@misc{vanHeldenReichard2018, author = {van Helden, Jan and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Management control and public sector performance management}, series = {Baltic Journal of Management}, volume = {14}, journal = {Baltic Journal of Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {1746-5265}, doi = {10.1108/BJM-01-2018-0021}, pages = {158 -- 176}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how evolving ideas about management control (MC) emerge in research about public sector performance management (PSPM). Design/methodology/approach This is a literature review on PSPM research through using a set of key terms derived from a review of recent developments in MC. Findings MC research, originating in the management accounting discipline, is largely disconnected from PSPM research as part of public administration and public management disciplines. Overlaps between MC and PSPM research are visible in a cybernetic control approach, control variety and contingency-based reasoning. Both academic communities share an understanding of certain issues, although under diverging labels, especially enabling controls or, in a more general sense, usable performance controls, horizontal controls and control packaging. Specific MC concepts are valuable for future PSPM research, i.e. trust as a complement of performance-based controls in complex settings, and strategy as a variable in contingency-based studies. Research limitations/implications Breaking the boundaries between two currently remote research disciplines, on the one hand, might dismantle "would-be" innovations in one of these disciplines, and, on the other hand, may provide a fertile soil for mutual transfer of knowledge. A limitation of the authors' review of PSPM research is that it may insufficiently cover research published in the public sector accounting journals, which could be an outlet for MC-inspired PSPM research. Originality/value The paper unravels the "apparent" and "real" differences between MC and PSPM research, and, in doing so, takes the detected "real" differences as a starting point for discussing in what ways PSPM research can benefit from MC achievements.}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2018, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Die Sanktionsaussch{\"u}sse zwischen Macht und Regeln}, series = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen}, volume = {66}, journal = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen}, number = {2}, publisher = {BWV}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0042-384X}, pages = {62 -- 66}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverd{\"a}chtiger Personen, werden fernab der {\"O}ffentlichkeit in Sanktionsaussch{\"u}ssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Aussch{\"u}sse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich ver{\"a}ndert.}, language = {de} } @article{SeyfriedAnsmann2018, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Ansmann, Moritz}, title = {Unfreezing higher education institutions?}, series = {Higher Education}, volume = {75}, journal = {Higher Education}, number = {6}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {0018-1560}, doi = {10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2}, pages = {1061 -- 1076}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly "infected" the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin's seminal concept of "unfreezing" organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.}, language = {en} } @article{Schmidt2018, author = {Schmidt, Peter}, title = {Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy?}, series = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics}, volume = {28}, journal = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics}, number = {4}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {New York}, issn = {0936-9937}, doi = {10.1007/s00191-018-0564-6}, pages = {785 -- 803}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.}, language = {en} } @article{Yilmaz2018, author = {Yilmaz, Zafer}, title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey}, series = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, volume = {29}, journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, number = {3}, publisher = {Duke Univ. Press}, address = {Durham}, issn = {1047-4552}, doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168}, pages = {55 -- 77}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.}, language = {en} } @article{Wenzel2018, author = {Wenzel, Bertolt}, title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?}, series = {Public Policy and Administration}, volume = {33}, journal = {Public Policy and Administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0952-0767}, doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764}, pages = {149 -- 169}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.}, language = {en} } @article{SorgeStreeck2018, author = {Sorge, Arndt and Streeck, Wolfgang}, title = {Diversified quality production revisited}, series = {Socio-economic review}, volume = {16}, journal = {Socio-economic review}, number = {3}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1475-1461}, doi = {10.1093/ser/mwy022}, pages = {587 -- 612}, year = {2018}, abstract = {We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major 'complementarities' disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2018, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs}, series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8}, pages = {203 -- 225}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.}, language = {en} } @article{Hustedt2018, author = {Hustedt, Thurid}, title = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles}, series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, journal = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78643-169-1}, pages = {72 -- 90}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock}, series = {Case Studies in the Environment}, volume = {2}, journal = {Case Studies in the Environment}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland}, issn = {2473-9510}, doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2018}, abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.}, language = {en} } @article{Scheller2018, author = {Scheller, Henrik}, title = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?}, series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, journal = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press}, address = {Montreal}, isbn = {978-1-55339-535-5}, pages = {255 -- 279}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {53}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1036-1146}, doi = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487}, pages = {211 -- 233}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system - a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government - which we call 'semi-parliamentary government'. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Semi-parliamentary government in perspective}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {53}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1036-1146}, doi = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488}, pages = {264 -- 269}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more 'normative' than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of 'direct election' equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the 'equilibrium' nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over 'instrumentalist' concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems.