@article{SorgeStreeck2018,
  author    = {Sorge, Arndt and Streeck, Wolfgang},
  title     = {Diversified quality production revisited},
  series = {Socio-economic review},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Socio-economic review},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1475-1461},
  doi       = {10.1093/ser/mwy022},
  pages     = {587 -- 612},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major 'complementarities' disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-3980,
  title     = {Die Einf{\"u}hrung des "Neuen Steuerungsmodells" im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark : Chancen und Probleme unter besonderer Ber{\"u}cksichtigung von Personalfragen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-30036},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 1.1. Forschungsziele 1.2. Arbeitsmethodik 1.3. Aufbau der Pilotstudie 2. Kommunale Verwaltungsreform in Brandenburg 3. Die Kreisverwaltung Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.1. Der Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.2. Das Personal der Kreisverwaltung 3.3. Verbeamtungskonzept 3.4. Folgen der Kreisgebietsreform 3.5. Gleichstellungsfragen 4. Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 4.1. Zum Reformansatz 4.2. Weitere Reformschritte 4.3. Ziele der Reform 4.4. Leitbilddiskussion 4.5. Mitarbeiter und Reform 4.6. Personalrat und Reform 4.7. {\"O}TV und Reform 5. Personalfragen bei der Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 5.1. Defizite im Personalbereich 5.2. Zur Arbeitsmotivation der Mitarbeiter in der Kreisverwaltung 5.3. Elemente des modernen Personalmanagements 5.4. Instrumente in der Personalarbeit - 5.4.1. Mitarbeiterbefragung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung 6. Ergebnisse der Pilotstudie 6.1. Besonderheiten der Verwaltungsreform in den neuen Bundesl{\"a}ndern am Beispiel Potsdam-Mittelmark 6.2. Zwischenbilanz zur Umsetzung der Modernisierungskonzeption 6.3. Vorschl{\"a}ge f{\"u}r die Fortsetzung des Projekts},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Fuhr2022,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {Development thinking and practice},
  series = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism},
  booktitle = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism},
  editor    = {R{\"u}land, J{\"u}rgen and Carrapatoso, Astrid},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-80037-755-4},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781800377561.00037},
  pages     = {365 -- 380},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {After some seventy years of intensive debates, there is an increasingly strong consensus within the academic and practitioner communities that development is both an objective and a process towards improving the quality of people's lives in various societal dimensions - economic, social, environmental, cultural and political - and about how subjectively satisfied they are with it. Since 2015, the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations (UN) reflect such consensus. The sections behind this argument are based on a review of (i) three key theoretical contributions to development and different phases of development thinking; (ii) global and regional governance arrangements and institutions for development cooperation; (iii) upcoming challenges to development policy and practice stemming from a series of new global challenges; and, (iv) development policy as a long and steady, increasingly global and participatory learning process.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
  series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1085-794X},
  doi       = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
  pages     = {329 -- 343},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2019,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Designing Democratic Constitutions},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {120},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-44540},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-445408},
  pages     = {13},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Ganghof2019,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Designing Democratic Constitutions},
  series = {Politics and Governance},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Politics and Governance},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Cogitatio Press},
  address   = {Lisbon},
  issn      = {2183-2463},
  doi       = {10.17645/pag.v7i4.2239},
  pages     = {243 -- 253},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CaliendoTuebbicke2021,
  author    = {Caliendo, Marco and T{\"u}bbicke, Stefan},
  title     = {Design and effectiveness of start-up subsidies},
  series = {Economic analysis and policy},
  volume    = {70},
  journal   = {Economic analysis and policy},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0313-5926},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.eap.2021.02.015},
  pages     = {333 -- 340},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While a growing body of literature finds positive impacts of Start-Up Subsidies (SUS) on labor market outcomes of participants, little is known about how the design of these programs shapes their effectiveness and hence how to improve policy. As experimental variation in program design is unavailable, we exploit the 2011 reform of the current German SUS program for the unemployed which strengthened caseworkers' discretionary power, increased entry requirements and reduced monetary support. We estimate the impact of the reform on the program's effectiveness using samples of participants and non-participants from before and after the reform. To control for time-constant unobserved heterogeneity as well as differential selection patterns based on observable characteristics over time, we combine Difference-in-Differences with inverse probability weighting using covariate balancing propensity scores. Holding participants' observed characteristics as well as macroeconomic conditions constant, the results suggest that the reform was successful in raising employment effects on average. As these findings may be contaminated by changes in selection patterns based on unobserved characteristics, we assess our results using simulation-based sensitivity analyses and find that our estimates are highly robust to changes in unobserved characteristics. Hence, the reform most likely had a positive impact on the effectiveness of the program, suggesting that increasing entry requirements and reducing support increased the program's impacts while reducing the cost per participant. (C) 2021 Economic Society of Australia, Queensland. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SchmidtWellenburg2022,
  author    = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian},
  title     = {Democratization or politicization?},
  series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-00-040191-2},
  pages     = {106 -- 128},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Paun2007,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Paun, Christopher},
