@article{DoerflerHeinzel2022, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Greening global governance}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {18}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-022-09462-4}, pages = {117 -- 143}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The last decades have seen a remarkable expansion in the number of International Organizations (IOs) that have mainstreamed environmental issues into their policy scope—in many cases due to the pressure of civil society. We hypothesize that International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs), whose headquarters are in proximity to the headquarters of IOs, are more likely to affect IOs' expansion into the environmental domain. We test this explanation by utilizing a novel dataset on the strength of environmental global civil society in proximity to the headquarters of 76 IOs between 1950 and 2017. Three findings stand out. First, the more environmental INGOs have their secretariat in proximity to the headquarter of an IO, the more likely the IO mainstreams environmental policy. Second, proximate INGOs' contribution increases when they can rely on domestically focused NGOs in member states. Third, a pathway case reveals that proximate INGOs played an essential role in inside lobbying, outside lobbying and information provision during the campaign to mainstream environmental issues at the World Bank. However, their efforts relied to a substantial extent on the work of local NGOs on the ground.}, language = {en} } @incollection{QuitzowBersalliLilliestametal.2023, author = {Quitzow, Rainer and Bersalli, Germ{\´a}n and Lilliestam, Johan and Prontera, Andrea}, title = {Green recovery}, series = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics}, booktitle = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics}, editor = {Rayner, Tim and Szulecki, Kacper and Jordan, Andrew J. and Oberth{\"u}r, Sebastian}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, isbn = {978-1-78990-698-1}, doi = {10.4337/9781789906981.00039}, pages = {351 -- 366}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission's role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level.}, language = {en} } @book{Dahlmann2005, author = {Dahlmann, Olaf}, title = {Government stability in Estonia: Wishful Thinking or Reality? : An evaluation of Estonia's governments from the 1992 elections up to 2003 [including a comment of the cabinet of Juhan Parts up to February 2005]}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3613}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2005}, abstract = {This article examines the multiple governments of independent Estonia since 1992 referring to their stability. Confronted with the immense problems of democratic transition, the multi-party governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003 the ninth government since 1992 was formed. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Central Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government. Furthermore, this article questions whether or not internal government stability can exist within a situation where the government changes frequently. What does stability of government mean and what are the varying multi-faceted depths of the term? Before analysing the term, it has to be clarified and defined. It is presumed that government stability is composed of multiple variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for governmental change need to be examined. Therefore, this article discusses the conceptual and theoretical basics of governmental stability first. Secondly, it discusses the Estonian situation in detail up to the elections of 2003, including a short review of the 9th government since independence. In the conclusion, the author explains whether or not the governments of Estonia are stable. In the appendix, the reader finds all election results and also a list of all previous ministers of Estonian governments (all data are as of July 2002).}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Governing through 'governing images'}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be 'developed' or 'sustained'. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for 'evidence-based policy making', recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy 'co-production' (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the 'garbage-can model'. The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of 'Management by Objectives and Results' (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct 'social meaning' about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation constructs'. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively - that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability 'truth-out-there', a theoretical localization of indicators - and of the input variable structure - may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy 'Perspektiven f{\"u}r Deutschland' (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the 'contextual fit' of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries' 'EPI architectures' have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which 'EPI architectures' seem to be more effective in producing more 'stringent' sustainability policy.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023, author = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz}, title = {Governing climate change in Brazil}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-58733}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xxvii, 272}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Bunk2017, author = {Bunk, Bettina}, title = {Governance and the Politics of Local Economic Development - South Africa and Mozambique}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {311, XVII}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{DijkstraDebreHeinkelmannWild2023, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha and Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim}, title = {Governance abhors a vacuum}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-1481}, doi = {10.1177/13691481231202642}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our analysis of 26 major terminated international organisations reveals legal-institutional and asset continuity in 21 cases. To further illustrate this point, the article zooms in on the afterlife of the International Institute of Agriculture in the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Refugee Organization in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the Western European Union in the European Union. In these three cases, international organisation afterlife inspired and structured the design of their successor institutions. While specific international organisations might be terminated, international cooperation therefore often lives on in other institutions.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Feil, author = {Feil, Hauke}, title = {God, bad, or ugly: Does it really matter?}, address = {Potsdam}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XII, 224}, abstract = {Each year, donor countries spend billions of Euros on development cooperation. Not surprisingly, a large strand of research has emerged which examines the impact of development cooperation. A sub-discipline within this strand of the literature deals with the question of whether the impact or effectiveness of development cooperation depends on the quality of the recipient country's policy and institutional environment. Over hundreds of studies have assessed this question at the macro level. In so doing, most of these studies test whether a potential effect of aid on the growth of a recipient country's gross domestic product (GDP) is conditional on the country's policy and institutional environment. However, even after decades of research and hundreds of studies, no conclusive result has been found. One of the main reasons for the inconclusive state of the literature is that most macro-level studies have to deal with a high risk of endogeneity, treat aid as nothing but a pure income transfer, and rely on low-quality GDP data. To solve these three methodical issues, some authors have started to change the analytical focus from the macro to the micro level. Thus, these authors assess the determinants for the performance of individual development projects instead of the determinants for an effect of aid on GDP. Yet, even though the number of studies focusing on the micro level has increased steadily over the last few years, the state of the literature on the determinants for the performance of development projects still contains multiple highly relevant research gaps. The present thesis seeks to address three of these research gaps. The first research gap addressed by this thesis is related to the specific type of development cooperation. So far, nearly all existing studies focus on projects by Multilateral Development Banks. Research on the determinants for the performance of bilateral development projects is still rare. Thus, even though donors pledge to implement effective development projects, there are hardly any micro-level studies on bilateral projects. So far, only three studies use a sample which includes bilateral projects. Yet, none of the three studies assess the determinants for the performance of bilateral technical development projects. The first paper in the present thesis (GIZ paper) seeks to address this research gap by assessing the determinants for the performance of projects by the Deutsche Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), a bilateral state-owned aid agency active in the area of technical cooperation. The results of the paper indicate that some but not all of the existing theoretical arguments can be extended to bilateral technical projects as well.. For example, the level of market interventions in the recipient county only affects the performance of financial development projects, while the recipient country's government capacity affects both technical and financial development projects. The paper also indicates that effects of determinants may vary among project sectors. The paper also highlights a dilemma of technical development cooperation. The countries with low government capacity are usually the ones most in need of technical cooperation projects. But, at the same time, they are also the countries in which these projects have the poorest performance The second research gap addressed by this thesis is related to one specific factor in the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries, namely corruption. This determinant is often cited as essential for project performance but has gained surprisingly little coverage in empirical studies. The few existing studies on the effect of corruption on project performance are inconclusive. Some find a statistically significant correlation, while others do not. Furthermore, so far, all existing studies use corruption perception indices as a measurement for corruption, despite the fact that these indices have well-known deficits when it comes to this research topic. One of these deficits is that such indices do not distinguish between different forms of corruption, even though it is likely