}, language = {en} } @article{ReithSeyfried2018, author = {Reith, Florian and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Balancing the Moods}, series = {Higher education policy}, volume = {32}, journal = {Higher education policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {0952-8733}, doi = {10.1057/s41307-018-0124-6}, pages = {71 -- 91}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Quality management (QM) has spread around the world and reached higher education in Europe in the early 1990s (Mendel, 2006, 137; Kernegger and Vettori, 2013, 1). However, researchers were rather more interested in national quality assurance policies (macro-level) and accreditation systems (meso-level) than in intra-organizational perspectives about the day-to-day implementation of quality assurance policies by various actors (micro-level). Undoubtedly, organizational change is a challenging endeavor for all kinds of groups. On the one hand, it provides the opportunity of further development and innovation, but on the other hand, it exposes organizations and actors to the risk of losing established structures and accepted routines. Like in many other organizations, actors may not necessarily perceive change as a promoter of innovation and development. Instead, they may consider change as a threat to the existing status quo or, as March points out, as an "interplay between rationality and foolishness" (March, 1981, 563). Consequently, change provokes either affective or behavioral actions (Armenakis and Bedeian, 1999, 308-310), such as, for example, resistance. Anderson (2006, 2008) and Lucas (2014) have shown, for example, that academic resistance is an important issue. However, Piderit characterizes resistance as a multidimensional construct (Piderit, 2000, 786-787) subject to a wide variety of issues related to quality and QM. Although QM has been described as a "fashion" (Stensaker, 2007, 101) in the higher education sector that provokes many different reactions, its implementation in higher education institutions (HEIs) is still a rather unexplored field. Thus, the evidence provided by Anderson (2006, 2008) and others (Newton, 2000, 2002; McInnis et al., 1995; Fredman and Doughney, 2012; Lucas, 2014; etc.) needs to be expanded, because they only consider the perspective of academia. In particular, the view of other actors during the implementation of quality assurance policies is a missing piece in this empirical puzzle. Nearly nothing is known about how quality managers deal with reactions to organizational change like resistance and obstruction. Until now, only a few studies have focused on intra-organizational dynamics (see, for example: Csizmadia et al., 2008; Lipnicka, 2016). Besides the lack of research on the implementation of quality assurance policies in HEIs, quality managers seem to be an interesting subject for further investigations because they are "endogenous" to institutional processes. On the one hand, quality managers are the result of quality assurance policies, and on the other hand, they influence the implementation of quality assurance policies, which affect other actors (like academics, administrative staff, etc.). Here, quality managers, as members of an emerging higher education profession, are involved in various conflict lines between QM, HEI management and departments, which need further research (Seyfried and Pohlenz, 2018, 9). Therefore, the aim of our paper is twofold: firstly, to answer the question of how quality managers perceive resistance, and secondly, which measures they take in situations of perceived resistance. We offer a new research perspective and argue that resistance is not merely provoked by organizational change; it also provokes counter-reactions by actors who are confronted with resistance. Thus, resistance seems to be rather endogenous. To theorize our argument, we apply parts of the work of Christine Oliver (1991), which provides theoretical insights into strategic responses to institutional processes, ranging from acquiescence to manipulation (Oliver, 1991, 152). We, therefore, investigate the introduction of QM in teaching and learning, and the emergence of quality managers as higher education professionals as one of the results of quality assurance policies. Consequently, the introduction of QM may be considered as an institutional process provoking reactions and counter-reactions of various organizational units within HEIs. These circumstances are constitutive for how quality managers deal with resistance and other reactions toward organizational change. We use this theoretical framework to analyze the German higher education sector, because this particular case can be considered as a latecomer in New Public Management reforms (Schimank, 2005, 369) and Germany is a country where academic self-governance plays a very important role, and strongly influences academics' behavior when it comes to organizational change (Wolter, 2004). Our empirical results are based on a mixed-methods research design and integrate half-structured interviews and a nationwide survey at the central level in German HEIs, which excludes faculty members of QM (decentral level). They reveal that quality managers take different types of action when resistance occurs during the implementation of quality assurance policies. Furthermore, quality managers mainly react with different tactics. These tactics seem to be relevant for convincing academics and for the enhancement of their commitment to improve the quality of teaching and learning, instead of provoking further resistance or avoidance practices. This article proceeds as follows: the next sections describe the context and explain our main theoretical concepts referring to the work of Oliver (1991) and others. After that, we present our case selection and the methodological framework, including the data sources and the operationalization of selected variables. Finally, we provide our empirical results about quality managers' perceptions on resistance and we draw conclusions.}, language = {en} } @article{KrauseVanThiel2018, author = {Krause, Tobias Alexander and Van Thiel, Sandra}, title = {Perceived managerial autonomy in municipally owned corporations}, series = {Public management review}, volume = {21}, journal = {Public management review}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1471-9037}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2018.1473472}, pages = {187 -- 211}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Many European municipalities rely on municipally owned corporations (MOCs) to serve the public interest. Some MOCs, e.g. utilities or hospitals, are also aimed at generating financial revenue, others provide funded services like public transportation. Our article explores local governments' approaches to the managerial control of influential MOCs. To conceptualize control, we distinguish control mechanisms (e.g. output control), correlates (e.g. policy-profession conflict), and perceived managerial autonomy. Drawing on a sample of 243 MOC top managers in Germany, structural equation modelling reveals four complex relationships between output control, process control, supervisor trust, and policy-profession conflict as antecedents of perceived managerial autonomy.}, language = {en} } @article{RingelingReichard2018, author = {Ringeling, Arthur and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Some Reflections on the Development of Education for Public Administration in Europe}, series = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92856-2}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_19}, pages = {203 -- 212}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The chapter presents an overview about the evolution of the teaching dimension in the academic debate within the EGPA community. Major topics of EGPA's permanent study group on "PA and teaching" over the last decade are displayed. From a more general perspective, the authors discuss the various types and target groups of academic programs in Public Administration and their change over time. They also shed some light on the change of contents and pedagogical approaches in the last decades. Furthermore, different patterns and degrees of institutionalization of Public Administration as academic discipline across Europe are illustrated. In a short r{\´e}sum{\´e} the authors reflect about future educational developments in our field and about the role of EGPA}, language = {en} } @book{FleischerBertelsSchulzeGabrechten2018, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bertels, Jana and Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena}, title = {Stabilit{\"a}t und Flexibilit{\"a}t}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5258-4}, pages = {83}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Wie und warum {\"a}ndern sich die formalen Strukturen von Ministerien? Dieser Band pr{\"a}sentiert die Ergebnisse der ersten umfassenden formalen Organisationsstrukturanalyse der Bundesverwaltung zwischen 1980 und 2015. Neben einer Beschreibung der internen Dynamiken im Zeitverlauf, u.a. zur Anzahl und Verbreitung von Organisationseinheiten, zur Ver{\"a}nderungsintensit{\"a}t und zu den Arten der Ver{\"a}nderungsereignisse, werden zentrale politik- und verwaltungswissenschaftliche Erkl{\"a}rungsperspektiven er{\"o}rtert. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass sich die Bundesministerien in den letzten Jahrzehnten ausdifferenziert haben und dabei (partei-)politische aber auch politikfeldspezifische Motive relevant sind. Daneben wird in zahlreichen Beispielen illustriert, welche externen und internen Faktoren die strukturelle Entwicklung der Bundesverwaltung beeinflussen.}, language = {de} } @article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018, author = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.}, title = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern}, series = {Soil use and Management}, volume = {34}, journal = {Soil use and Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0266-0032}, doi = {10.1111/sum.12409}, pages = {28 -- 36}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.}, language = {en} } @article{Reiners2018, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Kontroversen um die Reform der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane}, series = {Vereinte Nationen}, volume = {66}, journal = {Vereinte Nationen}, number = {6}, publisher = {BWV, Berliner Wiss.-Verl.}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0042-384X}, pages = {266 -- 271}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Das UN-Menschenrechtssystem steht unter gewaltigem Druck. In den aktuellen Diskussionen um die Reform der Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane offenbart sich eine Kluft zwischen Staaten in der Generalversammlung und Ausschussmitgliedern mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren.}, language = {de} } @article{Dornfeldt2018, author = {Dornfeldt, Matthias}, title = {Oslo zwischen Berlin und Moskau}, series = {Welt-Trends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {26}, journal = {Welt-Trends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {140}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-85-9}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {40 -- 44}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @book{NanzLeggewie2018, author = {Nanz, Patrizia and Leggewie, Claus}, title = {Die Konsultative}, publisher = {Wagenbach}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-8031-2810-2}, pages = {125}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Not in my backyard versus Mitsprache f{\"u}r alle. Nur mit der Weisheit der Vielen k{\"o}nnen die dr{\"a}ngenden Fragen der Zukunft gel{\"o}st werden. Die vierte Gewalt, die Konsultative, ist ihr Sprachrohr. Unsere Demokratie wird nicht mehr ohne sie auskommen k{\"o}nnen. Demokratie in der Krise? Politikverdrossenheit allerorten? Verh{\"o}hnung und Wut der B{\"u}rger wie bei Stuttgart 21? Das ist nur die eine Seite der Medaille. Auf der anderen fordern immer mehr B{\"u}rger Mitspracherechte und Gestaltungsmacht. Großprojekte wie die Energiewende bed{\"u}rfen der Unterst{\"u}tzung aller, und dazu m{\"u}ssen auch tats{\"a}chlich alle im Vorhinein einbezogen werden. An vielen Orten beratschlagen engagierte B{\"u}rger nun zum Beispiel {\"u}ber den Trassenverlauf von Stromleitungen. Noch viel zu selten, aber immer h{\"a}ufiger findet eine breite und tiefgehende Konsultation der B{\"u}rgerschaft statt, bevor Gesetze entwickelt und beschlossen werden. Wir sind mittendrin in der Beteiligungsrevolution. Patrizia Nanz und Claus Leggewie, leidenschaftliche Streiter f{\"u}r Partizipation und die Demokratisierung der Demokratie, fordern die Institutionalisierung von Zukunftsr{\"a}ten, ein fl{\"a}chendeckendes Netz konsultativer Gremien von der lokalen bis zur europ{\"a}ischen Ebene. Sie haben mit diesem Konzept nicht nur ein wegweisendes Modell entwickelt, sondern unterst{\"u}tzen l{\"a}ngst B{\"u}rger aktiv dabei, sich politische Handlungsspielr{\"a}ume zur{\"u}ckzuerobern. Gemeinsam erarbeiten sie praktikable L{\"o}sungsvorschl{\"a}ge f{\"u}r aktuelle Fragen wie die Unterbringung von Gefl{\"u}chteten oder jahrzehntelang schwelende Konflikte wie den um die Endlagerung von Atomm{\"u}ll. Mit einem neuen Kapitel zur digitalen B{\"u}rgerbeteiligung.}, language = {de} } @book{Thimm2018, author = {Thimm, Tobias}, title = {Die Migration bulgarischer Staatsb{\"u}rger nach Deutschland}, series = {WeltTrends Thesis}, journal = {WeltTrends Thesis}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-425-8}, issn = {1866-0738}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-404713}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {114}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Viele der mittelost- und s{\"u}dosteurop{\"a}ischen L{\"a}nder haben mit der Migration ihrer Staatsb{\"u}rger nach Westeuropa zu k{\"a}mpfen und beklagen den brain drain ihrer jungen und gut ausgebildeten Generation. Dieses Buch widmet sich der Migration bulgarischer Staatsb{\"u}rger nach Deutschland und analysiert die positiven sowie negativen Auswirkungen der Migration auf Bulgarien als Herkunftsland selbst. Es werden die Daten, Personengruppen und Ursachen der Migration unter Ber{\"u}cksichtigung der Push- und Pull-Faktoren beider L{\"a}nder seit dem EU-Beitritt 2007, insbesondere seit der EU-Arbeitnehmerfreiz{\"u}gigkeit 2014, analysiert. Ferner steht die Frage im Vordergrund, wie der bulgarische Staat und die Zivilgesellschaft mit dem Ph{\"a}nomen der Massenmigration umgehen und was zus{\"a}tzlich getan werden k{\"o}nnte, um die Migration gezielter zu steuern und so mehr Bulgaren f{\"u}r eine Zukunft in der Heimat zu begeistern.}, language = {de} } @misc{GieblerRuthTanneberg2018, author = {Giebler, Heiko and Ruth, Saskia P. and Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Why choice matters}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {104}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-42789}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-427891}, pages = {10}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Measures of democracy are in high demand. Scientific and public audiences use them to describe political realities and to substantiate causal claims about those realities. This introduction to the thematic issue reviews the history of democracy measurement since the 1950s. It identifies four development phases of the field, which are characterized by three recurrent topics of debate: (1) what is democracy, (2) what is a good measure of democracy, and (3) do our measurements of democracy register real-world developments? As the answers to those questions have been changing over time, the field of democracy measurement has adapted and reached higher levels of theoretical and methodological sophistication. In effect, the challenges facing contemporary social scientists are not only limited to the challenge of constructing a sound index of democracy. Today, they also need a profound understanding of the differences between various measures of democracy and their implications for empirical applications. The introduction outlines how the contributions to this thematic issue help scholars cope with the recurrent issues of conceptualization, measurement, and application, and concludes by identifying avenues for future research.