  title     = {Democratization and police reform},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19487},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization? The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Meyer2007,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Meyer, Eike},
  title     = {Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy", „conditionality" and „positive instruments". For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more "political", although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself - e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021,
  author    = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus},
  title     = {Decision-making in international organizations},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x},
  pages     = {815 -- 845},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ForlenzaTurner2019,
  author    = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.},
  title     = {Das Abendland},
  series = {Critical research on religion : crr},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Critical research on religion : crr},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {2050-3032},
  doi       = {10.1177/2050303218774891},
  pages     = {6 -- 23},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The religious borders of Europe, which are more evident and controversial than ever, challenge established forms of political legitimacy and the legal requirements for citizenship. Perhaps covertly rather than overtly, they shape politics and policies. While scholars have once again resorted to Edward Said's Orientalism to describe the dynamic at play, this article argues that the Orientalism narrative of East and West is too simple to capture the actual complexity of Europe's borders. There are four religious and thus four cultural-symbolic borders, which are increasingly defining the continent: north-western Europe is Protestant, southern Europe is Catholic, the East is Orthodox and increasingly nationalist, and the South and Near East are Muslim. The cultural purity and the values that Europe craves in search of identity and order are simply not available in a world of global interconnectedness and social diversity.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kleemann2021,
  author    = {Kleemann, Steven},
  title     = {Cyber warfare and the "humanization" of international humanitarian law},
  series = {International journal of cyber warfare and terrorism},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {International journal of cyber warfare and terrorism},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {IGI Global},
  address   = {Hershey},
  isbn      = {978-1-7998-6177-5},
  issn      = {1947-3435},
  doi       = {10.4018/IJCWT.2021040101},
  pages     = {1 -- 11},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Cyber warfare is a timely and relevant issue and one of the most controversial in international humanitarian law (IHL). The aim of IHL is to set rules and limits in terms of means and methods of warfare. In this context, a key question arises: Has digital warfare rules or limits, and if so, how are these applicable? Traditional principles, developed over a long period, are facing a new dimension of challenges due to the rise of cyber warfare. This paper argues that to overcome this new issue, it is critical that new humanity-oriented approaches is developed with regard to cyber warfare. The challenge is to establish a legal regime for cyber-attacks, successfully addressing human rights norms and standards. While clarifying this from a legal perspective, the authors can redesign the sensitive equilibrium between humanity and military necessity, weighing the humanitarian aims of IHL and the protection of civilians-in combination with international human rights law and other relevant legal regimes-in a different manner than before.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{JannBouckaert2017,
  author    = {Jann, Werner and Bouckaert, Geert},
  title     = {Current and Future Trends in European Public Sector Research},
  series = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung},
  booktitle = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung},
  editor    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Schwab, Oliver},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-17134-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-17135-3_4},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {43 -- 61},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Emmanuel Kant asked three important questions which will always be with us: What can we know? What should we do? What may we hope for? These three key existentialist questions are, of course, also relevant for a reflection on the future of Public Administration: What can we know, as researchers in the field of Public Administration, about our object of public administration? What should we do as researchers and teachers to make sure we remain part of a solution and to guarantee that we are ahead of reality and its future problems? What kind of improvement (or not) may we hope for a public sector in an increasingly complex society? This chapter tries to explore some possible answers to these three important questions for our field of Public Administration. The background is our common project about 'European Perspectives for Public Administration' (EPPA), which we hope to establish as a continuous dialogue and discourse in the context of European Public Administration and the 'European Group for Public Administration' (EGPA).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BiegertBradyHipp2022,
  author    = {Biegert, Thomas and Brady, David and Hipp, Lena},
  title     = {Cross-national variation in the relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment},
  series = {The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  volume    = {702},
  journal   = {The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {SAGE Publishing},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {0002-7162},
  doi       = {10.1177/00027162221120760},
  pages     = {37 -- 54},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Reform of the U.S. welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the U.S. Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers' employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations},
  series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1758-5880},
  doi       = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {Coping, taming or solving},
  series = {Policy studies},
  volume    = {38},
  journal   = {Policy studies},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0144-2872},
  doi       = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543},
  pages     = {571 -- 588},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Danken2017,
  author    = {Danken, Thomas},
  title     = {Coordination of wicked problems},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {VI, 237},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (L{\"a}nder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don't know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center's role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors' behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Heuberger2022,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz},