that the effect of corruption will vary depending on the type of development project and form of corruption. The second paper in this thesis (Corruption paper) seeks to address this inconclusive state of the research while focusing on one specific form of corruption, namely bribery between private firms and public officials. The paper finds a small but statistically significant correlation between the corruption level and the performance of World Bank projects. The systematic effect of corruption on project performance confirms the need to consider the risk of corruption in the design and during the implementation of projects. Nonetheless, the relatively small effect of corruption and the low pseudo R-squareds advise not to overestimate the relevance of corruption for project performance. At least for the project level, the paper finds no indication that corruption is a primary obstacle to aid effectiveness. The third research gap addressed by this thesis is related to one specific sample, namely recipient countries of the International Development Association (IDA). The question of whether the policy and institutional environment affects project performance is of particular relevance for these countries, given that the World Bank's ratings on a country's policy and institutional environment decide how much IDA resources it receives. One core justification of such an allocation system is that it helps to steer more resources to places where they are most effective. However, so far, there is no conclusive empirical evidence for this statement. The only study specifically focusing on this topic, a study by the Independent Evaluation Group of the World Bank from 2010, has essential methodological limitations. The third paper of this thesis (CPR paper) seeks to address this research gap by testing whether a more refined analysis confirms the assumption of previous studies that the policy and institutional environment of IDA-recipient countries, measured by the Country Policy and Institutional Assessment ratings, has an effect on the performance of World Bank projects. Overall, neither the main regression models nor any of the robustness tests indicate a substantial correlation between the policy and institutional environment and project performance. Only for Investments Loans is the coefficient large enough to assume some effect. The overall results not only contradict the results of previous studies, but also raise strong doubts around one of the core justifications for the allocation system of the IDA. All three papers rely on a statistical large-N analysis of the performance ratings of individual development projects. These ratings are usually assigned based on the final evaluation of a project and indicate the merit or worth of an activity. The merit or worth of an activity itself is measured by criteria like relevance, effectiveness, and efficiency. In the case of the two papers on World Bank projects, the needed data stem from different databases of the World Bank. The relevant data for the GIZ paper are gathered from internal evaluation reports of the GIZ. Logistic regressions are applied as the main analytical tool. Overall, the three papers show that the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries matters for project performance, but only to a small degree and under certain circumstances. This result highlights that many researchers and practitioners tend to overestimate the role that the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries plays in project performance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that authors of future studies should consider possible interactions between project- and country-level determinants whenever possible, both in their theoretical arguments and statistical models. Otherwise, the debate on the determinants for project performance is at risk of degenerating into a statistics tournament without any connection to reality.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-6450, title = {Glosse: Steueroasen : Paradies auf Erden}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-66671}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Das Paradies ist der Ort, an dem der Mensch Gott am n{\"a}chsten ist. Aber was f{\"u}r ein Ort ist das? Gibt es dort so etwas wie eine staatliche Verfasstheit? Ist es gerade deshalb ein Paradies, weil es daf{\"u}r keine Anzeichen gibt? Welchen Raum nimmt dieser himmlische Garten ein? Ist er grenzenlos oder endlich? Fiktion kennt keine Grenzen. Geld auch nicht. Staaten sehr wohl, und ein nicht unerheblicher Batzen, den sie f{\"u}r ihre Existenz beanspruchen, soll m{\"o}glichst innerhalb dieser Grenzen bleiben. Dieses Geld - im Volksmund auch Kr{\"o}ten, Kies oder Moos genannt, was auf die Zugeh{\"o}rigkeit zu einem {\"o}kologischen Raum schließen l{\"a}sst - nennen wir Steueraufkommen (das Existenzminimum eines Staates oder auch Staats-Hartz-IV). In jedem Staat werden Steuern f{\"u}r seine B{\"u}rger f{\"a}llig. Allerdings nicht im Paradies. Und deshalb ist es - ja, was wohl? - auch ein Steuerparadies.}, language = {de} } @book{Dieter2017, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Globalisierung {\`a} la carte}, series = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r Politische Bildung: Schriftenreihe ; Band 10146}, journal = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r Politische Bildung: Schriftenreihe ; Band 10146}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0146-2}, pages = {263}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{FrankeRoos2011, author = {Franke, Ulrich and Roos, Ulrich}, title = {Globale Solidarit{\"a}t als nationales Interesse}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62772}, pages = {30 -- 33}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @misc{Behrmann2004, author = {Behrmann, G{\"u}nter C.}, title = {Globale Modernisierung : ein "American Dream"?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47174}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Daniel Lerner's „The Passing of Traditional Society" of 1958 is still one of the most famous American studies in the field of modernization research. This article gives a deeper insight into the background of the emergence of the study. The author describes Lerner's theoretical and empirical work and its connection to the policy of his time. A classic today in modernization theory, Lerner's study was initially merely a request for the Voice of America to investigate the use of media in the Middle Eastern region -modernization or development did not yet play a significant role. The article shows how the direction of the study changed from its original intention into a political opinion research and thus into a political propaganda tool.}, language = {de} } @misc{OPUS4-4541, title = {Globale Finanzm{\"a}rkte}, isbn = {978-3-937786-40-7}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47513}, year = {2005}, abstract = {Sicherlich geht es bei der Gestaltung der gewaltigen globalen Finanzstr{\"o}me nicht darum, ein zweites Bretton Woods-System als Prokrustesbett herzurichten, sondern diese polymorphen Strukturen gilt es grenz{\"u}berschreitend zu regulieren. Das betonen Norbert Walter, Bernhard Speyer und Alexander B{\"o}rsch in ihren Beitr{\"a}gen. Oliver Keßler fragt, inwieweit der Wissensvorsprung von Finanzakteuren staatliche Regulierungsbem{\"u}hungen unterwandert. Und Daniel M{\"u}gge stellt fest: Bei allen technischen Fragen der Regulierung gilt: Politique d´abord, es ist vorrangig ein politisches Problem! Im Kontext der Terrorismusbek{\"a}mpfung sind illegale Finanzaktivit{\"a}ten st{\"a}rker ins Visier geraten. Diese Schnittstelle von {\"O}konomie und Sicherheit diskutieren Jan Bittner und Markus Lederer, wobei sie die Defizite bisheriger Strategien aufzeigen und den „genuin politischen Umgang" mit den Finanzquellen des Terrorismus einfordern.}, language = {de} } @incollection{HickmannLederer2018, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Global political economy and development}, series = {Global Environmental Politics}, booktitle = {Global Environmental Politics}, edition = {1}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-351-71664-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {47 -- 56}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @book{Kleger2008, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Gibt es eine europ{\"a}ische Zivilreligion? : Pariser Vorlesung {\"u}ber die Werte Europas}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-940793-60-7}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31634}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {40}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Gibt es europ{\"a}ische Werte? Welche sind das? Der Autor, Philosoph und Professor f{\"u}r Politische Theorie an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam, vertritt in seiner „Pariser Vorlesung" die These einer europ{\"a}ischen Zivilreligion, die auf der gemeinsamen Vergangenheit und einem Wertekonsens basiert. Er zeigt die Traditionen, die das europ{\"a}ische Wertesystem pr{\"a}gten, und wie diese in den Verfassungsprozess der EU einflossen. Das Papier gibt damit zugleich Impulse f{\"u}r die weitere intellektuelle und politische Debatte {\"u}ber Europa.}, language = {de} } @misc{HerbergRothe2004, author = {Herberg-Rothe, Andreas}, title = {Gewalt und Ordnung : zur Aktualit{\"a}t eines alten Diskurses}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46387}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Can order and freedom only be established through the application of violent force? Hegel has argued that „using violence" may be the beginning of the formation of all states in history but is in no way their essential principle. It is true that order and freedom require the protection against violence and acts of force but their normative difference is not levelled off in the term „violent order" (Gewaltordnung). There is a paradox that „lefties" in the tradition of Nietzsche and Foucault increasingly fail to notice - the „little difference" between power politics and order. In their reductionism of politics to power politics, „neo-cons" and their most ardent critics have much more in common than they are aware of.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Silbermann2015, author = {Silbermann, Alexandra}, title = {Gesundheitsbewusstes Konsumentenverhalten}, publisher = {Springer Gabler}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-09680-9}, pages = {341}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Alexandra Silbermann entwickelt einen neuartigen, systematischen Ansatz, der eine ganzheitliche Analyse und Erkl{\"a}rung des Bewusstseins f{\"u}r einen gesunden Konsum zul{\"a}sst und die Identifikation bedeutender Einflussfaktoren, die f{\"u}r Maßnahmen zug{\"a}nglich sind, erm{\"o}glicht. Ohne fundierte Kenntnisse der kognitiven Prozesse, die dem gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhalten zugrunde liegen, k{\"o}nnen Marketing- bzw. Interventionsmaßnahmen nur begrenzt wirkungsvoll sein. Die Autorin leitet Implikationen f{\"u}r eine effizientere F{\"o}rderung gesundheitsbewussten Konsums ab. Die Systematisierung ist {\"u}ber den Gesundheitsbezug hinaus einsetzbar. Der Inhalt Arten des Bewusstseins als Systematisierungsansatz zentraler sozial-kognitiver Konstrukte der Verhaltensforschung Theoretische Darstellung der Determinanten gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhaltens Empirische Pr{\"u}fung des Modells zur Erkl{\"a}rung gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhaltens Diskussion der Einflussfaktoren und deren Beziehungsstrukturen Implikationen f{\"u}r Marketingwissenschaft und -management Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Gesundheitswissenschaften mit den Schwerpunkten Konsumentenverhalten, Marktforschung sowie pr{\"a}ventive Gesundheitsf{\"o}rderung Praktiker in Marketing und Marktforschung bei Anbietern von Konsumg{\"u}tern und in der pr{\"a}ventiven Gesundheitsf{\"o}rderung Die AutorIn Alexandra Silbermann ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam bei Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ingo Balderjahn am Lehrstuhl f{\"u}r Marketing I.