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Schukraft2018, author = {Schukraft, Stefan}, title = {Legislativer Konflikt in den deutschen L{\"a}ndern}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-450-0}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-42216}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-422162}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {563}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten in parlamentarischen Systemen mit ihrem Dualismus aus Regierungslager und Oppositionsparteien bilden sich nicht frei. Vielmehr findet ihre Koordination in einem Spannungsfeld aus den programmatischen Positionen der Akteure und ihrem opportunistischen Wettbewerb untereinander statt. Diese Problematik bricht die Arbeit auf drei konkrete Fragestellungen herunter, im Rahmen derer sie die Konfliktmuster zwischen Akteuren bei der legislativen Mehrheitskoordination unter Mehrheitsregierungen in den deutschen Landesparlamenten untersucht: 1) Inwieweit h{\"a}ngt es von programmatischen Positionen oder vom opportunistischen Wettbewerb des Neuen Dualismus zwischen Regierungslager und Oppositionsparteien ab, ob Oppositionsparteien und Regierungslager bei der Bildung von Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten kooperieren oder konfligieren? 2) Inwieweit kommt es vor dem Hintergrund unterschiedlicher programmatischer Positionen und opportunistischer {\"U}berlegungen zu Konflikt statt Kooperation zwischen Koalitionsakteuren bei der Bildung gemeinsamer Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten? Letztere Fragestellung wird sodann auch in den Kontext des bundesrepublikanischen Kooperativf{\"o}deralismus eingebettet: 3) Inwieweit geht die Bildung von Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten bei der Ausf{\"u}hrung von Bundesgesetzen in Mischkoalitionen (bestehend aus Parteien, die sich auf Bundesebene in konkurrierenden Lagern gegen{\"u}berstehen) mit mehr Konflikt einher als in ebenen{\"u}bergreifend kongruenten Regierungskoalitionen? Theoretisch wird ein rationalistisches Modell der grundlegenden Handlungsanreize bei der Bildung von Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten in den deutschen Landesparlamenten erarbeitet. Auf dieser Basis besch{\"a}ftigt sich die Arbeit damit, wie die Akteure strategisch programmatische und opportunistische Anreize zu Konflikt und Kooperation abw{\"a}gen. Die Arbeit leitet dann konkrete Determinanten ab, die vorwiegend - aber nicht nur - mittels quantitativer Methoden getestet werden. Die Arbeit st{\"u}tzt sich dabei auf eine gr{\"o}ßtenteils neu zusammengestellte Gesetzgebungsdatenbank aus 3.359 Gesetzgebungsvorg{\"a}ngen aus 23 Legislaturperioden zwischen 1990 und 2013 in den L{\"a}ndern Hamburg, Hessen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Nordrhein-Westfalen und Sachsen-Anhalt. Die Analyse der Konfliktmuster zwischen Oppositionsparteien und Regierungslager zeigt, dass programmatische Distanz einer Oppositionspartei zum Regierungslager f{\"u}r Oppositionsverhalten eine Rolle spielt; dies gilt jedoch auch f{\"u}r opportunistische Aspekte (so l{\"a}sst sich beispielsweise ein kompetitiveres Oppositionsverhalten beobachten, wenn nach der letzten Wahl ein vollst{\"a}ndiger Regierungswechsel erfolgte). Oppositionsverhalten erscheint dabei recht kleinteilig ausgepr{\"a}gt. Neben Unterschieden zwischen Legislaturperioden treten solche auch innerhalb von Legislaturperioden zwischen Akteuren sowie zwischen Gesetzentw{\"u}rfen auf. Die Analyse generellen Koalitionskonflikts weist darauf hin, dass ein nicht unerheblicher Teil von Koalitionskonflikt strukturell bedingt ist. Handelt es sich bei einer gebildeten Regierungskoalition um die Wunschkoalition der beteiligten Parteien, so ist dies Koalitionskonflikt abtr{\"a}glich. Selbiges gilt f{\"u}r eine gr{\"o}ßere Mehrheitsmarge des Regierungslagers. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus ergeben sich Hinweise, dass die Ausf{\"u}hrung von Bundesgesetzen unter Mischkoalitionen bei bundespolitischer Abgrenzung der Koalitionspartner mit mehr Koalitionskonflikt einhergeht als eine Ausf{\"u}hrung unter kongruenten Koalitionen. Der Beitrag der Arbeit ist polymorph angelegt. Sie hilft zun{\"a}chst, die Strategien von Akteuren im Gesetzgebungsprozess besser zu verstehen. Als normativer Beitrag tritt auf einer zweiten Ebene die bessere Erforschung etwaiger nachteiliger Effekte des Neuen Dualismus unter Mehrheitsregierungen hinzu. Gleichzeitig soll die Arbeit drittens in der Zusammenschau helfen, die Mechanik der parlamentarischen Systeme in den L{\"a}ndern selbst zu erhellen und besser normativ bewerten zu k{\"o}nnen. Hintergrund sind hier die jahrzehntealten Debatten um das beste Regierungssystem und -format der deutschen L{\"a}nder als subnationale Entit{\"a}ten. Die dritte Fragestellung dieser Arbeit konnte diese Debatte zudem mit einem neuen Aspekt bereichern. Wissen dar{\"u}ber, inwieweit die Ausf{\"u}hrung von Bundesgesetzen in den L{\"a}ndern je nach ebenen{\"u}bergreifendem Koalitionsmuster in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß mit einem ‚coalition governance'-Problem verbunden ist, f{\"u}gt der Forschung zum f{\"o}deralen Entscheiden in der Bundesrepublik eine neue und beachtenswerte Facette hinzu. Denn dabei handelt es sich um eine f{\"o}deral bedingte mechanische Beeintr{\"a}chtigung der Mehrheitskoordination in den Landesparlamenten selbst, die die potenziell gegebene f{\"o}derale Flexibilit{\"a}t bei der Ausf{\"u}hrung von Bundesgesetzen hemmt. Dies ebnet den Weg zu neuen Debatten dar{\"u}ber, wie in den deutschen L{\"a}ndern mehr legislative Abstimmungsflexibilit{\"a}t erm{\"o}glicht werden kann als unter den bisher {\"u}blichen Mehrheits-Koalitionsregierungen.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-41381, title = {Nachdenken {\"u}ber Europa}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-93-4}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {231}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @misc{Rollfing2018, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Rollfing, Petra}, title = {Kommunale Kinder- und Jugendgremien im Land Brandenburg}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-419645}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {III, 115}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Kommunale Kinder- und Jugendgremien sind eine M{\"o}glichkeit, junge Menschen in der Kommune zu beteiligen. Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit den kommunalen Kinder- und Jugendgremien im Land Brandenburg, {\"u}ber die es in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur nur wenige Erkenntnisse gibt. Die Arbeit gibt einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber die bestehenden Gremien und zeigt, welche Kinder und Jugendliche sich beteiligen und wie der Entwicklungsstand der Gremien ist. Ausgehend von der Partizipationsleiter von Hart geht die Arbeit zudem in zwei Fallstudien in Senftenberg und Oranienburg der Frage nach, ob es sich bei den Kinder- und Jugendgremien um ernstgemeinte Partizipation handelt.}, language = {de} } @misc{Scianna2018, author = {Scianna, Bastian Matteo}, title = {Stuck in the past?}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe}, number = {153}, issn = {1866-8380}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-420615}, pages = {17}, year = {2018}, abstract = {After the Civil War the Spanish army functioned as a guardian of domestic order, but suffered from antiquated material and little financial means. These factors have been described as fundamental reasons for the army's low potential wartime capability. This article draws on British and German sources to demonstrate how Spanish military culture prevented an augmented effectiveness and organisational change. Claiming that the army merely lacked funding and modern equipment, falls considerably short in grasping the complexities of military effectiveness and organisational cultures, and might prove fatal for current attempts to develop foreign armed forces in conflict or post-conflict zones.}, language = {en} } @misc{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412984}, pages = {24}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system - a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government - which we call 'semi- parliamentary government'. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two- dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015.