  title     = {Coordinating digital government},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-56269},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-562691},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xiii, 136},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government. The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens' perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany's shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Schmidt2016,
  author    = {Schmidt, Peter},
  title     = {Contributions to EU regional policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90837},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xii, 137},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This cumulative dissertation contains four self-contained articles which are related to EU regional policy and its structural funds as the overall research topic. In particular, the thesis addresses the question if EU regional policy interventions can at all be scientifically justified and legitimated on theoretical and empirical grounds from an economics point of view. The first two articles of the thesis ("The EU structural funds as a means to hamper migration" and "Internal migration and EU regional policy transfer payments: a panel data analysis for 28 EU member countries") enter into one particular aspect of the debate regarding the justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. They theoretically and empirically analyse as to whether regional policy or the market force of the free flow of labour (migration) in the internal European market is the better instrument to improve and harmonise the living and working conditions of EU citizens. Based on neoclassical market failure theory, the first paper argues that the structural funds of the EU are inhibiting internal migration, which is one of the key measures in achieving convergence among the nations in the single European market. It becomes clear that European regional policy aiming at economic growth and cohesion among the member states cannot be justified and legitimated if the structural funds hamper instead of promote migration. The second paper, however, shows that the empirical evidence on the migration and regional policy nexus is not unambiguous, i.e. different empirical investigations show that EU structural funds hamper and promote EU internal migration. Hence, the question of the scientific justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy cannot be readily and unambiguously answered on empirical grounds. This finding is unsatisfying but is in line with previous theoretical and empirical literature. That is why, I take a step back and reconsider the theoretical beginnings of the thesis, which took for granted neoclassical market failure theory as the starting point for the positive explanation as well as the normative justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. The third article of the thesis ("EU regional policy: theoretical foundations and policy conclusions revisited") deals with the theoretical explanation and legitimisation of EU regional policy as well as the policy recommendations given to EU regional policymakers deduced from neoclassical market failure theory. The article elucidates that neoclassical market failure is a normative concept, which justifies and legitimates EU regional policy based on a political and thus subjective goal or value-judgement. It can neither be used, therefore, to give a scientifically positive explanation of the structural funds nor to obtain objective and practically applicable policy instruments. Given this critique of neoclassical market failure theory, the third paper consequently calls into question the widely prevalent explanation and justification of EU regional policy given in static neoclassical equilibrium economics. It argues that an evolutionary non-equilibrium economics perspective on EU regional policy is much more appropriate to provide a realistic understanding of one of the largest policies conducted by the EU. However, this does neither mean that evolutionary economic theory can be unreservedly seen as the panacea to positively explain EU regional policy nor to derive objective policy instruments for EU regional policymakers. This issue is discussed in the fourth article of the thesis ("Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy? A critique from an evolutionary perspective"). This article reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticises the fact that neoclassical failure reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. The paper therefore argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Taken together, the main finding of this thesis is that European regional policy and its structural funds can neither theoretically nor empirically be justified and legitimated from an economics point of view. Moreover, the thesis finds that the prevalent positive and instrumental explanation of EU regional policy given in the literature needs to be reconsidered, because these theories can neither scientifically explain the emergence and development of this policy nor are they appropriate to derive objective and scientific policy instruments for EU regional policymakers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-52931,
  title     = {Contesting citizenship},
  series = {The condition of democracy},
  volume    = {2},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy},
  editor    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74536-3},
  doi       = {10.4324/9781003158370},
  pages     = {viii, 190},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
  series = {Review of International Studies},
  volume    = {45},
  journal   = {Review of International Studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
  pages     = {120 -- 140},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
  title     = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
  series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  number    = {14},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Philadelphia},
  issn      = {0190-0692},
  doi       = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
  pages     = {1237 -- 1249},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerReiners2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Connecting international relations and public administration},
  series = {International studies review},
  volume    = {23},
  journal   = {International studies review},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1521-9488},
  doi       = {10.1093/isr/viaa097},
  pages     = {1230 -- 1247},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BouckaertJannMaronetal.2018,
  author    = {Bouckaert, Geert and Jann, Werner and Maron, Fabienne and Ongaro, Edoardo and Sofiane, Sahraoui},
  title     = {Conclusion: EGPA, EPPA an the Future of Public Administration in Europa},
  series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA},