}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2021, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Gesinnungsethik und Außenpolitik}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {29}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {117}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-64-7}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {37 -- 43}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{BuenningHipp2021, author = {B{\"u}nning, Mareike and Hipp, Lena}, title = {Geschlechterungleichheiten im Arbeitsleben und subjektiven Wohlbefinden von Erwerbst{\"a}tigen w{\"a}hrend der COVID-19-Pandemie}, series = {Sozialer Fortschritt}, volume = {70}, journal = {Sozialer Fortschritt}, number = {5-6}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0038-609X}, doi = {10.3790/sfo.70.5-6.293}, pages = {293 -- 315}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Wie hat sich die COVID-19 Pandemie auf geschlechtsspezifische Ungleichheiten im Arbeitsleben und dem subjektiven Wohlbefinden Erwerbst{\"a}tiger ausgewirkt? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage analysiert dieser Beitrag drei Wellen einer nicht zufallsbasierten Onlinestichprobe f{\"u}r den Zeitraum Mitte M{\"a}rz bis Anfang August 2020 und umfassen damit den Zeitraum des ersten Lockdowns. Die Ergebnisse unserer multivariaten Analysen zeigen: Frauen, Eltern und insbesondere M{\"u}tter waren {\"u}berdurchschnittlich von Arbeitszeitreduzierungen betroffen. Bei der Wahrscheinlichkeit im Homeoffice zu arbeiten gab es nur geringf{\"u}gige Unterschiede nach Geschlecht und Familiensituation. Die Zufriedenheit mit der Arbeit, dem Familienleben und dem Leben insgesamt ging bei Frauen, Eltern und insbesondere M{\"u}ttern {\"u}berproportional stark zur{\"u}ck. Die beobachteten Unterschiede verringern sich gegen Ende des Lockdowns wieder, jedoch unterschiedlich stark f{\"u}r die einzelnen Ergebnisdimensionen.}, language = {de} } @article{Hug2007, author = {Hug, Simon}, title = {Gescheiterte Referenden, gescheiterte Ratifikation?}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {2}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31905}, pages = {53 -- 61}, year = {2007}, abstract = {Inhalt: - Gescheiterte Referenden, gescheiterte Ratifikation? - Referenden im Prozess der europ{\"a}ischen Integration - Pr{\"a}zedenzf{\"a}lle D{\"a}nemark und Irland - Institutionen - Involvierte L{\"a}nder - Ratifikationsprozess - Neustart der Ratifikation - Referenden zum EU Verfassungsvertrag: Wieso Misserfolg? - Schlussfolgerung}, language = {de} } @article{Schunz2012, author = {Schunz, Simon}, title = {Gescheiterte Klimapolitik?}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81347}, pages = {67 -- 72}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Der Kopenhagener Klimagipfel 2009 ist mit Spannung erwartet worden. Erreicht wurde lediglich ein Minimalkonsens. Der Autor liefert eine akteurszentrierte Deutung des Kopenhagener Abkommens und stellt die Frage nach dem Pr{\"a}zedenzcharakter der Verhandlungen: Handelte es sich um ein einmaliges Versagen multilateraler Diplomatie oder um einen Vorgeschmack auf die weltpolitische Routine des 21. Jahrhunderts?}, language = {de} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Germany's silence: testimonial injustice in the NSU investigation and willful ignorance in the NSU trial}, series = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, journal = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1351-0487}, doi = {10.1111/1467-8675.12703}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Hustedt2018, author = {Hustedt, Thurid}, title = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles}, series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, journal = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78643-169-1}, pages = {72 -- 90}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{Franzke2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants}, series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1}, issn = {2523-8248}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7}, pages = {107 -- 121}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis}, series = {The viral world}, booktitle = {The viral world}, editor = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia}, publisher = {Observer Research Foundation}, address = {New Delhi, India}, isbn = {978-93-90159-27-7}, pages = {50 -- 55}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany as a leading power}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-73}, pages = {73 -- 84}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @incollection{Weith2017, author = {Weith, Thomas}, title = {German-Polish border region}, series = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, booktitle = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-62-0}, pages = {243 -- 249}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannProellerSchiemankeetal.2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Proeller, Isabella and Schiemanke, Dieter and Ziekow, Jan}, title = {German Public Administration}, series = {Public Administration in Germany}, journal = {Public Administration in Germany}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-53696-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_1}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The international community of public administration and administrative sciences shows a great interest in the basic features of the German administrative system. The German public administration with its formative decentralisation (called: administrative federalism) is regarded as a prime example of multilevel governance and strong local self-government. Furthermore, over the past decades, the traditional profile of the German administrative system has significantly been reshaped and remoulded through reforms, processes of modernisation and the transformation process in East Germany. Studies on the German administrative system should focus especially on key institutional features of public administration; changing relationships between public administration, society and the private sector; administrative reforms at different levels of the federal system; and new challenges and modernisation approaches, such as digitalisation, open government and better regulation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {German local authorities in the COVID-19 pandemic}, series = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, booktitle = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, editor = {Nunes Silva, Carlos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-91111-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-91112-6_6}, pages = {131 -- 154}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This study evaluates the challenges, institutional impacts and responses of German local authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic from a political science point of view. The main research question is how they have contributed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent the strengths and weaknesses of the German model of municipal autonomy have influenced their policy. It analyses the adaptation strategies of German local authorities and assesses the effectiveness of their actions up to now. Their implementation is then evaluated in five selected issues, e.g. adjustment organization and staff, challenges for local finances, local politics and citizen's participation. This analysis is reflecting the scientific debate in Germany since the beginning of 2020, based on the available analyses of political science, law, economics, sociology and geography until end of March 2021.}, language = {en} } @incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic}, series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur}, address = {Antony}, isbn = {9782281134964}, pages = {257 -- 272}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{Scheller2018, author = {Scheller, Henrik}, title = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?}, series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, journal = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press}, address = {Montreal}, isbn = {978-1-55339-535-5}, pages = {255 -- 279}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.}, language = {en} } @misc{Visel2010, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Visel, Stefanie}, title = {Geringf{\"u}gige Besch{\"a}ftigung und haushaltsnahe Dienstleistungen im Spannungsfeld von Familien- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik : Schaffung eines Frauenarbeitsmarktes im Niedriglohnsektor oder L{\"o}sung des Vereinbarkeitsdilemmas? ; Eine Analyse am Beispiel des 2. Gesetzes f{\"u}r moderne Dienstleistungen am Arbeitsmarkt und des Familienleistungsgesetzes}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70746}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Die Magisterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit der politischen F{\"o}rderung der geringf{\"u}gigen Besch{\"a}ftigung sowie der Inanspruchnahme haushaltsnaher Dienstleistungen und deren Bedeutung f{\"u}r eine gleichstellungsorientierte Familien- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik. Als Ausgangspunkt wird die Frage gestellt, ob geringf{\"u}gige Besch{\"a}ftigung und haushaltsnahe Dienstleistungen einen Arbeitsmarkt f{\"u}r Frauen im Niedriglohnsektor schaffen oder ob sie eine Perspektive zur besseren Vereinbarkeit von Erwerbsarbeit und Carearbeit bieten. Dazu wird die Perspektive der Besch{\"a}ftigten in sogenannten Minijobs als auch der NutzerInnen haushaltsnaher Dienstleistungen analysiert. Als theoretischer Rahmen liegt der Arbeit die These der geschlechterkritischen, vergleichenden Wohlfahrtsstaatforschung zugrunde, dass Policies familialisierende und defamilialisierende Wirkungen haben k{\"o}nnen. Auf Grundlage dieses Rahmens werden zwei Gesetze und deren gleichstellungspolitische Wirkung analysiert (Familienleistungsgesetz und 2. Gesetz f{\"u}r moderne Dienstleistungen am Arbeitsmarkt - Hartz II). Die Arbeit gelangt zu dem Ergebnis, dass trotz der engen Verflechtung der beiden Politikfelder Arbeitsmarkt- und Familienpolitik ein Mismatch zwischen den analysierten Gesetzen besteht. Insbesondere hinsichtlich der geringf{\"u}gigen Besch{\"a}ftigung gelangt die Arbeit aus einer gleichstellungspolitischen Perspektive zu dem Urteil, dass sie sich am modernisierten Ern{\"a}hrermodell orientiert und Frauen auf die Rolle als Zuverdienerin festlegt. Auf diese Weise werden Anreize f{\"u}r eine geschlechterspezifische Arbeitsteilung gelegt.