}, language = {en} } @article{Wernert2018, author = {Wernert, Yann}, title = {PESCO und die EU-Integration}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {26}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {141}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-94-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {56 -- 60}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @misc{Altieri2018, author = {Altieri, Riccardo}, title = {Paul Fr{\"o}lich, American exile, and communist discourse about the Russian revolution}, series = {American Communist History}, journal = {American Communist History}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413040}, pages = {13}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{ReichardSchroeter2018, author = {Reichard, Christoph and Schr{\"o}ter, Eckhard}, title = {Doctoral education in european public administration}, series = {Public administration in Europe : the contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public administration in Europe : the contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_7}, pages = {41 -- 58}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This chapter highlights the role and contribution of EGPA in educating and socializing the next generation of young researchers into the interdisciplinary community of public administration, management and policy scholars in Europe. In doing so, it also provides an overview of the current state of the art in doctoral education in the field of public administration in Europe. Against this background, the chapter presents the annual "EGPA Workshop for PhDs and Young Researchers" (or for short: the EGPA PhD project) in the context of changing institutional settings and academic markets of PhD education in Europe. Consequently, EGPA carries an important responsibility as a representative of the public administration community in shaping the course of PhD education in our field in Europe.}, language = {en} } @article{KlunReichard2018, author = {Klun, Maja and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Accreditation in European Public Administration}, series = {Public Administration in Europe: Governance and Public Management}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe: Governance and Public Management}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_31}, pages = {345 -- 354}, year = {2018}, abstract = {With the aim to improve the quality of public administration (PA) programmes in Europe, EGPA established in 1999—together with the Network of Institutes and Schools of Public Administration in Central and Eastern Europe (NISPAcee)—the European Association for Public Administration Accreditation (EAPAA). This chapter presents the development of EAPAA in the last two decades and the experiences made with voluntary accreditation of academic PA programmes in Europe. The authors illustrate the basic accreditation concept of EAPAA, its integration into the European quality assurance institutions and the scope of accreditation missions over time. Finally, the effects of accreditation measures in the educational field of PA are discussed.}, language = {en} } @masterthesis{Steinert2018, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Steinert, Jule Marie}, title = {Ironie in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43653}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436535}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {70}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Ziel der vorliegenden Bachelorarbeit ist die Untersuchung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension. Wie kann eine vermehrte Verwendung von Ironie in der deutschen Berichterstattung das Denken und Sprechen {\"u}ber politisches Geschehen, die freie Meinungs- und Urteilsbildung bis hin zu Entscheidungsfindungen beeinflussen? Als Resultat der qualitativen Dokumentenanalyse wird letztlich ein operationalisiertes Schema konzipiert, welches die genaue Einordnung unterschiedlicher Einsatzm{\"o}glichkeiten von Ironie in den {\"o}ffentlichen Medien auf Textebene erlaubt und in ihrer argumentativen Funktion und komischen Wirkkraft den Einfluss identifiziert, den Ironie auf die jeweilige Sachdebatte nimmt. Um die zwiesp{\"a}ltige Rolle von Ironie im Sprachgebrauch genauer zu bestimmen, wo sie sowohl als n{\"u}tzliches Ausdrucksmittel f{\"u}r die Widerspr{\"u}chlichkeiten im komplexen gesellschaftspolitischen Geschehen als auch als Ohnmachtsreaktion auf deren Unaufl{\"o}sbarkeit erscheinen kann, n{\"a}hert sich die Arbeit der Ironie zun{\"a}chst {\"u}ber ihre epistemologische Geschichte und rhetorische Grunddefinition an. Ironie sagt immer etwas und zugleich etwas anderes. Sie er{\"o}ffnet somit ein Bedeutungsfeld in der Spannung verschiedener oder gar entgegengesetzter Pole und l{\"a}sst mehrere unvereinbare Interpretationen zu. Dieses besondere Stilmittel kann also zu einer differenzierten, multiperspektivischen Betrachtung genutzt werden. Oder aber gerade dazu, klare Positionen zu vermeiden und den R{\"u}ckzug in alternative Auslegungsm{\"o}glichkeit einer Aussage offen zu halten. Im Weiteren sind drei große, epochale Str{\"o}mungen zu unterscheiden, die in der Ironie eine umfassende Geisteshaltung und erkenntnistheoretische Position verstanden beziehungsweise entwickelt haben: Einzeln er{\"o}rtert werden die philosophische Verstellungstechnik der sokratischen Ironie, die poetisch-{\"a}sthetischen Darstellungsverfahren der romantischen Ironie sowie die kritische Selbstbetrachtung der modernen Ironie. Diese loten aus, ob sich eine ironische Geisteshaltung als differenzierte Ann{\"a}herung an die komplexe Wahrheit des Menschen oder im Gegenteil als irrationaler Flucht- oder Irrweg entpuppt. Die zweite S{\"a}ule der Analyse betrachtet die komische Wirkung von Ironie und die Bedeutung des Lachens f{\"u}r den Menschen, der als einziges Lebewesen zu solch einer Reaktion f{\"a}hig ist. Wann lacht der Mensch und was dr{\"u}ckt er damit aus: Hilflosigkeit an den Grenzen seines sozialen Verhaltensspektrums oder Souver{\"a}nit{\"a}t im Umgang mit einer ungewohnten Situation? Komik muss in ihrer medialen Anwendung von Unterhaltungskultur bis seri{\"o}ser Berichterstattung situiert und Ironie klar von anderen komischen Figuren wie der Satire oder dem Sarkasmus unterschieden werden. Ihrer komischen Komponente steht ihr Anteil am Tragischen gegen{\"u}ber, beide spielen zuweilen zusammen. Im R{\"u}ckbezug auf den Einfluss einer ironischen Sprachwahl oder Geisteshaltung auf die Rezension und damit auf die Wahrnehmung des politischen Geschehens finden sich beide Eingangsthesen best{\"a}tigt: Ironie kann hilfreiches Ausdrucksmittel oder Symptom gesellschaftlicher Ohnmacht sein. Rhetorisch dient sie als Kampfmittel im Politikdiskurs oder zur Ridik{\"u}lisierung der Gegenposition. Indem sie stets mehrere Bedeutungsebenen er{\"o}ffnet und andere oder gar gegens{\"a}tzliche Denk- und Seinsweisen zugleich in den Blick nimmt, hat Ironie das Potential, politische sowie kulturelle Ideale und Richtlinien neu in Frage zu stellen. In ihrer destruktiven Kraft, Widerspr{\"u}che anzuzeigen, steckt somit eine aufkl{\"a}rerische Funktion zur Entlarvung von Irrt{\"u}mern oder Erschließung alternativer Ans{\"a}tze. Andererseits kann eine Ironisierung in der Betrachtung und Bewertung von Politik auch auf den Wirklichkeits- oder Identit{\"a}tsverlust einer Gesellschaft hinweisen, wenn n{\"a}mlich die Lebensrealit{\"a}t angesichts g{\"a}nzlich unterschiedlicher, doch ebenso denkbarer Organisationsformen und Weltbilder ihre {\"U}berzeugungskraft einb{\"u}ßt. In der modernen Ironie bietet sich wiederum die Chance, diese Relativit{\"a}t von Werten und Normen als Schl{\"u}sselerlebnis der eigenen Zeit konstruktiv aufzugreifen. Das Unterfangen dieser Bachelorarbeit kulminiert darin, all jene diversen Arten und Ebenen von Ironie in einem einzigen Analyseschema nach operationalisierten Kriterien der Linguistik, Rhetorik, Literaturwissenschaft, Philosophie und {\"A}sthetik bestimmbar zu machen. Im zweiten Schritt wendet das Schema diese Forschungsergebnisse schließlich f{\"u}r eine politikwissenschaftliche Einordnung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie bei ihrer Verwendung in der {\"o}ffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension durch textbasierte Medien an. Hierin k{\"o}nnte ein erster Grundstein f{\"u}r eine politische Theorie der Ironie liegen. Das Schema w{\"a}re k{\"u}nftig f{\"u}r eine umfassende, quantitative empirische Untersuchung {\"u}ber den Gebrauch von Ironie in den Pressebeitr{\"a}gen deutscher Medien in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung einsetzbar.