werden kann; so reproduzieren Algorithmen beispielsweise die vorhandenen Vorstellungen und Praktiken.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-2}, pages = {11 -- 36}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63541, title = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1}, pages = {VI, 296}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63889, title = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266}, pages = {xi, 291}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism. Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation. Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism. The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.}, language = {en} } @misc{Steegmann2024, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Steegmann, Helena}, title = {Die Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 - Anregungen f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63029}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-630290}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {78}, year = {2024}, abstract = {An die Revolution 1848/49 wird als wesentliches Ereignis deutscher Demokratiegeschichte erinnert; die Beteiligung von Frauen nimmt jedoch bis heute im kollektiven Ged{\"a}chtnis einen untergeordneten Stellenwert ein. Die vorliegende Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich aus diesem Grund spezifisch mit der Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 und bietet Anregungen f{\"u}r die Integration des Themas in den Politikunterricht. Wie die Ergebnisse der Arbeit verdeutlichen, nutzten zahlreiche Frauen die Aufbruchsstimmung der 1840er Jahre, um sich auf verschiedene Arten und Weisen politisch zu engagieren. Zwar blieben viele dabei innerhalb der dichotomen Geschlechterteilung verhaftet, welche auf dem sich im 19. Jahrhundert herausbildenden b{\"u}rgerlichen Geschlechtermodell beruhte. Einige {\"u}berschritten diese Grenzen jedoch trotz harter Sanktionen auch bewusst. Sichtbar wird, dass die weibliche Beteiligung zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht zur grunds{\"a}tzlichen Infragestellung der Geschlechterpolarit{\"a}t f{\"u}hrte, aber die Frauen zunehmend den {\"o}ffentlichen Raum auch f{\"u}r sich beanspruchten und damit die Grundlagen f{\"u}r die deutsche Frauenbewegung der folgenden Jahrzehnte schufen. Die schulische Thematisierung der Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 bietet sich sowohl im Geschichts- und Politikunterricht als auch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifend hinsichtlich vielf{\"a}ltiger Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte an. Die Integration des Themas in den Unterricht kann insbesondere dazu beitragen, das historische Erbe der Anf{\"a}nge der Frauenbewegung zu bewahren, und es zudem f{\"u}r die Vermittlung demokratischer Werte nutzbar machen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Dannemann2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo}, title = {Understanding neoliberal subjectification}, series = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities}, booktitle = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities}, editor = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42524-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42525-8_10}, pages = {217 -- 236}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault's lectures on biopolitics and Brown's current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines - through immanent critique - an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier \& Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232-239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Melliger2024, author = {Melliger, Marc Andr{\´e}}, title = {Effects of exposing renewables to the market}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xi, 139}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Electricity production contributes to a significant share of greenhouse gas emissions in Europe and is thus an important driver of climate change. To fulfil the Paris Agreement, the European Union (EU) needs a rapid transition to a fully decarbonised power production system. Presumably, such a system will be largely based on renewables. So far, many EU countries have supported a shift towards renewables such as solar and wind power using support schemes, but the economic and political context is changing. Renewables are now cheaper than ever before and have become cost-competitive with conventional technologies. Therefore, European policymakers are striving to better integrate renewables into a competitive market and to increase the cost-effectiveness of the expansion of renewables. The first step was to replace previous fixed-price schemes with competitive auctions. In a second step, these auctions have become more technology-open. Finally, some governments may phase out any support for renewables and fully expose them to the competitive power market. However, such policy changes may be at odds with the need to rapidly expand renewables and meet national targets due to market characteristics and investors' risk perception. Without support, price risks are higher, and it may be difficult to meet an investor's income expectations. Furthermore, policy changes across different countries could have unexpected effects if power markets are interconnected and investors able to shift their investments. Finally, in multi-technology auctions, technologies may dominate, which can be a risk for long-term power system reliability. Therefore, in my thesis, I explore the effects of phasing out support policies for renewables, of