}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Geopolitisches Wunschdenken}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {192}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-91-3}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {70 -- 71}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @misc{HummelWehrhoefer1996, author = {Hummel, Hartwig and Wehrh{\"o}fer, Birgit}, title = {Geopolitische Identit{\"a}ten : Kritik der Ethnisierung einer sich regionalisierenden Welt als paradigmatische Erweiterung der Friedensforschung}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11137}, year = {1996}, abstract = {The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.}, language = {de} } @misc{Jacobsen1994, author = {Jacobsen, Hans-Adolf}, title = {Geopolitik im Denken und Handeln}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11035}, year = {1994}, language = {de} } @incollection{Franzke2017, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Geopolitical challenge for the future of european union polity towards eastern europa}, series = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, booktitle = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-62-0}, pages = {251 -- 261}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @misc{Kleinwaechter2008, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, title = {Geografie der Ungleichheit}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-23303}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Behandelte Themen in tabellarischer Form: Regionen in Rußland Stabilit{\"a}t der Verh{\"a}ltnisse Einkommen der Distrikte 2000 bis 2004 Geographische Verteilung der Bev{\"o}lkerung (2008)}, language = {de} } @article{JannWegrich2019, author = {Jann, Werner and Wegrich, Kai}, title = {Generalists and specialists in executive politics: Why ambitious meta-policies so often fail}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {97}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12614}, pages = {845 -- 860}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This article contributes to the politics of policy-making in executive government. It introduces the analytical distinction between generalists and specialists as antagonistic players in executive politics and develops the claim that policy specialists are in a structurally advantaged position to succeed in executive politics and to fend off attempts by generalists to influence policy choices through cross-cutting reform measures. Contrary to traditional textbook public administration, we explain the views of generalists and specialists not through their training but their positions within an organization. We combine established approaches from public policy and organization theory to substantiate this claim and to define the dilemma that generalists face when developing government-wide reform policies ('meta-policies') as well as strategies to address this problem. The article suggests that the conceptual distinction between generalists and specialists allows for a more precise analysis of the challenges for policy-making across government organizations than established approaches.}, language = {en} } @misc{Kuhl2008, author = {Kuhl, Mara}, title = {Gender mainstreaming in Estonia}, issn = {1867-5808}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-33357}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Content: 1 The Development of the Estonian Gender Policy Machinery 1.1 Initiation of Institutionalisation as a Result of International Commitments 1.2 Institutional Measures Facilitating EU Membership 1.3 Assessment of the Gender Equality Machinery 2 Conditions for Gender Mainstreaming in Estonia 2.1 Social Conditions 2.2 Administrative Conditions 3 Gender Mainstreaming Activities in the Estonian Public Administration 3.1 The Legal Foundations 3.2 Inter-ministerial Cooperation 3.3 Gender Mainstreaming Training 3.4 Knowledge Basis 3.5 Lack of Standards for data and Statistics 3.6 Non-adminsitrative Liaisons 4 Conclusion}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism}, series = {International feminist journal of politics}, volume = {22}, journal = {International feminist journal of politics}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1461-6742}, doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967}, pages = {720 -- 741}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2021, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Critical studies on terrorism}, volume = {15}, journal = {Critical studies on terrorism}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London [u.a.]}, issn = {1753-9153}, doi = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061}, pages = {533 -- 558}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-2}, pages = {11 -- 36}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63889, title = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266}, pages = {xi, 291}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism. Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation. Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism. The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Schuppert2022, author = {Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Gemeinwohl und soziale Gleichheit}, series = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, booktitle = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, editor = {Hiebaum, Christian}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-21086-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-21086-1_24-1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Das Verh{\"a}ltnis von Gemeinwohl und Gleichheit ist kein spannungsfreies. Soziale Gleichheit ist ein Grundwert liberal-demokratischer Gemeinwesen. Um diese Gleichheit zu bewahren, entwickelten sich im 20. Jahrhundert Konzeptionen von Gemeinwohl, die versuchten, das Gemeinwohl eher prozedural und pluralistisch zu verstehen. Eine zu spezifische, vorher festgelegte Definition des Gemeinwohls sei letzten Endes undemokratisch und ideologisch und somit der sozialen Gleichheit abtr{\"a}glich. In den letzten Jahren haben sich unter dem Oberbegriff des sozialen Egalitarismus jedoch auch die Vorstellungen der sozialen Gleichheit ver{\"a}ndert, hin zu einem substanzielleren Verst{\"a}ndnis, was die Frage aufwirft, ob prozedurale Gemeinwohlverst{\"a}ndnisse ihrer Rolle als W{\"a}chter der Gleichheit immer noch gerecht werden k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @misc{HelmutScholz2012, author = {Helmut Scholz,}, title = {Gemeinsam springen : zum j{\"u}ngsten Gipfel der EU und China}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63290}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Mediale Aufregung wie selten, aber auch intensive Gespr{\"a}che und Verhandlungen {\"u}ber Investitionsabkommen. So k{\"o}nnte man knapp das j{\"u}ngste Treffen zwischen der Europ{\"a}ischen Union und der Volksrepublik China Ende September dieses Jahres umreißen. Es gab sehr kritische Worte vom chinesischen Premier Wen Jiabao an die Adresse der EU. Peking kritisierte die Nichtanerkennung als Marktwirtschaft, das Waffenembargo und die Behinderung des Zugangs zum EU-Markt. Br{\"u}ssel hielt entgegen: Nichteinhaltung individueller Menschenrechte, Raubbau an der Natur und die Tatsache, dass geistiges Eigentum nicht gesch{\"u}tzt ist. Neben der Kritik offerierte China eine erste Skizze f{\"u}r ein Handels- und Partnerschaftsabkommens, dass den Beziehungen eine wahrhaft strategische Perspektive geben kann. Der j{\"u}ngste EU-China-Gipfel zeigte (erneut) das zwiesp{\"a}ltige Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen den „strategischen Partnern".}, language = {de} } @incollection{Heinemann2020, author = {Heinemann, Maik}, title = {Geleitwort}, series = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, booktitle = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, editor = {Hummel, Detlev}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-44-9}, pages = {10 -- 11}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{Schoeps2011, author = {Schoeps, Julius H.}, title = {Geleitwort}, series = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, journal = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, isbn = {978-3-86956-038-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-52158}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @misc{SchmidtEenboom2006, author = {Schmidt-Eenboom, Erich}, title = {Geheimdienste in Demokratien}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9812}, year = {2006}, abstract = {Geheimdienste sind f{\"u}r den modernen Staat zur Gew{\"a}hrleistung seiner inneren und {\"a}ußeren Sicherheit wesentlich und stehen st{\"a}ndig vor neuen Herausforderungen. Die Dienste der Bundesrepublik sind aus der Frontstaatlage im Kalten Krieg gewachsen, und ihr Wert als geheimes Regierungsinstrument ist durch eine Vielzahl systemischer Probleme erheblich eingeschr{\"a}nkt. Zudem gibt es weder eine klare Standortbestimmung der Dienste im politischen System, noch eine moralische Grenzziehung ihrer Aktivit{\"a}ten.}, language = {de} } @misc{Moeller2004, author = {M{\"o}ller, Frank}, title = {Gefahrendiskurse und baltische Sicherheitspolitik}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46350}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Discourses of danger are a significant part of security and identity politics. They serve well for analysing the construction of both, security through identity politics, and identity through security policy. In this article, the declaration of the Vilnius Group of February 2003 is used as a point of departure. The author discusses the construction of state and national identities in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania throughout the 1990s by means of security policy, danger discourse, and mechanisms of exclusion. He argues that the replacement of Russia as a threat to Baltic security (in documents and policy manifestations) is a reflection of a relaxation of Baltic-Russian relations as well as an ingredient of the pre-accession strategy towards NATO. Political-military threats are replaced by cultural ones, while Russia, hitherto frequently represented as a concrete danger, gives way to abstractions such as „international terrorism".}, language = {de} } @book{Kleger, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Gedankensplitter}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Norderstedt}, address = {BoD - Books on Demand}, isbn = {978-3-749-48410-2}, pages = {202}, language = {de} } @misc{Paech2009, author = {Paech, Norman}, title = {Gaza und das V{\"o}lkerrecht}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-29377}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Ist Israel eine Besatzungsmacht und haben die Pal{\"a}stinenser ein Recht auf Widerstand? Politische Debatten {\"u}ber den Nahen Osten sind zahlreich. Doch wie sieht die juristische Dimension aus? Der Rechtswissenschaftler Norman Paech untersucht den Konflikt in Gaza mit Blick auf die v{\"o}lkerrechtliche Legitimation Israels, Krieg zu f{\"u}hren, und auf das international geltende Recht w{\"a}hrend kriegerischer Auseinandersetzungen.