}, language = {de} } @masterthesis{Haug2018, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Haug, Frederik}, title = {Verbrannte Erde}, series = {WeltTrends Thesis}, journal = {WeltTrends Thesis}, number = {21}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-434-0}, issn = {1866-0738}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-411237}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {74}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Innerhalb des {\"o}ffentlichen und politischen Diskurses in Deutschland nehmen die Verbrechen in den ehemaligen Kolonien des Deutschen Kaiserreichs einen kaum wahrnehmbaren Platz ein. R{\"u}ckt der V{\"o}lkermord an den Herero und Nama in Deutsch-S{\"u}dwestafrika seit ein paar Jahren vermehrt ins Licht der {\"O}ffentlichkeit, so sind die Kolonialkriege in Deutsch-Ostafrika, die mehrere Hunderttausend Afrikaner das Leben kosteten, nahezu vergessen. Frederik Haug analysiert den erinnerungspolitischen Umgang der Bundesregierung mit den Verbrechen, die die deutsche „Schutztruppe" in Ostafrika vor {\"u}ber einem Jahrhundert ver{\"u}bte. Er untersucht dabei sowohl die Charakteristika dieser Haltung als auch die Gr{\"u}nde f{\"u}r eine solche Positionierung.}, language = {de} } @article{GirnusNeuhof2018, author = {Girnus, Luisa and Neuhof, Julia}, title = {Der Wandel von Staatlichkeit als Ziel- und Ausgangspunkt politischen Lernens in der Praxis}, series = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, journal = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0827-4}, pages = {69 -- 76}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Lange2018, author = {Lange, Anne}, title = {On a small scale}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {337}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This study argues that micro relations matter in peacekeeping. Asking what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex and how complexity is resolved, I find that formal, contractual mechanisms only rarely effectively reduce complexity - and that micro relations fill this gap. Micro relations are personal relationships resulting from frequent face-to-face interaction in professional and - equally importantly - social contexts. This study offers an explanation as to why micro relations are important for coping with complexity, in the form of a causal mechanism. For this purpose, I bring together theoretical and empirical knowledge: I draw upon the current debate on 'institutional complexity' (Greenwood et al. 2011) in organizational institutionalism as well as original empirical evidence from a within-case study of the peacekeeping intervention in Haiti, gained in ten weeks of field research. In this study, scholarship on institutional complexity serves to identify theoretical causal channels which guide empirical analysis. An additional, secondary aim is pursued with this mechanism-centered approach: testing the utility of Beach and Pedersen's (2013) theory-testing process tracing. Regarding the first research question - what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex -, the central finding is that complexity manifests itself in the dual role of organizations as cooperation partners and competitors for (scarce) resources, turf and influence. UN organizations, donor agencies and international NGOs implementing peacekeeping activities in post-conflict environments have chronic difficulty mastering both roles because they entail contradictory demands: effective cooperation requires information exchange, resource and responsibility-sharing as well as external scrutiny, whereas prevailing over competitors demands that organizations conceal information, guard resources, increase relative turf and influence, as well as shield themselves from scrutiny. Competition fuels organizational distrust and friction - and impedes cooperation. How is this complexity resolved? The answer to this second research question is that deep-seated organizational competition is routinely mediated - and cooperation motivated - in micro relations and micro interaction. Regular, frequent face-to-face interaction between individual organizational members generates social resources that help to transcend organizational distrust and conflict, most importantly familiarity with each other, personal trust and belief in reciprocity. Furthermore, informal conflict mediation and control mechanisms - namely, open discussion, mutual monitoring in direct interaction and social exclusion - enhance solidarity and mutual support.}, language = {en} } @article{Zantke2018, author = {Zantke, Michael}, title = {Die 68er-Bewegung und die Neue Rechte}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {26}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {141}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-94-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {40 -- 45}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @article{Schmidt2018, author = {Schmidt, Renate}, title = {Weiterhin vergessen: Der Krieg in Jemen}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {26}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {146}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-99-6}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {7 -- 11}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-42119, title = {Deutsche auf Kuba}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund and Gemeil, Manuel Torres}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-88-0}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {116}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @article{BradyGiesselmannKohleretal.2018, author = {Brady, David and Giesselmann, Marco and Kohler, Ulrich and Radenacker, Anke}, title = {How to measure and proxy permanent income}, series = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, volume = {16}, journal = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1569-1721}, doi = {10.1007/s10888-017-9363-9}, pages = {321 -- 345}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Permanent income (PI) is an enduring concept in the social sciences and is highly relevant to the study of inequality. Nevertheless, there has been insufficient progress in measuring PI. We calculate a novel measure of PI with the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) and U.S. Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Advancing beyond prior approaches, we define PI as the logged average of 20+ years of post-tax and post-transfer ("post-fisc") real equivalized household income. We then assess how well various household- and individual-based measures of economic resources proxy PI. In both datasets, post-fisc household income is the best proxy. One random year of post-fisc household income explains about half of the variation in PI, and 2-5 years explain the vast majority of the variation. One year of post-fisc HH income even predicts PI better than 20+ years of individual labor market earnings or long-term net worth. By contrast, earnings, wealth, occupation, and class are weaker and less cross-nationally reliable proxies for PI. We also present strategies for proxying PI when HH post-fisc income data are unavailable, and show how post-fisc HH income proxies PI over the life cycle. In sum, we develop a novel approach to PI, systematically assess proxies for PI, and inform the measurement of economic resources more generally.