coordinating these phase-outs across countries, and of using multi-technology designs. I expand the public policy literature about investment behaviour and policy design as well as policy change and coordination, and I further develop an agent-based model. The main questions of my thesis are what the cost and deployment effects of gradually exposing renewables to market forces would be and how coordination between countries affects investors' decisions and market prices.. In my three contributions to the academic literature, I use different methods and come to the following results. In the first contribution, I use a conjoint analysis and market simulation to evaluate the effects of phasing out support or reintroducing feed-in tariffs from the perspective of investors. I find that a phase-out leads to investment shifts, either to other still-supported technologies or to other countries that continue to offer support. I conclude that the coordination of policy changes avoids such shifts.. In the second contribution, I integrate the empirically-derived preferences from the first contribution in to an agent-based power system model of two countries to simulate the effects of ending auctions for renewables. I find that this slows the energy transition, and that cross-border effects are relevant. Consequently, continued support is necessary to meet the national renewables targets. In the third contribution, I analyse the outcome of past multi-technology auctions using descriptive statistics, regression analysis as well as case study comparisons. I find that the outcomes are skewed towards single technologies. This cannot be explained by individual design elements of the auctions, but rather results from context-specific and country-specific characteristics. Based on this, I discuss potential implications for long-term power system reliability. The main conclusions of my thesis are that a complete phase-out of renewables support would slow down the energy transition and thus jeopardize climate targets, and that multi-technology auctions may pose a risk for some countries, especially those that cannot regulate an unbalanced power plant portfolio in the long term. If policymakers decide to continue supporting renewables, they may consider adopting technology-specific auctions to better steer their portfolio. In contrast, if policymakers still want to phase out support, they should coordinate these policy changes with other countries. Otherwise, overall transition costs can be higher, because investment decisions shift to still-supported but more expensive technologies.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Marienfeldt2024, author = {Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {Digitalisierung und Automatisierung in der Sachbearbeitung}, series = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung}, booktitle = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung}, editor = {Klenk, Tanja and Nullmeier, Frank and Wewer, G{\"o}ttrik}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23669-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23669-4_89-1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Die Nutzung von Informations- und Kommunikationstechnik (IKT), Fachverfahren und die Automatisierung von Prozessen ver{\"a}ndern die Sachbearbeitung und Leistungserstellung in der Verwaltung und somit die T{\"a}tigkeiten, Arbeitsbedingungen und Personalstrukturen. Bei der Antragsbearbeitung und Bescheiderstellung in der Ordnungs- und Leistungsverwaltung erh{\"a}lt IKT nicht nur eine unterst{\"u}tzende, sondern zunehmend auch eine leitende oder entscheidende Rolle. Abh{\"a}ngig von der konkreten Ausgestaltung kann die fortschreitende Digitalisierung eine ganzheitliche Sachbearbeitung erm{\"o}glichen, aber auch einschr{\"a}nken. Insgesamt kann sie zu einer Neuordnung des Berufsfeldes {\"o}ffentlicher Dienst f{\"u}hren.}, language = {de} } @article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024, author = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik}, title = {Comparative vote switching}, series = {The journal of politics}, volume = {86}, journal = {The journal of politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {University of Chicago Press}, address = {Chicago, IL}, issn = {0022-3816}, doi = {10.1086/726952}, pages = {597 -- 607}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63885, title = {Dirty capitalism}, editor = {Rodrian-Pfennig, Margit and Oppenh{\"a}user, Holger and Gl{\"a}ser, Georg and Dannemann, Udo}, publisher = {Westf{\"a}lisches Dampfboot}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-89691-092-9}, pages = {224}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Von Garzweiler bis zum Great Pacific Garbage Patch zeigt sich offenkundig: Die kapitalistische Vergesellschaftung ist dreckig. Umso mehr braucht kritische politisch-{\"o}konomische oder sozio-{\"o}konomische Bildung einen gesellschaftstheoretisch fundierten Kapitalismusbegriff. Der Ansatz des Dirty Capitalism leistet hierzu einen expliziten Beitrag. Er greift die vielf{\"a}ltige Kritik an Vorstellungen und analytischer Reichweite eines "reinen" Kapitalismus, wie sie z.B. auch im Ansatz des racial capitalism formuliert wird, auf und erweitert die Analyseperspektive {\"u}ber Klassenverh{\"a}ltnisse hinaus auf Rassismus, (Post-)Kolonialismus, Geschlechter- und Naturverh{\"a}ltnisse. Im Band wird das Konzept weiterentwickelt und als Zugang f{\"u}r die kritische politische Bildung und Politikdidaktik diskutiert und empirisch genutzt.