}, language = {de} } @misc{Kaufmann2009, author = {Kaufmann, Sylvia-Yvonne}, title = {Gastkommentar : In Vielfalt geeint}, issn = {0944-8101}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31512}, year = {2009}, abstract = {In Vielfalt geeint - so lautet das Motto, unter dem das Europ{\"a}ische Parlament arbeitet. In diesem Jahr wurde es neu gew{\"a}hlt. Zugleich feiert das Europaparlament sein 30-j{\"a}hriges Bestehen. Beide Ereignisse sind Anlass, nicht nur Bilanz zu ziehen, sondern auch einen Blick in die Zukunft zu wagen.}, language = {de} } @article{Toennies2011, author = {T{\"o}nnies, Sibylle}, title = {Ganz oder gar nicht!}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {16}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63313}, pages = {71 -- 76}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Inhalt: Der Nomos der Erde ; Die Moralisierung des V{\"o}lkerrechts ; Weltgesetz ohne Weltexekutive ; „Police Bombing"}, language = {de} } @article{Ette2018, author = {Ette, Ottmar}, title = {F{\"u}r Menschenw{\"u}rde in Guatemala}, series = {Polens Platz in der EU (WeltTrends 143)}, journal = {Polens Platz in der EU (WeltTrends 143)}, number = {143}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-96-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {56 -- 59}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @book{Kleger2008, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {F{\"u}r eine offene und tolerante Stadt der B{\"u}rgerschaft : Potsdam 2008 - in Erinnerung an das ‚Edikt von Potsdam' (1685)}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19110}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Inhalt: - Potsdamer Selbstverst{\"a}ndnis - Anliegen der B{\"u}rger - Toleranz als Entwicklungsstrategie - Zuwanderung als Chance - Integration von Differenz - Toleranz und Solidarit{\"a}t - ‚Berliner Aufkl{\"a}rung' - Voltaire und Friedrich der Große - Kreativwirtschaft - ‚Tolerantes Brandenburg' - B{\"u}rgerst{\"a}dte und Demokratie - Urbane Republik - Die Vielfalt ist unser Reichtum - Wettlauf der St{\"a}dte - Intoleranz als lehrreicher Kontrast - Toleranz als pragmatische Vision - Chancen der Stadt - Probleme der Stadt - Die grundlegende Toleranzherausforderung: - Entwicklung von B{\"u}rgerbewusstsein - Thesen}, language = {de} } @misc{Busse2004, author = {Busse, Sabine}, title = {F{\"u}r ein Voranschreiten der deutschen Realit{\"a}t : ein Pl{\"a}doyer f{\"u}r verantwortungsvollen Pragmatismus}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46588}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Galt vor 1990 das ungeschriebene Gesetz, dass 1948/49 die Bundesrepublik nicht als Staat auf der Suche nach einer eigenen Außenpolitik, sondern als Ergebnis amerikanischer Außenpolitik auf der Suche nach einem Staat gegr{\"u}ndet wurde, stellt Deutschland heute immer weniger ein St{\"u}ck Amerika mitten in Europa dar. Die neue „Berliner Realit{\"a}t" beinhaltet also die Tatsache, dass Deutschland nicht mehr Objekt der weltgeschichtlichen Situation ist, „sondern auch Subjekt, verantwortlich f{\"u}r weit mehr als das eigene Schicksal"5. Der damit verbundenen Verantwortung kann sich Deutschland nicht entziehen. Es ist deshalb an der Zeit, f{\"u}r einen deutschen Pragmatismus zu pl{\"a}dieren, der weniger von tagespolitischen Erw{\"a}gungen gepr{\"a}gt sein sollte, sondern mit Werten (wie Verantwortungsbewusstsein und Ehrlichkeit) und Zielen (wie wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand und Sicherheit) unterf{\"u}ttert werden muss. Daraus ergeben sich außenpolitische Visionen, die das Handeln der Politiker antreiben und legitimieren. Mittelfristig k{\"o}nnen diese deutschen außenpolitischen Visionen immer mehr mit denen der anderen 24 EU-Mitgliedstaaten verschmelzen, sodass hier tats{\"a}chlich eine gewisse {\"U}berwindung der Nationalstaaten - aber eben nur innerhalb der EU - zu beobachten w{\"a}re. Allerdings w{\"u}rde sich an diese Entwicklung unmittelbar die Frage anschließen, ob die neue europ{\"a}ische Selbstbestimmung nur im Verh{\"a}ltnis zu den USA zu gewinnen, oder ob sie nicht viel weit reichender zu formulieren ist.}, language = {de} } @article{Guenduez2023, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhal Yesilyurt}, title = {F{\"u}r die Istanbul-Konvention - gegen Gewalt gegen{\"u}ber Frauen}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {73 -- 81}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Guenduez2023, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhal Yesilyurt}, title = {F{\"u}r die Istanbul-Konvention - gegen Gewalt gegen{\"u}ber Frauen}, series = {Frauen im Widerstand}, journal = {Frauen im Widerstand}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-29-1}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {17 -- 22}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {F{\"u}nf gegen einen Atomkrieg}, volume = {30}, number = {184}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-83-8}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {68 -- 69}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2023, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {From Weberian bureaucracy to digital government?}, series = {Handbook of public administration reform}, booktitle = {Handbook of public administration reform}, editor = {Goldfinch, Shaun F.}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-674-8}, doi = {10.4337/9781800376748.00016}, pages = {207 -- 226}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Over the past decades, the traditional profile of the German administrative system has significantly been reshaped and remoulded through reforms and transformations. Manifold modernization efforts have been undertaken to adjust administrative structures and procedures to increasing challenges and pressures. In this chapter, the attempt is made to outline major institutional reform paths in Germany from Weberian bureaucracy to most recent reforms towards a digital transformation of public administration. We will show to what extent the German administrative system has moved away from the classical Weberian bureaucracy to a hybrid system where elements of the 'old' model and new reform paradigms such as the NPM and digital government are hybridized, labelled the Neo Weberian State. The question will be addressed as to what extent this shift has taken shape and which hurdles and path-dependencies can be identified to explain partial persistence and continuity over time.}, language = {en} } @misc{RothermelAsante2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Asante, Doris}, title = {From victims to activists}, series = {Australian outlook}, journal = {Australian outlook}, publisher = {Australian Institute of International Affairs}, address = {Deakin ACT}, year = {2022}, abstract = {For a long time, women were invisible in the policy responses to political violence and terrorism. Although the introduction of Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) has helped improve the representation of women, there is still a long way to go.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Becker2017, author = {Becker, Stefanie Lyn}, title = {From regimes to grassroots innovations}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {169}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @incollection{Streck2021, author = {Streck, Charlotte}, title = {From laggards to leaders}, series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, editor = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n}, publisher = {Brill Nijhoff}, address = {Leiden}, isbn = {978-90-04-37287-0}, doi = {10.1163/9789004372887_004}, pages = {75 -- 105}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-4926, title = {Fremde B{\"u}rger}, isbn = {978-3-941880-20-7}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-51209}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Wie werden Fremde zu B{\"u}rgern? Unsere Autoren erweitern die oft polemisch gef{\"u}hrte Integrationsdebatte. Dies gilt sowohl geografisch als auch kulturell. Von Australien {\"u}ber Bahrain bis nach Kanada reichen die Beispiele. Die Renaissance des B{\"u}rgers und urbane Toleranz bilden den gedanklichen Rahmen. Der Aufstand ist nun doch gekommen; und zwar in Nordafrika. Die panarabischen Proteste markieren eine Zeitenwende im Nahen Osten. Wir analysieren Ausl{\"o}ser und m{\"o}gliche Konsequenzen - regional wie global.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Metzner2014, author = {Metzner, Christiane}, title = {Freiwilligenmanagement als Instrument zur F{\"o}rderung B{\"u}rgerschaftlichen Engagements in Nonprofit-Organisationen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-72180}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Diese Arbeit untersucht, was passiert, wenn in Non-Profit-Organisation (NPO) der Anspruch des B{\"u}rgerschaftlichen Engagements auf Praktiken des Freiwilligenmanagements trifft. Ausgangspunkt dieser Fragestellung ist eine doppelte Diagnose: Zum einen setzen NPOs aufgrund mehrerer Faktoren - u.a. Ressourcenknappheit, Wettbewerb und Nachahmungseffekten - vermehrt auf Freiwilligenmanagement. Mit dieser von der BWL inspirierten, aber f{\"u}r NPO entwickelten Personalf{\"u}hrungsmethode wollen sie mehr und bessere Freiwillige gewinnen und deren Einsatz effizienter strukturieren. Zum anderen haben sich gleichzeitig viele NPO dem Ziel des b{\"u}rgerschaftlichen Engagements verschrieben. Damit reagieren sie auf den aus Politik und Wissenschaft zu vernehmenden Anspruch, die Zivilgesellschaft m{\"o}ge die knappen Kassen der {\"o}ffentlichen Hand kompensieren und das wachsende Partizipationsbed{\"u}rfnis weiter Teile der Bev{\"o}lkerung durch eine neue Kultur der Teilhabe der B{\"u}rgerinnen und B{\"u}rger befriedigen. Bei n{\"a}herer Betrachtung zeigt sich jedoch: W{\"a}hrend Freiwilligenmanagement einer {\"o}konomischen Handlungslogik folgt, ist b{\"u}rgerschaftliches Engagement Ausdruck einer Handlungslogik der Zivilgesellschaft. Beide sind unter gegenw{\"a}rtigen Bedingungen weder theoretisch noch praktisch miteinander vereinbar. Um beide Entwicklungen miteinander zu vers{\"o}hnen, muss Freiwilligenmanagement unter dem Banner des B{\"u}rgerschaftlichen neu gedacht werden. Dieses Argument unterf{\"u}ttert die Arbeit sowohl theoretisch und empirisch. Der Theorieteil gliedert sich in drei Teile. Zun{\"a}chst wird der Begriff der NPO n{\"a}her eingegrenzt. Dazu wird die bestehende Literatur zum Dritten Sektor und Non-Profit-Organisationen zu einem operationalisierbaren Begriff von NPO kondensiert. Daran anschließend werden aktuelle Trends im Feld der NPO identifiziert, die zeigen, dass NPO tats{\"a}chlich oft von widerstreitenden Handlungslogiken gekennzeichnet sind, darunter eine {\"o}konomische und eine b{\"u}rgerschaftliche. Die beiden folgenden Kapitel untersuchen dann jeweils eine der beiden Logiken. Zun{\"a}chst wird das Leitbild des b{\"u}rgerschaftlichen Engagements als Ausdruck einer zivilgesellschaftlichen Handlungslogik n{\"a}her definiert. Dabei zeigt sich, dass dieser Begriff oft sehr unscharf verwendet wird. Daher greift die Arbeit auf die politiktheoretische Diskussion um Zivil- und B{\"u}rgergesellschaft auf und schmiedet daraus eine qualifizierte Definition von b{\"u}rgerschaftlichem Engagement, die sich maßgeblich am Ideal von gesellschaftlich-politischer Partizipation und b{\"u}rgerschaftlicher Kompetenz orientiert. Dem wird im dritten und letzten Kapitel des Theorieteils die {\"o}konomische Handlungslogik in Form der Theorie des Freiwilligenmanagements gegen{\"u}bergestellt. Bei der Darstellung zeigt sich schnell, dass dessen Grundprinzipien - anders als oft vorgebracht - mit den qualifizierten Idealen von Partizipation und Konkurrenz im Konflikt stehen. In der empirischen Analyse wird dann in den 8 Interviews den Widerspr{\"u}chen zwischen b{\"u}rgerschaftlichem Engagement und Freiwilligenmanagement in der Praxis nachgegangen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung lassen sich in 5 Punkten zusammenfassen: 1. Freiwilligenmanagement orientiert sich erstens im wesentlichen an einer Zahl: Dem Zugewinn oder Verlust von freiwilliger Arbeit. 