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HickmannLederer2018, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Global political economy and development}, series = {Global Environmental Politics}, booktitle = {Global Environmental Politics}, edition = {1}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-351-71664-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {47 -- 56}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @misc{GrumGronau2018, author = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert}, title = {Process modeling within augmented reality}, series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, volume = {319}, journal = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-319-94214-8}, issn = {1865-1348}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7}, pages = {99 -- 115}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Vladova2018, author = {Vladova, Gergana}, title = {Wissensmanagement im Kontext der Interdependenzen zwischen Unternehmenskultur und beruflicher kultureller Pr{\"a}gung}, publisher = {Gito}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-95545-223-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {286}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Neben der vorherrschenden Unternehmenskultur existieren innerhalb der Organisationen unterschiedliche Subkulturen. Eine solche Subkultur - die berufliche - ist im Kontext dieser Arbeit von Bedeutung. Ihr Einfluss auf das Individuum in Form einer sekund{\"a}ren Sozialisation f{\"a}ngt in der Regel noch vor dem Eintritt im Unternehmen an und kann je nach Dauer der Einflussnahme und St{\"a}rke der Unternehmens- und der Subkulturen unterschiedlich sein. Im Mittelpunkt des Buches steht die Untersuchung der Abh{\"a}ngigkeiten zwischen der beruflichen kulturellen Pr{\"a}gung der Mitarbeiter und dem Umgang mit Wissen im Unternehmenskontext. Das Buch bietet einen theoretischen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber die relevanten Themenfelder, stellt die Entwicklung eines Modells der Interdependenzen zwischen Wissensmanagement, Unternehmenskultur und beruflicher Subkultur vor und diskutiert erste Ergebnisse zur empirischen Untersuchung der Interdependenzen sowie das hierzu entwickelte Instrument.}, language = {de} } @book{Juchler2018, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Political Narrations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-70753-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {123}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This book analyzes narrations embedded in political disputes, allowing readers to gain a deeper understanding of modern political reality. The author explores this theme in readings of the Sophocles tragedy Antigone, the Melian Dialogue of Thucydides, Heinrich von Kleist's novella Michael Kohlhaas, Fyodor Dostoevsky's The Grand Inquisitor and E.L. Doctorow's Ragtime novel, taking into account the relevant interdisciplinary aspects of the narratives. His study of these four narrations focuses on key political concepts, such as might and right, self-interest, legality and justice, the nation-state and democracy, and relates them compellingly to current actuality. Since narrations can exert comprehensive and lasting influence on individuals' political discernment, this systematic analysis allows for a better comprehension of politics in education and civics.}, language = {en} } @article{KerstingKuhlmann2018, author = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany}, series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, journal = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5}, pages = {93 -- 118}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.}, language = {en} } @misc{BouckaertKuhlmann2018, author = {Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Foreword}, series = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, journal = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, pages = {V -- VI}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumil2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments}, series = {International journal of public sector management}, volume = {31}, journal = {International journal of public sector management}, number = {4}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0951-3558}, doi = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004}, pages = {543 -- 562}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.}, language = {en} } @article{BouckaertJannMaronetal.2018, author = {Bouckaert, Geert and Jann, Werner and Maron, Fabienne and Ongaro, Edoardo and Sofiane, Sahraoui}, title = {Conclusion: EGPA, EPPA an the Future of Public Administration in Europa}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_32}, pages = {355 -- 361}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This chapter outlines the strategy of the European Group for Public Administration (EGPA) and reflects on some of its key strengths, and how these may equip the European community of scholars and practitioners of public administration (PA) to contribute to the development of the field. The chapter reviews the key trait of the EGPA organisational model: the Permanent Study Groups, which are communities of scholars centred on the key areas of the administrative sciences in Europe. It also discusses the partnerships that EGPA has developed with key institutions in Europe and beyond, and highlights the significance of the EGPA policy papers on European governance. Finally, it discusses the strategic, forward-looking project European Perspectives on Public Administration, which aims to reflect on the future of the research and teaching of public administration.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannLaffinWayenberg2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Laffin, Martin and Wayenberg, Ellen}, title = {Subnational Government in the Research Spotlight}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_15}, pages = {147 -- 165}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Kuhlmann, Laffin and Wayenberg point out three main strands of subnational changes that have significantly dominated the research field and focus of Permanent Study Group 5. Elaborating upon the Study Group's contributions, the chapter overviews relevant research questions, approaches and findings that have been touched upon concerning local and regional government systems, subnational reforms and their evaluation in a multi-level governance setting. The chapter concludes with zooming in on austerity as a main driver of future developments upon and amongst all levels of government.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Winkler2018, author = {Winkler, Katrin}, title = {Demokratische Praxis und Pragmatismus}, series = {B{\"u}rgergesellschaft und Demokratie}, volume = {2018}, journal = {B{\"u}rgergesellschaft und Demokratie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-20667-3}, pages = {XIII, 405}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Dass sich die repr{\"a}sentative Demokratie in Deutschland im Wandel befindet, ist nicht neu und kaum umstritten. Herausforderungen im Kontext der Partizipation und Repr{\"a}sentation rufen ihrerseits Probleme auf Seiten der Input-Legitimation hervor. Demgem{\"a}ß ist das grundlegende demokratiepolitische Anliegen dieser Arbeit, am Beispiel der Bundes- und Berliner Landesebene darzustellen, wie der repr{\"a}sentative Politikprozess partizipativer und dennoch effektiv gestaltet werden kann. Basierend auf der philosophischen Str{\"o}mung des Pragmatismus verfolgt und diskutiert die Arbeit die Synthese aus der pragmatistischen Demokratiekonzeption von Archon Fung und dem empirischen Forschungsprogramm der kriterienbasierten Evaluation demokratischer Innovationen. Dabei wird das analytische Vorgehen Archon Fungs kritisch erweitert, um dem dieser Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Konzept einer komplexen B{\"u}rgergesellschaft - als normativer und praktischer Bezugspunkt - gerecht zu werden. Fungs Konzept wird demnach um die liberale Sph{\"a}re der {\"O}ffentlichkeit, mithin um die zivilgesellschaftlichen Handlungszusammenh{\"a}nge erg{\"a}nzt. Auf Grundlage der Diskussion von demokratischen Innovationen werden schließlich demokratie- und engagementpolitische Handlungsempfehlungen in der Dimension der Partizipation und in der Dimension der Repr{\"a}sentation formuliert. Mithin verfolgt die Arbeit eine problem- und l{\"o}sungsorientierte Erg{\"a}nzung der repr{\"a}sentativen Demokratie. Gleichwohl ist die Arbeit als eine pragmatistisch angeleitete Konzeptstudie f{\"u}r die Entwicklung einer beteiligungsorientierten Praxis in der repr{\"a}sentativen Demokratie zu verstehen, die trotz ihres theoretischen Charakters ganz im Sinne des Pragmatismus die notwendige empirische Orientierung aufweist. Damit wird das zuweilen problematische Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen Politischer Theorie und empirischer Demokratieforschung {\"u}berwunden.