  journal   = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-92855-5},
  doi       = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_32},
  pages     = {355 -- 361},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This chapter outlines the strategy of the European Group for Public Administration (EGPA) and reflects on some of its key strengths, and how these may equip the European community of scholars and practitioners of public administration (PA) to contribute to the development of the field. The chapter reviews the key trait of the EGPA organisational model: the Permanent Study Groups, which are communities of scholars centred on the key areas of the administrative sciences in Europe. It also discusses the partnerships that EGPA has developed with key institutions in Europe and beyond, and highlights the significance of the EGPA policy papers on European governance. Finally, it discusses the strategic, forward-looking project European Perspectives on Public Administration, which aims to reflect on the future of the research and teaching of public administration.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{KuhlmannBouckaert2016,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bouckaert, Geert},
  title     = {Conclusion : Tensions, Challenges, and Future "Flags" of Local Public Sector Reforms and Comparative},
  series = {Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis : national trajectories and international comparisons},
  booktitle = {Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis : national trajectories and international comparisons},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-52547-5},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {347 -- 354},
  year      = {2016},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  editor    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9},
  pages     = {211 -- 224},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  booktitle = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6},
  pages     = {163 -- 176},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HickmannPartzschPattbergetal.2019,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Partzsch, Lena and Pattberg, Philipp H. and Weiland, Sabine},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {The anthropocene debate and political science},
  booktitle = {The anthropocene debate and political science},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-8153-8614-8},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {237 -- 251},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{KriegerLiese2023,
  author    = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {Tracing value change in the international legal order},
  booktitle = {Tracing value change in the international legal order},
  editor    = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-285583-1},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192855831.003.0018},
  pages     = {319 -- C18N113},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Based on the previous findings in this book, Chapter 18 by Heike Krieger and Andrea Liese discusses the general dynamics of change or metamorphosis in the international legal order. They discern a mixed picture of an international order between metamorphosis—that is, a more fundamental transformation—of international law, norm change, turbulences, and robustness. They explain drivers of change and highlight factors such as national interests during the war on terror, changing long-term foreign policy beliefs, and the rise in populism and autocracy, before discussing the most common strategies the actors involved use. Other relevant factors include changes in the political environment, such as shocks and power shifts or the ambiguous role of fragmentation. Moreover, they identify factors that make legal norms robust, including the vital role of norm defenders and legal and institutional structures as stabilizing elements. Krieger and Liese conclude by cautioning that if the attacks on the international order continue at the current frequency and magnitude, a metamorphosis of international law will likely be unstoppable.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Franzmann2017,
  author    = {Franzmann, Simon T.},
  title     = {Competition, contest, and cooperation},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-402961},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters' demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{KuhlmannMarienfeldt2023,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Marienfeldt, Justine},
  title     = {Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe},
  series = {Handbook on local and regional governance},
  booktitle = {Handbook on local and regional governance},
  editor    = {Teles, Filipe},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-80037-119-4},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781800371200.00033},
  pages     = {313 -- 329},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024,
  author    = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik},
  title     = {Comparative vote switching},
  series = {The journal of politics},
  volume    = {86},
  journal   = {The journal of politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  address   = {Chicago, IL},
  issn      = {0022-3816},
  doi       = {10.1086/726952},
  pages     = {597 -- 607},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Comparatice methods B},
  series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  journal   = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham},
  isbn      = {978-1-78990-347-8},
  pages     = {181 -- 196},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BergstroemCopusFranzkeetal.2019,
  author    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Copus, Colin and Franzke, Jochen and Ruano, Jose M. and Schaap, Linze and Vakkala, Hanna},
  title     = {Combining European Research on Local Governance and Local Democracy},
  series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA},
  journal   = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-92855-5},
  pages     = {135 -- 145},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The contribution summarises the scientific discussion and research activities of the EGPA Permanent Study Group 4 (PSG 4) "Local Governance and Local Democracy", founded in 2005. The impetus for proposing this specific PSG was the growing importance of the local level within the multi-level governance system in the European Union and most of its member states. The PSG 4 acts as a European network of research activities inside and outside EGPA, producing joint publications and organising scientific debates on many problems of the development of municipalities and local authorities. Our focus was on discussing both how to improve democracy by increased participation and deliberation, and how to secure provision of services in an efficient way in developed welfare societies. This includes analysing several forms of administrative changes and reforms at the local level and research of representative, direct and cooperative democracy at local level in a cross-European comparison.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SoergelKrieglerBodirskyetal.2021,