2. Freiwilligenmanagement installiert ein umfassendes System der Selektion von „passenden" Freiwilligen. 3. Positiv hervorzuheben ist die institutionalisierte Ansprechbarkeit, die im Rahmen von Freiwilligenmanagement in NPO Einzug erh{\"a}lt. 4. Freiwilligenmanagement ist eng mit dem Anspruch verbunden, die Arbeit der Freiwilligen zu kontrollieren. Der Eigensinn des Engagements, die Notwendigkeit von Spielr{\"a}umen, die M{\"o}glichkeit des Ausprobierens oder der Anspruch der Freiwilligen, an Entscheidungen zu partizipieren bzw. gar selbstorganisiert und -verantwortlich zu handeln, r{\"u}ckt dabei in den Hintergrund. 5. In den Interviews wird eine starke {\"O}konomisierung des Engagements sichtbar. Freiwillige werden als Ressource betrachtet, ihr Engagement als „Zeitspende" statistisch erfasst, ihre (Dienst-)Leistung monet{\"a}r bewertet. Im Zuge dessen erh{\"a}lt auch der Managerialism verst{\"a}rkt Einfluss auf die Arbeit in NPO und begr{\"u}ndet ein stark hierarchisches Verh{\"a}ltnis: W{\"a}hrend die Freiwilligenmangerin aktiv handelt, wird die freiwillig Engagierte zum Objekt von Management-Techniken. Dass dies dem Anspruch der Partizipation entgegenl{\"a}uft, ergibt sich dabei von selbst. Angesichts dieser Diagnose, dass real-existierendes Freiwilligenmanagement nicht mit dem Ideal des b{\"u}rgerschaftlichen Engagement im engeren Sinne zusammenpasst, formuliert das Fazit Vorschl{\"a}ge f{\"u}r ein b{\"u}rgerschaftlich orientiertes, engagement-sensibles Freiwilligenmanagement.
}, language = {de} } @misc{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Frei, Norbert, Franka Maubach, Christina Morina, und Maik T{\"a}ndler (2019): Zur rechten Zeit. Wider die R{\"u}ckkehr des Nationalismus. Berlin: Ullstein. 253 Seiten. 20,00 €}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, volume = {61}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-020-00221-x}, pages = {199 -- 201}, year = {2020}, abstract = {„Zur rechten Zeit" ist ein fl{\"u}ssig geschriebenes, gut lesbares und an ein breites Publikum gerichtetes Sachbuch. Es will die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik „unter dem Eindruck der gegenw{\"a}rtigen rechten Konjunktur anders denn als g{\"a}ngige Erfolgsgeschichte" (S. 10) erz{\"a}hlen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren sind nicht bestrebt, das Erfolgsnarrativ radikal zu dekonstruieren und damit den Forschungsertrag der Zeitgeschichtsschreibung zu ignorieren, wohl aber rekonstruieren sie Abschattungen und Br{\"u}che, die zeigen, dass der Prozess weniger geradlinig war als h{\"a}ufig angenommen - und dass seine Ergebnisse nicht irreversibel sind.}, language = {de} } @book{Schumacher2012, author = {Schumacher, Reinhard}, title = {Free trade and absolute and comparative advantage : a critical comparison of two major theories of international trade}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-195-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-60237}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {108}, year = {2012}, abstract = {This thesis deals with two theories of international trade: the theory of comparative advantage, which is connected to the name David Ricardo and is dominating current trade theory, and Adam Smith's theory of absolute advantage. Both theories are compared and their assumptions are scrutinised. The former theory is rejected on theoretical and empirical grounds in favour of the latter. On the basis of the theory of absolute advantage, developments of free international trade are examined, whereby the focus is on trade between industrial and underdeveloped countries. The main conclusions are that trade patterns are determined by absolute production cost advantages and that the gap between developed and poor countries is not reduced but rather increased by free trade.}, language = {en} } @misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020, author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Frauenfeind, aber kein Incel}, series = {Belltower.News}, journal = {Belltower.News}, publisher = {Amadeu Antonio Stiftung}, address = {Berlin}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Attentater von Hanau war, das verr{\"a}t sein Manifest, ein Frauenfeind - aber kein Incel. Warum die Einsch{\"a}tzung als Incel bequem und gef{\"a}hrlich ist, erl{\"a}utert dieser Gastbeitrag der Wissenschaftlerinnen Megan Kelly, Ann-Kathrin Rothermel und Greta Jasser, Fellows am Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS).}, language = {de} } @techreport{Weiss2016, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Weiß, Norman}, title = {Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit - was hat Resolution 1325 gebracht?}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2509-6974}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-92932}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Nowadays, the issues women and peace are connected strongly on the level of UN's security policy as a consequence of resolution 1325 (2000). Which are the legal and factual impli-cations of this development both for the UN and for the Member States? Does their implementation meet the expectations? The study outlines the structure of today's WPS-agenda and discusses how the UN deals with it. Germany's activities to implement her obligations are also discussed.}, language = {de} } @article{Klinnert2023, author = {Klinnert, Anne}, title = {Frauen im Widerstand}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {1175490-4}, pages = {54 -- 54}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-58950, title = {Frauen im Widerstand}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, volume = {16}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, editor = {Klinnert, Anne}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-29-1}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {22}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Giesen2023, author = {Giesen, Michael}, title = {Framing gender-based violence in multi-level contexts}, series = {European journal of politics and gender}, volume = {6}, journal = {European journal of politics and gender}, number = {1}, publisher = {Bristol University Press}, address = {Bristol}, issn = {2515-1088}, doi = {10.1332/251510821X16693059192022}, pages = {76 -- 91}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International institutions are an essential driving force of contemporary policies to combat gender-based violence but remain toothless if political actors do not implement them in domestic policies. How can scholars conceptualise the transposition of international gender-based violence norms into domestic policies? I argue that discourse network analysis provides a powerful conceptual and methodological extension of critical frame analysis to understand how frames shape the meaning of gender-based violence norms in multi-level institutional contexts. Frames' normative and cognitive network structure invites combining discourse network and frame analysis techniques that locate frames' power in their ability to connect different institutional spheres temporally and spatially. I outline a multi-level research agenda that traces the framing processes of international norms and their domestic implementation through gender-based violence policies in the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention. This agenda includes avenues to study how complex transnational policy frameworks like the Istanbul Convention play out in domestic policy implementation.}, language = {en} } @article{Andres2023, author = {Andres, Maximilian}, title = {Four essays on communication, cooperation, and text mining in experimental economics}, pages = {248}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Jansen2022, author = {Jansen, Till}, title = {Fortes fortuna adiuvat*}, series = {Zeitschrift F{\"u}hrung + Organisation}, journal = {Zeitschrift F{\"u}hrung + Organisation}, number = {04}, publisher = {Sch{\"a}ffer-Poeschel}, address = {Stuttgart}, issn = {0722-7485}, pages = {246 -- 247}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @misc{BouckaertKuhlmann2018, author = {Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Foreword}, series = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, journal = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, pages = {V -- VI}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Ludwig2022, author = {Ludwig, Julia}, title = {Foreigners by Birth - Croatian by Blood}, series = {Krieg und Konflikt}, journal = {Krieg und Konflikt}, publisher = {Campus}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-59345-508-2}, pages = {463}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Was bewegt Menschen dazu, freiwillig in einem Krieg zu k{\"a}mpfen, obwohl ihr Heimatland nicht involviert ist? Warum riskieren sie in Konflikten weltweit ihr Leben f{\"u}r eine fremde Sache? Bedeutet das Fehlen institutioneller Strukturen, die den Akteuren klare Regeln und Verhaltensweisen vorgeben w{\"u}rden, immer eine Eskalation von Gewalt? Diese Studie hilft, das Ph{\"a}nomen freiwilliger Kombattanten zu verstehen. Am Fallbeispiel internationaler Kriegsfreiwilliger, die in den Jugoslawienkriegen der 1990er Jahre auf Seiten Kroatiens k{\"a}mpften, macht Julia Ludwig zudem den Mehrwert einer Analyse kultureller Faktoren in der Gewaltforschung deutlich.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg}, series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, journal = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1128-1}, pages = {88 -- 101}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @misc{Klingebiel1994, author = {Klingebiel, Stephan}, title = {Flucht und Vertreibung in Entwicklungsl{\"a}ndern}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11048}, year = {1994}, abstract = {Flight and expulsion are and will remain important international problems. The existence of refugees is a result of unsolved domestic tasks. Thus, effective solutions require comprehensive and long-term strategies. So far the efforts to reduce the causes of escape have not been sufficient. In the current refugee crises millions of people can survive only with the help of an efficient international system (for example the UNHCR) that guarantees humanitarian aid and protection. However, this system has turned out to be inadequate although the potential of preventive action is sufficient to reach a major progress in diminishing the refugee problem.