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Kilgus2018, author = {Kilgus, Tobias}, title = {Der Integrationsprozess Kosovos in die Europ{\"a}ische Union}, series = {Region - Nation - Europa}, journal = {Region - Nation - Europa}, number = {84}, publisher = {LIT}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-643-14079-1}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {558}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Die Republik Kosovo stellt einen Beitrittskandidaten sui generis in der Erweiterungsgeschichte der Europ{\"a}ischen Union dar. Die besonderen Beziehungen zwischen der EU und dem "potenziellen" Kandidaten resultieren aus dem ungel{\"o}sten Territorialkonflikt mit Serbien, dem unvollendeten Staatsaufbau sowie der eingeschr{\"a}nkten Souver{\"a}nit{\"a}t Kosovos. Diese Einzelfallstudie untersucht Kosovos Integrationsprozess in den Staatenverbund im Kontext der Spezifika des Beitrittsaspiranten, der stockenden EU-S{\"u}dosterweiterung und der multiplen EU-Krise. Davon ausgehend werden vier Zukunftsszenarien f{\"u}r Kosovos Integrationsverlauf, auch mit Blick auf differenzierte Integrationsoptionen, entwickelt.}, language = {de} } @misc{OPUS4-41563, title = {Polens Platz in der EU}, series = {WeltTrends - Das außenpolitische Journal}, journal = {WeltTrends - Das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {143}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {0944-8101}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In der deutschen {\"O}ffentlichkeit wird Polen oft als nationalistisch, uneurop{\"a}isch und letztlich undankbar dargestellt. Es ist deshalb f{\"u}r die Debatte hilfreich, wenn polnische Sichten zur Kenntnis genommen und nicht alte Klischees im neuen EU-Gewand weitergepflegt werden. In WeltTrends 143 kommen polnische Autorinnen und Autoren zu Wort. Sie sprechen offen die Probleme im bilateralen und europ{\"a}ischen Verh{\"a}ltnis an und bieten so manch neue Sicht. Zugleich bringen sie zutage, dass es bei allen Differenzen, die sich in den letzten Jahren aufgetan haben, weiterhin viele Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen Polen und Deutschland in den strategischen Fragen zur EU gibt.}, language = {de} } @article{Ette2018, author = {Ette, Ottmar}, title = {F{\"u}r Menschenw{\"u}rde in Guatemala}, series = {Polens Platz in der EU (WeltTrends 143)}, journal = {Polens Platz in der EU (WeltTrends 143)}, number = {143}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-96-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {56 -- 59}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @techreport{Lange2018, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Lange, Felix}, title = {Between Systematization and Expertise for Foreign Policy}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {8}, issn = {2509-3770}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-42189}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-421895}, pages = {27}, year = {2018}, abstract = {German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler's increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with v{\"o}lkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of v{\"o}lkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of 'international society as a legal community' by analysing international practice.}, language = {en} } @article{RandmanLiivVintarProelleretal.2018, author = {Randman-Liiv, Tiina and Vintar, Mirko and Proeller, Isabella and Profiroiu, Marius Constantin}, title = {EGPA and the European Administrative Space}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_9}, pages = {71 -- 81}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The chapter aims at addressing collaboration between the two main professional organizations in the field of Public Administration in Europe—the European Group of Public Administration (EGPA) and the Network of Institutes and Schools of Public Administration in Central and Eastern Europe (NISPAcee)—in their contribution to understanding, creating and institutionalizing the European Administrative Space. While the chapter gives an overview of both informal collaboration between Eastern and Western European scholars, and a joint accreditation initiative (EAPAA), its main focus is on Trans-European Dialogue (TED). The chapter outlines the challenges for the future of TED and proposes other potential ways of EGPA-NISPAcee collaboration.}, language = {en} } @misc{Massue2018, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Massu{\´e}, Cyriac}, title = {Valoriser les synergies franco-allemandes dans l'innovation au service de la transition {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique. Les le{\c{c}}ons du Programme Inter Carnot Fraunhofer (PICF)}, series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, journal = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, number = {4}, editor = {Proeller, Isabella and Silvia von, Steinsdorff and Sommermann, Karl-Peter and Capitant, David and Larat, Fabrice}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2701-391X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-49189}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-491892}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXI, 112}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Face {\`a} l'urgence environnementale, l'innovation dans le domaine des nouvelles technologies de l'{\´e}nergie (NTE) constitue un d{\´e}fi primordial. Les NTE constituent un march{\´e} concurrentiel en plein expansion, o{\`u} s'affrontent d{\`e}s {\`a} pr{\´e}sent les acteurs de l'innovation internationale. La R\&D {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique repr{\´e}sente donc pour l'Europe un d{\´e}fi multiple : Il s'agit de d{\´e}velopper les technologies qui nous permettrons de r{\´e}duire nos {\´e}missions de gaz {\`a} effet de serre et nos d{\´e}pendances {\´e}nerg{\´e}tiques. L'innovation produite devra {\´e}galement garantir la place de l'industrie europ{\´e}enne {\`a} la pointe du march{\´e} des NTE dans un contexte hautement comp{\´e}titif. La collaboration franco-allemande en mati{\`e}re de R\&D {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique rec{\`e}le ici un potentiel d'innovation disruptive particuli{\`e}rement important, gr{\^a}ce {\`a} des paysages de R\&D fortement compl{\´e}mentaires. Les programmes bilat{\´e}raux constituent un outil prometteur pour la valorisation des synergies inexploit{\´e}es. En permettant la mise en place de partenariats franco-allemands restreints, autour de th{\´e}matiques pr{\´e}cises, ils constituent en effet un outil compl{\´e}mentaire aux programmes europ{\´e}ens. Le Programme Inter Carnot-Fraunhofer (PICF) constitue un exemple abouti de programme bilat{\´e}ral ayant permis la concr{\´e}tisation de collaborations mutuellement b{\´e}n{\´e}fiques dans le domaine des NTE, gr{\^a}ce {\`a} la mise au point d'une proc{\´e}dure harmonis{\´e}e. N{\´e}anmoins, l'analyse du PICF montre {\´e}galement que les programmes bilat{\´e}raux franco-allemands devront pr{\´e}voir la possibilit{\´e} de financements-relai afin de p{\´e}renniser les {\´e}changes. Dans le contexte particulier des NTE, une extension aux projets de d{\´e}monstration ainsi qu'un ciblage des sujets porteurs sur la base d'un comit{\´e} consultatif scientifique ind{\´e}pendant paraissent indispensables. Ces efforts franco-allemands pourront servir de mod{\`e}le {\`a} l'innovation de rupture bas{\´e}e sur la valorisation des synergies intra-europ{\´e}ennes.}, language = {fr} }