  author    = {Soergel, Bjoern and Kriegler, Elmar and Bodirsky, Benjamin Leon and Bauer, Nico and Leimbach, Marian and Popp, Alexander},
  title     = {Combining ambitious climate policies with efforts to eradicate poverty},
  series = {Nature Communications},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Nature Communications},
  publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {2041-1723},
  doi       = {10.1038/s41467-021-22315-9},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Climate change threatens to undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. However, climate policies could impose a financial burden on the global poor through increased energy and food prices. Here, we project poverty rates until 2050 and assess how they are influenced by mitigation policies consistent with the 1.5 degrees C target. A continuation of historical trends will leave 350 million people globally in extreme poverty by 2030. Without progressive redistribution, climate policies would push an additional 50 million people into poverty. However, redistributing the national carbon pricing revenues domestically as an equal-per-capita climate dividend compensates this policy side effect, even leading to a small net reduction of the global poverty headcount (-6 million). An additional international climate finance scheme enables a substantial poverty reduction globally and also in Sub-Saharan Africa. Combining national redistribution with international climate finance thus provides an important entry point to climate policy in developing countries. Ambitious climate policies can negatively impact the global poor by affecting income, food and energy prices. Here, the authors quantify this effect, and show that it can be compensated by national redistribution of the carbon pricing revenues in combination with international climate finance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Debre2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha},
  title     = {Clubs of autocrats},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y},
  pages     = {485 -- 511},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ReichardSchroeter2021,
  author    = {Reichard, Christoph and Schr{\"o}ter, Eckhard},
  title     = {Civil Service and Public Employment},
  series = {Public Administration in Germany},
  journal   = {Public Administration in Germany},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-53696-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_13},
  pages     = {205 -- 223},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The German system of public sector employment (including civil servants and public employees) qualifies as a classical European continental civil service model moulded in traditional forms of a Weberian bureaucracy. Its features include a career-based employment system with entry based on levels of formal qualification. Coordinated by legal frames and centralised collective bargaining, the civil service is, at the same time, decentralised and flexible enough to accommodate regional differences and societal changes. In comparison, the civil service system stands out for its high degrees of professionalism and legal fairness with low levels of corruption or cronyism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Huber2011,
  author    = {Huber, Stefan},
  title     = {Citizens participation in Latvia : still a long road to go?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-49715},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {On the 20.01.1991 the Latvian people defended the Latvian political elite from the Soviet OMON troops in order to achieve independence. After this impressive sign of civil society the people fell asleep, the level of mobility and the satisfaction with the functioning of democracy therefore is rather weak. The referendum (2008), to gain the right to dissolve the Parliament by the people, initiated by the Trade Unions can be assessed as a sign that there is something on the move. This paper is trying to give an impression of the situation of the civil society in terms of participation in the decision- making process. Hereby the focus lays on NGOs: What is the legal base and which problems do they face. To learn more about the situation interviews were organized with representatives of NGOs from different sectors like community development; Social inclusion; advocating gender issues as well as environment and sustainable development. As a result of the research it can be said that the civil society made some steps forward but it is still struggling with a high level of corruption, lack of interested from the elite and the ordinary people and the insecure financial state.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Schmidt2022,
  author    = {Schmidt, Max Oliver},
  title     = {Church asylum as ultima ratio},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74536-3},
  pages     = {36 -- 53},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Ehrentraut2013,
  author    = {Ehrentraut, Stefan},
  title     = {Challenging Khmer citizenship : minorities, the state, and the international community in Cambodia},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70355},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {The idea of a distinctly 'liberal' form of multiculturalism has emerged in the theory and practice of Western democracies and the international community has become actively engaged in its global dissemination via international norms and organizations. This thesis investigates the internationalization of minority rights, by exploring state-minority relations in Cambodia, in light of Will Kymlicka's theory of multicultural citizenship. Based on extensive empirical research, the analysis explores the situation and aspirations of Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese, highland peoples, Muslim Cham, ethnic Chinese and Lao and the relationships between these groups and the state. All Cambodian regimes since independence have defined citizenship with reference to the ethnicity of the Khmer majority and have - often violently - enforced this conception through the assimilation of highland peoples and the Cham and the exclusion of ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese. Cambodia's current constitution, too, defines citizenship ethnically. State-sponsored Khmerization systematically privileges members of the majority culture and marginalizes minority members politically, economically and socially. The thesis investigates various international initiatives aimed at promoting application of minority rights norms in Cambodia. It demonstrates that these initiatives have largely failed to accomplish a greater degree of compliance with international norms in practice. This failure can be explained by a number of factors, among them Cambodia's neo-patrimonial political system, the geo-political fears of a 'minoritized' Khmer majority, the absence of effective regional security institutions, the lack of minority access to political decision-making, the significant differences between international and Cambodian conceptions of modern statehood and citizenship and the emergence of China as Cambodia's most important bilateral donor and investor. Based on this analysis, the dissertation develops recommendations for a sequenced approach to minority rights promotion, with pragmatic, less ambitious shorter-term measures that work progressively towards achievement of international norms in the longer-term.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-169},