}, language = {de} } @book{vonWinter2024, author = {von Winter, Thomas}, title = {Lobbyismus in der deutschen Politik}, publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8252-6210-5}, doi = {10.36198/9783838562100}, pages = {383}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der Band pr{\"a}sentiert eine systematische Aufbereitung empirischer Befunde zum Lobbyismus in Deutschland und vermittelt, wie Lobbyist*innen, Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger*innen und institutionelle Rahmen miteinander interagieren. Untersucht werden politische Aktivit{\"a}ten von sozialen Bewegungen, Verb{\"a}nden, Unternehmen und Beratungsfirmen im Bundestag, der Bundesregierung und der {\"O}ffentlichkeit.}, language = {de} } @misc{KrauseGahn2024, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {How powerful are polls in influencing election outcomes?}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens' vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world}, language = {en} } @incollection{DebielSondermann2024, author = {Debiel, Tobias and Sondermann, Elena}, title = {Entwicklung und internationale Politik}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_44}, pages = {1397 -- 1425}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Gut zwei Jahrzehnte nach dem Millenniumsgipfel der Vereinten Nationen bleiben berechtigte Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ). Ist das Politikfeld von den Realit{\"a}ten {\"u}berholt worden? Welchen Beitrag haben Entwicklungstheorien f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung von Entwicklungspolitik leisten k{\"o}nnen? Der Beitrag zieht eine Bilanz, die von der ersten Entwicklungsdekade in den 1960er-Jahren bis zu den Folgen der Covid-19-Pandemie reicht. Er pl{\"a}diert f{\"u}r eine herrschaftskritische Weiterentwicklung des Entwicklungsbegriffs und f{\"u}r eine St{\"a}rkung globaler Kooperation.}, language = {de} } @incollection{HerschingerRenner2024, author = {Herschinger, Eva and Renner, Judith}, title = {Diskursforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, edition = {3., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_15}, pages = {375 -- 399}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Diskursive Perspektiven auf internationale Politik haben in den vergangenen Jahren an Relevanz und Popularit{\"a}t gewonnen. Der vorliegende Beitrag gibt zun{\"a}chst einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber verschiedene Spielarten diskursiver Ans{\"a}tze in den Internationalen Beziehungen, um sich dann vor allem poststrukturalistisch inspirierten Diskursarbeiten zu widmen. Poststrukturalistische Ans{\"a}tze, so argumentieren wir, sind besonders interessant f{\"u}r die Disziplin der IB, da sie vier spezifische Gewinne bieten: Erstens erlauben sie eine kritische Perspektive auf Fragen internationaler Politik, zweitens hilft eine poststrukturalistische Perspektive dabei, den oft {\"u}bersehenen politischen Charakter sozialer Realit{\"a}t herauszustellen, drittens halten sie dazu an, die eigene Sichtweise des/der Forschenden zu reflektieren und viertens erlaubt es eine poststrukturalistische Vorgehensweise mit ihrem Fokus auf „Wie-m{\"o}glich-Fragen", eine alternative analytische Perspektive zu dominanten erkl{\"a}renden Ans{\"a}tzen einzunehmen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{IhleCarl2024, author = {Ihle, Sebastian and Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im (Politik-) Unterricht}, series = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, booktitle = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42652-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8_5}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich weniger als Fachbeitrag, sondern vielmehr als Erfahrungsbericht aus der Praxis versteht, berichtet von unterschiedlichen Versuchen, die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in den schulischen Kontext einzubringen und somit der unzureichenden Beachtung der Thematik entgegenzuwirken. Nachdem {\"u}berblicksartig die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik herausgestellt und auf diese Weise die Notwendigkeit einer unterrichtlichen Besch{\"a}ftigung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Menschen und anderen Tieren begr{\"u}ndet wird, wird zun{\"a}chst von einem ersten Versuch berichtet, (angehende) Lehrkr{\"a}fte im Rahmen eines Workshops am Studienseminar Potsdam f{\"u}r die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik zu sensibilisieren sowie {\"u}ber eine m{\"o}gliche Umsetzung in den verschiedenen Unterrichtsf{\"a}chern zu informieren. Anschließend werden - exemplarisch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht - zwei Unterrichtsstunden, die die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung auf verschiedene Weise in den Politikunterricht einbeziehen, sowie die im Rahmen der Durchf{\"u}hrung gesammelten Erfahrungen vorgestellt.}, language = {de} } @incollection{BloiseIhle2024, author = {Bloise, Jennifer and Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Speziesismus in den (sozialen) Medien}, series = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, booktitle = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, editor = {Hoiß, Christian and Schluchter, Jan-Ren{\´e}}, publisher = {kopaed}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, isbn = {978-3-96848-108-1}, pages = {15 -- 31}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Blanz2024, author = {Blanz, Alkis}, title = {Essays on the macroeconomics of climate change and policy}, pages = {166}, year = {2024}, language = {en} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z}, pages = {18}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.}, language = {en} }