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Schubert2020, author = {Schubert, Michael}, title = {FinTech models and solutions for banking and captal markets}, series = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, booktitle = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-44-9}, pages = {217 -- 228}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Zelt2023, author = {Zelt, Thomas}, title = {Finnland und Schweden}, series = {Welttrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {197}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-05-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {15 -- 19}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @misc{BittnerLederer2005, author = {Bittner, Jan and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Finanzm{\"a}rkte und Sicherheit : die Bek{\"a}mpfung der Finanzquellen des Terrorismus}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9734}, year = {2005}, abstract = {Since 9/11, the fight against the financial sources of terrorism has become a major arena for international co-operation. In the first part, the paper highlights the borderline between security studies and international political economy. The second part of the paper asks how successful the international community is in this fight. The authors show that the idea of seizing terrorist funds and denying access to the international financial system is not a very promising one. They conclude that, so far, results have been mixed and that only a political approach to the problem promises a solution.}, language = {de} } @article{Butterwegge2011, author = {Butterwegge, Christoph}, title = {Finanzmarktkrise, Armut und rechtsextreme Politik}, series = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, journal = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, isbn = {978-3-86956-038-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-52179}, pages = {41 -- 55}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @book{Schmidt2016, author = {Schmidt, Thorsten Ingo}, title = {Finanzierungspflichten und Konnexit{\"a}tsprinzip}, series = {Recht der Steuern und der {\"o}ffentlichen Finanzordnung ; 10}, journal = {Recht der Steuern und der {\"o}ffentlichen Finanzordnung ; 10}, editor = {Gosch, Dietmar and Hufeld, Ulrich and Kirchhof, Gregor and Rust, Alexander and Schenke, Ralf and Tappe, Henning and Weitemeyer, Birgit}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-2822-0}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {86}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die Finanzkrise der Kommunen beruht auch auf der {\"U}bertragung staatlicher Aufgaben ohne entsprechenden finanziellen Ausgleich. Davor sollen nun das grundgesetzliche Aufgaben{\"u}bertragungsverbot vom Bund auf die Kommunen und die landesverfassungsrechtlichen Konnexit{\"a}tsregeln beim Transfer vom Land auf die Kommunen sch{\"u}tzen. Zwar ist anerkannt, dass diese Vorschriften f{\"u}r Sachaufgaben gelten. Doch ist streitig, ob dies auch f{\"u}r die Auferlegung von Finanzierungspflichten zu gelten hat. Der Autor vergleicht die landesverfassungsrechtlichen Bestimmungen in ihrer Auslegung durch das jeweilige Landesverfassungsgericht und arbeitet unter besonderer Ber{\"u}cksichtigung der nordrhein-westf{\"a}lischen Rechtslage heraus, dass die {\"U}bertragungsvorschriften nicht umgangen werden d{\"u}rfen. {\"U}bertragung einer Sachaufgabe und Auferlegung einer Finanzierungspflicht sind funktionell gleichwertig und beide konnexit{\"a}tsrelevant. Der Autor ist Direktor des Kommunalwissenschaftlichen Instituts der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam.}, language = {de} } @article{Pittel2021, author = {Pittel, Harald}, title = {Fin du globe}, series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology}, volume = {162}, journal = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0725-5136}, doi = {10.1177/0725513621994702}, pages = {121 -- 136}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This essay argues that Oscar Wilde noticeably contributed to the emerging discourse about world literature, even though his views in this regard have to be unearthed from the margins of his works, from his early and unpublished American lectures and 'between the lines' of his major critical essays. Wilde's implicit ideas around world literature can be understood as being closely related to his broader endeavour of redirecting and revaluing the pejorative discourse around 'decadence' in art and literature. More specifically, the arch-aesthete preferred to use the word 'romance' rather than 'decadence' (a term he hardly used at all in his writings), signalling a sensitivity attuned to what he called the 'love of things impossible'. This reconceptualization of the decadent outlook was to inspire a critical ideal of literature which relied on creatively activating the other as Other, culminating in a vision of intersubjective, transcultural and unlimited literary communication. Wilde's thought can be more specifically understood as anticipating central tenets of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's evocations of the planetary, thus preparing the way for an alterity-oriented understanding of literary cosmopolitanism.}, language = {en} } @article{CantenarKozera2022, author = {Cantenar, {\"O}mer Faruk and Kozera, Cyprian Aleksander}, title = {Fighting ISIS in Syria}, series = {Small wars \& insurgencies}, volume = {33}, journal = {Small wars \& insurgencies}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {0959-2318}, doi = {10.1080/09592318.2021.1875308}, pages = {350 -- 381}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This paper analyses the Operation Euphrates Shield (OES) al-Bab battle and presents the lessons learned. OES started with a mixed force of Free Syrian Army, Turkish special forces and armoured units. During the operation, the aims and the force structure gradually changed, yet not the command structure. When OES aimed to capture al-Bab, ISIS employed conventional active defence strategy. The OES commander's insistence on employing special forces increased own casualties and al-Bab was seized only after resorting to a conventional urban attack. OES presents tactical and operational lessons for the militaries on structure and execution of operations against an irregular adversary employing conventional means.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-4927, title = {Fiasko Afghanistan : Gr{\"u}nde und Folgen einer gescheiterten Intervention}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund and Widdau, Christoph Sebastian}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-126-4}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-51455}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {90}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Den Krieg um Afghanistan hat der Westen verloren - wieder einmal. Die Frage des Abzugs bestimmt die außen- und sicherheitspolitische Agenda, nicht nur in Washington D.C. und Berlin. Ziel ist, das "Fiasko Afghanistan" m{\"o}glichst glimpflich enden zu lassen - aber wie? Die Frage hat auch 2011 nicht an Aktualit{\"a}t eingeb{\"u}ßt. Kenner der Region und außenpolitische Experten diskutieren im vorliegenden WeltTrends Papier die Ausgangslage des Afghanistan-Komplexes und analysieren Abzugsstrategien - klar, kontrovers, pointiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Nuesiri2017, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Feigning Democracy}, series = {Conservation \& society}, volume = {15}, journal = {Conservation \& society}, number = {4}, publisher = {Medknow publications \& media Pvt LTD}, address = {Mumbai}, issn = {0972-4923}, doi = {10.4103/cs.cs_16_106}, pages = {384 -- 399}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation.}, language = {en} } @article{Fleischer2021, author = {Fleischer, Julia}, title = {Federal Administration}, series = {Public Administration in Germany}, journal = {Public Administration in Germany}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-53696-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_5}, pages = {61 -- 79}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The federal administration is significantly small (around 10 percent of all public employees). This speciality of the German administrative system is based on the division of responsibilities: the central (federal) level drafts and adopts most of the laws and public programmes, and the state level (together with the municipal level) implements them. The administration of the federal level comprises the ministries, subordinated agencies for special and selected operational tasks (e.g. the authorisation of drugs, information security and registration of refugees) in distinct administrative sectors (e.g. foreign service, armed forces and federal police). The capacity for preparing and monitoring government bills and statutory instruments is well developed. Moreover, the instruments and tools of coordination are exemplary compared with other countries, although the recent digital turn has been adopted less advanced than elsewhere.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2019, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Faire Repr{\"a}sentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, volume = {13}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {1865-2646}, doi = {10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7}, pages = {375 -- 397}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.}, language = {de} } @misc{Guenduez2013, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhal Yesilyurt}, title = {Explosive T{\"u}rkei : ein Bericht zum Widerstand gegen ein autorit{\"a}res Regime}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-67879}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Noch vor zwei Monaten sprach man hierzulande von einer stabilen T{\"u}rkei. Das war ganz offensichtlich falsch. Seit gut zwei Jahren w{\"a}chst der Unmut gegen Erdogan und die AKP-Regierung. Immer deutlicher zeigen sich die antiliberalen, autorit{\"a}ren Z{\"u}ge eines bonapartistischen Regimes, das im Namen der „Mehrheit" Grundfreiheiten massiv einschr{\"a}nkt und sich nicht scheut, mit brutaler Gewalt gegen Teile der Bev{\"o}lkerung, vor allem gegen die e-politisierte Jugend, vorzugehen. Die t{\"u}rkische Autorin Zuhal Yesilyurt G{\"u}nd{\"u}z schickte uns diesen Bericht zu den Ereignissen am Taksim-Platz, die zu einer neuen Qualit{\"a}t der Proteste gef{\"u}hrt haben.}, language = {de} } @article{HeinzelLiese2021, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK}, series = {West European politics}, journal = {West European politics}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0140-2382}, doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630}, pages = {1258 -- 1282}, year = {2021}, abstract = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-4670, title = {Exit Afghanistan}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48966}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Den Krieg um Afghanistan hat der Westen verloren - wieder einmal. Die Frage des Abzugs aus dem Land am Hindukusch bestimmt die außen- und sicherheitspolitische Agenda, nicht nur in Washington D.C. und Berlin. Ziel ist, die gescheiterte Intervention m{\"o}glichst glimpflich enden zu lassen: "Exit Afghanistan" - aber wie?