  pages     = {169 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Karolewski2010,
  author    = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
  title     = {Challenges to the external identity making in the European Union},
  series = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
  journal   = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
  number    = {15},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1864-0656},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62953},
  pages     = {43 -- 61},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU's external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU's external identity making The EU's external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian},
  title     = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9},
  pages     = {115 -- 130},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Franzke2022,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Challenges of admission and integration of Ukraine war refugees in Germany since the Russian raid in February 2022},
  series = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne},
  booktitle = {Ziemie Zachodnie i P{\´o}łnocne},
  editor    = {Stelmach, Andrzej and Barabasz, Adam and Trosiak, Cezary},
  publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu},
  address   = {Poznań},
  isbn      = {978-83-66740-70-9},
  pages     = {403 -- 412},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannFuhrHoehneetal.2017,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Lederer, Markus and Stehle, Fee},
  title     = {Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries},
  series = {Public administration and development},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Public administration and development},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0271-2075},
  doi       = {10.1002/pad.1814},
  pages     = {331 -- 343},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{WeaverHeinzelJorgensenetal.2022,
  author    = {Weaver, Catherine and Heinzel, Mirko and Jorgensen, Samantha and Flores, Joseph},
  title     = {Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank},
  series = {Global perspectives},
  volume    = {3},
  journal   = {Global perspectives},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {University of California Press},
  address   = {Oakland, CA},
  issn      = {2575-7350},
  doi       = {10.1525/gp.2022.39684},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions' technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hocking1996,
  author    = {Hocking, Brian},
  title     = {Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Koasidis2006,
  author    = {Koasidis, Jannis},
  title     = {Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48404},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-52169},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Review of international political economy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Review of international political economy},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0969-2290},
  doi       = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711},
  pages     = {1249 -- 1273},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
  pages     = {1 -- 199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{MarUngerWalderdorffetal.2022,
  author    = {Mar, Kathleen A. and Unger, Charlotte and Walderdorff, Ludmila and Butler, Tim},
  title     = {Beyond CO2 equivalence},
  series = {Environmental science \& policy},
  volume    = {134},
  journal   = {Environmental science \& policy},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1462-9011},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.envsci.2022.03.027},
  pages     = {127 -- 136},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Lange2018,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Lange, Felix},
  title     = {Between Systematization and Expertise for Foreign Policy},
  series = {KFG Working Paper Series},
  journal   = {KFG Working Paper Series},
  number    = {8},
  issn      = {2509-3770},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-42189},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-421895},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler's increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with v{\"o}lkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of v{\"o}lkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of 'international society as a legal community' by analysing international practice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Campbell2004,
  author    = {Campbell, Edwina S.},
  title     = {Berlin : look to the world!},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46591},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {In the spring 2004 issue of WeltTrends, Professor Gunther Hellmann made a „plea for offensive idealism" and „against the power political resocialization of German foreign policy". To a long-time outside observer of that foreign policy, this plea is unsurprising, but depressing. In keeping with Professor Hellmann's own willingness, „notwendige Differenzierungen [zu] vernachl{\"a}ssigen zugunsten einer bewussten Zuspitzung" I will comment on the aspects of his argument that strike an American colleague as particularly disturbing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ReithSeyfried2018,
  author    = {Reith, Florian and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Balancing the Moods},
  series = {Higher education policy},
  volume    = {32},
  journal   = {Higher education policy},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  issn      = {0952-8733},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41307-018-0124-6},
  pages     = {71 -- 91},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Quality management (QM) has spread around the world and reached higher education in Europe in the early 1990s (Mendel, 2006, 137; Kernegger and Vettori, 2013, 1). However, researchers were rather more interested in national quality assurance policies (macro-level) and accreditation systems (meso-level) than in intra-organizational perspectives about the day-to-day implementation of quality assurance policies by various actors (micro-level). Undoubtedly, organizational change is a challenging endeavor for all kinds of groups. On the one hand, it provides the opportunity of further development and innovation, but on the other hand, it exposes organizations and actors to the risk of losing established structures and accepted routines. Like in many other organizations, actors may not necessarily perceive change as a promoter of innovation and development. Instead, they may consider change as a threat to the existing status quo or, as March points out, as an "interplay between rationality and foolishness" (March, 1981, 563). Consequently, change provokes either affective or behavioral actions (Armenakis and Bedeian, 1999, 308-310), such as, for example, resistance. Anderson (2006, 2008) and Lucas (2014) have shown, for example, that academic resistance is an important issue. However, Piderit characterizes resistance as a multidimensional construct (Piderit, 2000, 786-787) subject to a wide variety of issues related to quality and QM. Although QM has been described as a "fashion" (Stensaker, 2007, 101) in the higher education sector that provokes many different reactions, its implementation in higher education institutions (HEIs) is still a rather unexplored field. Thus, the evidence provided by Anderson (2006, 2008) and others (Newton, 2000, 2002; McInnis et al., 1995; Fredman and Doughney, 2012; Lucas, 2014; etc.) needs to be expanded, because they only consider the perspective of academia. In particular, the view of other actors during the implementation of quality assurance policies is a missing piece in this empirical puzzle. Nearly nothing is known about how quality managers deal with reactions to organizational change like resistance and obstruction. Until now, only a few studies have focused on intra-organizational dynamics (see, for example: Csizmadia et al., 2008; Lipnicka, 2016). Besides the lack of research on the implementation of quality assurance policies in HEIs, quality managers seem to be an interesting subject for further investigations because they are "endogenous" to institutional processes. On the one hand, quality managers are the result of quality assurance policies, and on the other hand, they influence the implementation of quality assurance policies, which affect other actors (like academics, administrative staff, etc.). Here, quality managers, as members of an emerging higher education profession, are involved in various conflict lines between QM, HEI management and departments, which need further research (Seyfried and Pohlenz, 2018, 9). Therefore, the aim of our paper is twofold: firstly, to answer the question of how quality managers perceive resistance, and secondly, which measures they take in situations of perceived resistance. We offer a new research perspective and argue that resistance is not merely provoked by organizational change; it also provokes counter-reactions by actors who are confronted with resistance. Thus, resistance seems to be rather endogenous. To theorize our argument, we apply parts of the work of Christine Oliver (1991), which provides theoretical insights into strategic responses to institutional processes, ranging from acquiescence to manipulation (Oliver, 1991, 152). We, therefore, investigate the introduction of QM in teaching and learning, and the emergence of quality managers as higher education professionals as one of the results of quality assurance policies. Consequently, the introduction of QM may be considered as an institutional process provoking reactions and counter-reactions of various organizational units within HEIs. These circumstances are constitutive for how quality managers deal with resistance and other reactions toward organizational change. We use this theoretical framework to analyze the German higher education sector, because this particular case can be considered as a latecomer in New Public Management reforms (Schimank, 2005, 369) and Germany is a country where academic self-governance plays a very important role, and strongly influences academics' behavior when it comes to organizational change (Wolter, 2004). Our empirical results are based on a mixed-methods research design and integrate half-structured interviews and a nationwide survey at the central level in German HEIs, which excludes faculty members of QM (decentral level). They reveal that quality managers take different types of action when resistance occurs during the implementation of quality assurance policies. Furthermore, quality managers mainly react with different tactics. These tactics seem to be relevant for convincing academics and for the enhancement of their commitment to improve the quality of teaching and learning, instead of provoking further resistance or avoidance practices. This article proceeds as follows: the next sections describe the context and explain our main theoretical concepts referring to the work of Oliver (1991) and others. After that, we present our case selection and the methodological framework, including the data sources and the operationalization of selected variables. Finally, we provide our empirical results about quality managers' perceptions on resistance and we draw conclusions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander},
  title     = {Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism},
  series = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  volume    = {53},
  journal   = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1036-1146},
  doi       = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487},
  pages     = {211 -- 233},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system - a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government - which we call 'semi-parliamentary government'. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander},
  title     = {Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism},
  series = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  journal   = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412984},
  pages     = {24},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system - a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government - which we call 'semi- parliamentary government'. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two- dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Zhu2017,
  author    = {Zhu, Jinshan},
  title     = {Assessing China's price review policy on Clean Development Mechanism projects},
  series = {European Journal of Law and Economics},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {European Journal of Law and Economics},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0929-1261},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10657-016-9550-3},
  pages     = {285 -- 316},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China's price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China's price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China's price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55\% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn't have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2023,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Are international organisations in decline?},
  series = {Global policy},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Global policy},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1758-5880},
  doi       = {10.1111/1758-5899.13170},