}, language = {de} } @article{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational}, series = {Forum for Development Studies}, volume = {46}, journal = {Forum for Development Studies}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0803-9410}, doi = {10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962}, pages = {501 -- 526}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.}, language = {en} } @misc{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Evolving order?}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {110}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43308}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-433086}, pages = {26}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.}, language = {en} } @article{JanzPeters2022, author = {Janz, Norbert and Peters, Wilfried}, title = {Everything goes}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r das gesamte Sicherheitsrecht}, volume = {5}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r das gesamte Sicherheitsrecht}, number = {3}, publisher = {C.H. Beck}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, issn = {2567-3823}, pages = {132 -- 134}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Die Versammlungsfreiheit des Art. 8 GG stellt sich - auch und gerade in j{\"u}ngster Zeit - immer wieder aufs Neue als ein h{\"o}chst lebendiges und streitbares Grundrecht dar. Unver{\"a}ndert analog bietet es den B{\"u}rgerinnen und B{\"u}rgern r{\"a}umlich die M{\"o}glichkeit, ihre Anliegen {\"o}ffentlichkeits- und medienwirksam zur Sprache zu bringen. Der Klimaschutz und der Ukrainekrieg sind aktuell zwei zentrale Themenstellungen. Auch die Covid-19-Pandemie beschert den Rechtsanwendern neue und oftmals fundamentale Fragestellungen, auf die Antworten gegeben werden m{\"u}ssen. So sieht sich das Versammlungsrecht mit seinem Art. 8 GG als Basisnorm mit einer Vielzahl neuartiger Probleme konfrontiert. Zu Beginn standen der Pandemie vor allem die teilweise absoluten und fl{\"a}chendeckenden Versammlungsverbote im Streit. Seit kurzem sind Verbote von „Corona-Spazierg{\"a}ngen" durch Allgemeinverf{\"u}gungen in der Diskussion, und zwar f{\"u}r den Zeitraum einiger Wochen und begrenzt f{\"u}r das Gebiet einer Gemeinde oder eines Landkreises. Der nachfolgende Beitrag besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit dieser Thematik.}, language = {de} } @article{Seyfried2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Evaluation von Verwaltungsreformen}, series = {Handbuch zur Verwaltungsreform}, journal = {Handbuch zur Verwaltungsreform}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarb. Aufl.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-21562-0}, pages = {729 -- 738}, year = {2019}, language = {de} } @article{Bloom2010, author = {Bloom, Aurica}, title = {Europ{\"a}isierung nationalstaatlicher Politik}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {15}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63090}, pages = {215 -- 233}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Inhalt: Die Zivilgesellschaft Polens ; Worin liegen die Ursachen? ; Empowerment durch Europ{\"a}isierung ; Finanzielle Unterst{\"u}tzung durch die EU ; New modes of governance - Neue Formen der Kooperation? ; Europ{\"a}ische Gesetzgebung vs. nationalstaatliche Politik ; Erfolge f{\"u}r sexuelle Minderheiten in Polen ; Zusammenfassung ; Literatur}, language = {de} } @misc{Rach2007, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Rach, Yoriko}, title = {Europ{\"a}isierung der deutschen Ministerialverwaltungen : der Beitrag von Twinningprojekten}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-16266}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2007}, abstract = {Im Rahmen der f{\"u}nften Erweiterungswelle der EU um zw{\"o}lf neue Mitgliedsstaaten setzte die EU-Kommission erstmals auf das Instrument der Verwaltungspartnerschaften. Das sogenannte Twinning umfasst Projekte, bei denen Beh{\"o}rdenmitarbeiter aus Verwaltungen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in Partnerbeh{\"o}rden der Beitrittsl{\"a}nder entsandt werden, um diese bei der Umsetzung des EU-Rechtsbestandes zu beraten. Im Gegensatz zur bisherigen Forschungsliteratur, die sich vor allem auf die Europ{\"a}isierung der Beitrittsl{\"a}nder konzentriert, geht die Autorin dieser Forschungsarbeit davon aus, dass Twinning-Projekte auch zur Europ{\"a}isierung der beteiligten deutschen Verwaltungen beitragen. Mithilfe neo-institutionalistischer Ans{\"a}tze entwickelt die Autorin die These, dass Twinning-Projekte den Handlungsspielraum der involvierten Akteure innerhalb der europ{\"a}ischen Dimension erheblich erweitern. Inwieweit diese Akteure die von der EU-Kommission im Rahmen des PHARE-Programms zur Verf{\"u}gung gestellten materiellen und immateriellen Ressourcen tats{\"a}chlich genutzt haben, wurde f{\"u}r vier deutsche Bundesressorts (BMWi, BMU, BMI, BMG) vergleichend untersucht. Als Ergebnis kann festgehalten werden, dass Effekte vertikaler Europ{\"a}isierung stark von der Unterst{\"u}tzung nationaler Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger abh{\"a}ngen. Effekte horizontaler Europ{\"a}isierung in den deutschen Ministerialverwaltungen werden hingegen vom Engagement der einzelnen Akteure bestimmt. Hier entstehen neue Kontakte und Netzwerke, die auf Formen neuartigen Regierens in der EU hinweisen (European Governance).}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Tietz2014, author = {Tietz, Marcel}, title = {Europ{\"a}isches Verwaltungsmanagement : Vergleich von Hauptst{\"a}dten neuer und alter Mitgliedsstaaten der EU am Beispiel der B{\"u}rgerdienste}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-72171}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Im Rahmen der Dissertation wird die Anwendung und Wirkung von Kernelementen des New Public Management (NPM) am Beispiel der B{\"u}rgerdienste der sechs europ{\"a}ischen Hauptst{\"a}dte Berlin, Br{\"u}ssel, Kopenhagen, Madrid, Prag und Warschau analysiert. Hierbei steht der Vergleich von Hauptst{\"a}dten der MOE-Staaten mit Hauptst{\"a}dten alter EU-Mitgliedsstaaten im Vordergrund. Es wird die folgende Forschungshypothese untersucht: Die Verwaltungen in den Hauptst{\"a}dten der {\"o}stlichen Mitgliedsstaaten der EU haben in Folge der grunds{\"a}tzlichen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Umbr{\"u}che in den 1990er Jahren bedeutend mehr Kernelemente des NPM beim Neuaufbau ihrer {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltungen eingef{\"u}hrt. Durch den folgerichtigen Aufbau kundenorientierter und moderner Verwaltungen sowie der strikten Anwendung der Kernelemente des New Public Management arbeiten die B{\"u}rgerdienste in den Hauptst{\"a}dten {\"o}stlicher EU-Mitgliedsstaaten effizienter und wirkungsvoller als vergleichbare B{\"u}rgerdienste in den Hauptst{\"a}dten westlicher EU-Mitgliedsstaaten. Zur {\"U}berpr{\"u}fung der Forschungshypothese werden die Vergleichsst{\"a}dte zun{\"a}chst den entsprechenden Rechts- und Verwaltungstraditionen (kontinentaleurop{\"a}isch deutsch, napoleonisch und skandinavisch) zugeordnet und bez{\"u}glich ihrer Ausgangslage zum Aufbau einer modernen Verwaltung (Westeurop{\"a}ische Verwaltung, Wiedervereinigungsverwaltung und Transformations-verwaltung) kategorisiert. Im Anschluss werden die institutionellen Voraussetzungen hinterfragt, was die deskriptive Darstellung der Stadt- und Verwaltungsgeschichte sowie die Untersuchung von organisatorischen Strukturen der B{\"u}rgerdienste, die Anwendung der NPM-Instrumente als auch die Innen- und Außenperspektive des NPM umfasst. Es wird festgestellt, ob und in welcher Form die B{\"u}rgerdienste der Vergleichsst{\"a}dte die Kernelemente des NPM anwenden. Im Anschluss werden die Vergleichsst{\"a}dte bez{\"u}glich der Anwendung der Kernelemente miteinander verglichen, wobei der Fokus auf dem pers{\"o}nlichen Vertriebsweg und der Kundenorientierung liegt. Der folgende Teil der Dissertation befasst sich mit dem Output der B{\"u}rgerdienste, der auf operative Resultate untersucht und verglichen wird. Hierbei stellt sich insbesondere die Frage nach den Leistungsmengen und der Produktivit{\"a}t des Outputs. Es werden aber auch die Ergebnisse von Verwaltungsprozessen untersucht, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Kundenorientierung. Hierf{\"u}r wird ein Effizienzvergleich der B{\"u}rgerdienste in den Vergleichsst{\"a}dten anhand einer relativen Effizienzmessung und der Free Disposal Hull (FDH)-Methode nach Bouckaert durchgef{\"u}hrt. Es ist eine Konzentration auf popul{\"a}re Dienstleistungen aus dem Portfolio der B{\"u}rgerdienste notwendig. Daher werden die vergleichbaren Dienstleistungen Melde-, Personalausweis-, F{\"u}hrerschein- und Reisepass-angelegenheiten unter Einbeziehung des Vollzeit{\"a}quivalents zur Berechnung der Effizienz der B{\"u}rgerdienste herangezogen. Hierf{\"u}r werden Daten aus den Jahren 2009 bis 2011 genutzt, die teilweise aus verwaltungsinternen Datenbanken stammen. Anschließend wird der Versuch unternommen, den Outcome in die Effizienzanalyse der B{\"u}rgerdienste einfließen zu lassen. In diesem Zusammenhang wird die Anwendbarkeit von verschiedenen erweiterten Best-Practice-Verfahren und auch eine Erweiterung der relativen Effizienzmessung und der FDH-Methode gepr{\"u}ft. Als Gesamtfazit der Dissertation kann festgehalten werden, dass die B{\"u}rgerdienste in den untersuchten Hauptst{\"a}dten der MOE-Staaten nicht mehr Kernelemente des NPM anwenden, als die Hauptst{\"a}dte der westlichen Mitgliedsstaaten der EU. Im Gegenteil wendet Prag deutlich weniger NPM-Instrumente als andere Vergleichsst{\"a}dte an, wohingegen Warschau zwar viele NPM-Instrumente anwendet, jedoch immer von einer westeurop{\"a}ischen Vergleichsstadt {\"u}bertroffen wird. Auch die Hypothese, dass die B{\"u}rgerdienste in den Hauptst{\"a}dten der MOE-Staaten effizienter arbeiten als vergleichbare B{\"u}rgerdienste in den Hauptst{\"a}dten westlicher EU-Mitgliedsstaaten wurde durch die Dissertation entkr{\"a}ftet. Das Gegenteil ist der Fall, da Prag und Warschau im Rahmen des Effizienzvergleichs lediglich durchschnittliche oder schlechte Performances aufweisen. Die aufgestellte Hypothese ist durch die Forschungsergebnisse widerlegt, lediglich das gute Abschneiden der Vergleichsstadt Warschau bei der Anwendungsanalyse kann einen Teil der These im gewissen Umfang best{\"a}tigen.}, language = {de} } @misc{Franzke2009, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Europ{\"a}ische Zeitenwenden}, isbn = {978386956020-5}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-39510}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Der Autor skizziert die europ{\"a}ischen Zeitenwenden vom Ausbruch des Zweiten Weltkrieges {\"u}ber das Wendejahr 1989 bis zur Gegenwart. Seine {\"U}berlegungen st{\"u}tzen sich auf die Konferenz "Das Jahr 1939: Urspr{\"u}nge und Beginn des 2. Weltkriegs", die am 9. September 2009 in Posen stattgefunden hat.}, language = {de} }