  pages     = {16 -- 30},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Many international organisations (IOs) are currently challenged, yet are they also in decline? Despite much debate on the crisis of liberal international order, con-testation, loss of legitimacy, gridlock, pathologies and exiting member states, there is little research on IO decline. This article seeks to clarify this concept and argues that decline can be considered in absolute and relative terms. Absolute decline involves a decrease in the number of IOs and their authority, member-ship and output, whereas relative decline concerns a decrease in the centrality of IOs in international relations. Reviewing a wide range of indicators, this article argues that, whereas there is limited decline in absolute terms since 1945, there may well be important decline in relative terms. Relative decline is more difficult to measure, but to probe its significance this article presents data from speeches during the United Nations General Assembly General Debate. It shows that IOs were most often mentioned in 1996 and that there has been a decline since. These findings indicate that, whereas IOs might survive as institutions, they are decreasingly central to international relations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019,
  author    = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena},
  title     = {An organizational approach to public governance},
  series = {Public administration},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Public administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0033-3298},
  doi       = {10.1111/padm.12590},
  pages     = {483 -- 485},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HolzscheiterGholiaghaLiese2022,
  author    = {Holzscheiter, Anna and Gholiagha, Sassan and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions},
  series = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations},
  volume    = {36},
  journal   = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1360-0826},
  doi       = {10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352},
  pages     = {25 -- 48},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannBogumil2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Administrative Reforms in the Multilevel System},
  series = {Public Administration in Germany},
  journal   = {Public Administration in Germany},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-53696-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_16},
  pages     = {271 -- 289},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter analyses recent reforms in the multilevel system of the L{\"a}nder, specifically territorial, functional and structural reforms, which represent three of the most crucial and closely interconnected reform trajectories at the subnational level. It sheds light on the variety of reform approaches pursued in the different L{\"a}nder and also highlights some factors that account for these differences. The transfer of state functions to local governments is addressed as well as the restructuring of L{\"a}nder administrations (e.g. abolishment of the meso level of the L{\"a}nder administration and of single-purpose state agencies) and the rescaling of territorial boundaries at county and municipal levels, including a brief review of the recently failed (territorial) reforms in Eastern Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020,
  author    = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Activating norm collisions},
  series = {Global constitutionalism},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Global constitutionalism},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {2045-3817},
  doi       = {10.1017/S2045381719000388},
  pages     = {290 -- 317},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KlunReichard2018,
  author    = {Klun, Maja and Reichard, Christoph},
  title     = {Accreditation in European Public Administration},
  series = {Public Administration in Europe: Governance and Public Management},
  journal   = {Public Administration in Europe: Governance and Public Management},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-92855-5},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_31},
  pages     = {345 -- 354},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {With the aim to improve the quality of public administration (PA) programmes in Europe, EGPA established in 1999—together with the Network of Institutes and Schools of Public Administration in Central and Eastern Europe (NISPAcee)—the European Association for Public Administration Accreditation (EAPAA). This chapter presents the development of EAPAA in the last two decades and the experiences made with voluntary accreditation of academic PA programmes in Europe. The authors illustrate the basic accreditation concept of EAPAA, its integration into the European quality assurance institutions and the scope of accreditation missions over time. Finally, the effects of accreditation measures in the educational field of PA are discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{UllmannvonStaden2023,
  author    = {Ullmann, Andreas J. and von Staden, Andreas},
  title     = {A room full of 'views'},
  series = {Journal of conflict resolution},
  volume    = {68},
  journal   = {Journal of conflict resolution},
  number    = {2-3},
  publisher = {Sage Publications},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {0022-0027},
  doi       = {10.1177/00220027231160460},
  pages     = {534 -- 561},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Scianna2019,
  author    = {Scianna, Bastian Matteo},
  title     = {A predisposition to brutality?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
  number    = {165},
  issn      = {1866-8380},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43421},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434218},
  pages     = {968 -- 993},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The German Sonderweg thesis has been discarded in most research fields. Yet in regards to the military, things differ: all conflicts before the Second World War are interpreted as prelude to the war of extermination between 1939-1945. This article specifically looks at the Franco-Prussian War 1870-71 and German behaviour vis-{\`a}-vis regular combatants, civilians and irregular guerrilla fighters, the so-called francs-tireurs. The author argues that the counter-measures were not exceptional for nineteenth century warfare and also shows how selective reading of the existing secondary literature has distorted our view on the war.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Kamprath2014,
  author    = {Kamprath, Martin},
  title     = {A microfoundations perspectives on fresight and business models},
  pages     = {224},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Jakupec2017,
  author    = {Jakupec, Viktor},
  title     = {A Critique of the development aid discourse},
  series = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda},
  journal   = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-72748-6},
  issn      = {2211-4548},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_3},
  pages     = {37 -- 52},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2},
  pages     = {25 -- 46},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.},
  language  = {en}
}