@phdthesis{Reiners2017, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {221, VI}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Dribbisch2017, author = {Dribbisch, Katrin}, title = {Translating innovation}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-104719}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {VIII, 217}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This doctoral thesis studies the process of innovation adoption in public administrations, addressing the research question of how an innovation is translated to a local context. The study empirically explores Design Thinking as a new problem-solving approach introduced by a federal government organisation in Singapore. With a focus on user-centeredness, collaboration and iteration Design Thinking seems to offer a new way to engage recipients and other stakeholders of public services as well as to re-think the policy design process from a user's point of view. Pioneered in the private sector, early adopters of the methodology include civil services in Australia, Denmark, the United Kingdom, the United States as well as Singapore. Hitherto, there is not much evidence on how and for which purposes Design Thinking is used in the public sector. For the purpose of this study, innovation adoption is framed in an institutionalist perspective addressing how concepts are translated to local contexts. The study rejects simplistic views of the innovation adoption process, in which an idea diffuses to another setting without adaptation. The translation perspective is fruitful because it captures the multidimensionality and 'messiness' of innovation adoption. More specifically, the overall research question addressed in this study is: How has Design Thinking been translated to the local context of the public sector organisation under investigation? And from a theoretical point of view: What can we learn from translation theory about innovation adoption processes? Moreover, there are only few empirical studies of organisations adopting Design Thinking and most of them focus on private organisations. We know very little about how Design Thinking is embedded in public sector organisations. This study therefore provides further empirical evidence of how Design Thinking is used in a public sector organisation, especially with regards to its application to policy work which has so far been under-researched. An exploratory single case study approach was chosen to provide an in-depth analysis of the innovation adoption process. Based on a purposive, theory-driven sampling approach, a Singaporean Ministry was selected because it represented an organisational setting in which Design Thinking had been embedded for several years, making it a relevant case with regard to the research question. Following a qualitative research design, 28 semi-structured interviews (45-100 minutes) with employees and managers were conducted. The interview data was triangulated with observations and documents, collected during a field research research stay in Singapore. The empirical study of innovation adoption in a single organisation focused on the intra-organisational perspective, with the aim to capture the variations of translation that occur during the adoption process. In so doing, this study opened the black box often assumed in implementation studies. Second, this research advances translation studies not only by showing variance, but also by deriving explanatory factors. The main differences in the translation of Design Thinking occurred between service delivery and policy divisions, as well as between the first adopter and the rest of the organisation. For the intra-organisational translation of Design Thinking in the Singaporean Ministry the following five factors played a role: task type, mode of adoption, type of expertise, sequence of adoption, and the adoption of similar practices.}, language = {en} } @misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine}, title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance}, series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, volume = {30}, journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1877-3435}, doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006}, pages = {1 -- 6}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.}, language = {en} } @article{Jakupec2017, author = {Jakupec, Viktor}, title = {The Rise of Populism}, series = {Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda}, journal = {Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-72748-6}, issn = {2211-4548}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_1}, pages = {1 -- 18}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Drawing on the recent political developments in Europe and the USA, and the public discourse since 2016, an analysis of the rise of populism on the left and the right is articulated with the aim to provide an understanding of the contemporary populist political landscape. The Trump phenomenon and his form of populism is analysed within the context of foreign policy and development aid. This is contrasted with the neoliberal view couched in Fukuyama's 'End of History' theorem, and the current popular sentiment towards anti-establishment and anti-globalisation in Western democracies.}, language = {en} } @article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017, author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika}, title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks}, series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, volume = {97}, journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0016-3287}, doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004}, pages = {35 -- 46}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.}, language = {en} } @misc{Hoffmann2017, author = {Hoffmann, Dierk}, title = {The GDR's Westpolitik and everyday anticommunism in West Germany}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, number = {167}, issn = {1866-8380}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43518}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435184}, pages = {17}, year = {2017}, abstract = {West German anticommunism and the SED's Westarbeit were to some extentinterrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise itsown social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim tosole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmentalaction on both sides. Anticommunism inWest Germany re-developed under theconditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason ofstate and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, theSED branded the West German State as'revanchist'and instrumentalised itsanticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Bothphenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-40766, title = {The future of local government in Europe}, series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, journal = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, editor = {Schwab, Christian and Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407661}, pages = {129}, year = {2017}, abstract = {kein abstract vorhanden}, language = {en} } @article{FitziMele2017, author = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mele, Vincenzo}, title = {The corrosion of character}, series = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, volume = {17}, journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X17693436}, pages = {143 -- 155}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The topic of this imaginary dialogue between Georg Simmel and Max Weber is the relation between work - in the sense of labour - and personality. Its aim is to show that the thinking of these 'founding fathers' of sociology can furnish valuable insight into the current issue of the corrosion of character in contemporary post-Fordist society. The concept of work still represents one of the major factors determining modern individuals' ability (or inability) to formulate personal, stable identities that enable them to become fully socialized. Both Simmel and Weber make reference to a common theoretical background that views the human being as a creature with originally rational potential, who is faced with the task of becoming a personality by means of consciously chosen life behaviour: This is evident in the parallelism between Simmel's interest in the concept of 'style of life' (Der Stil des Lebens) and Weber's research on the 'life conduct' (Lebensf{\"u}hrung) that arose in Western rationalistic culture.}, language = {en} } @article{EsguerraBeckLidskog2017, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Beck, Silke and Lidskog, Rolf}, title = {Stakeholder Engagement in the Making}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00390}, pages = {59 -- 76}, year = {2017}, abstract = {A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2017, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {Policy analysis in the face of complexity}, series = {Public policy and administration}, volume = {34}, journal = {Public policy and administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0952-0767}, doi = {10.1177/0952076717733325}, pages = {21}, year = {2017}, abstract = {An ever-increasing number of policy problems have come to be interpreted as representing a particular type of intractable, ill-structured or wicked policy problem. Much of this debate is concerned with the challenges wicked problems pose for program management rather than policy analysis. This article, in contrast, argues that the key challenge in addressing this type of policy problems is in fact analytical. Wicked policy problems are difficult to identify and interpret. The knowledge base for analysing wicked policy problem is typically fragmented and contested. Available evidence is incomplete, inconclusive and incommensurable. In this situation, the evidentiary and the interpretative elements of policy analysis become increasingly indistinguishable and inseparably intertwined. The article reveals the problems this poses for policy analysis and explores the extent to which the consolidation, consensualization and contestation of evidence in policy analysis offer alternative procedural paths to resolve these problems.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2017, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Patterns of accountability and representation}, series = {Politics}, volume = {39}, journal = {Politics}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0263-3957}, doi = {10.1177/0263395717710566}, pages = {113 -- 130}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.}, language = {en} } @article{Weiss2017, author = {Weiß, Norman}, title = {Origin and Further Development}, series = {The Council of Europe}, journal = {The Council of Europe}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-967252-3}, pages = {3 -- 22}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija}, title = {Mayors and administrative reforms}, series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, journal = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-67410-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13}, pages = {387 -- 409}, year = {2017}, abstract = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.}, language = {en} } @misc{Sprinz2017, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {Long-term environmental policy}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403193}, pages = {4}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Long-term policy issues are a particularly vexing class of environmental policy issues which merit increasing attention due to the long-time horizons involved, the incongruity with political cycles, and the challenges for collective action. Following the definition of long-term environmental policy challenges, I pose three questions as challenges for future research, namely 1. Are present democracies well suited to cope with long-term policy challenges? 2. Are top-down or bottom-up solutions to long-term environmental policy challenges advisable? 3. Will mitigation and adaptation of environmental challenges suffice? In concluding, the contribution raises the issue of credible commitment for long-term policy issues and potential design options.}, language = {en} } @article{EppnerGanghof2017, author = {Eppner, Sebastian and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Institutional veto players and cabinet formation}, series = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research}, volume = {56}, journal = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12172}, pages = {169 -- 186}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Are potential cabinets more likely to form when they control institutional veto players such as symmetric second chambers or minority vetoes? Existing evidence for a causal effect of veto control has been weak. This article presents evidence for this effect on the basis of conditional and mixed logit analyses of government formations in 21 parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies between 1955 and 2012. It also shows that the size of the effect varies systematically across political-institutional contexts. The estimated causal effect was greater in countries that eventually abolished the relevant veto institutions. It is suggested that the incidence of constitutional reform is a proxy for context-specific factors that increased the incentives for veto control and simultaneously provided a stimulus for the weakening of institutional veto power.}, language = {en} } @misc{Elsaesser2017, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {Institutional interplay in global environmental governance}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-406183}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {V, 64}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The Rio Conventions stand at the centerpiece of international cooperation within the governance area of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. Due to substantial environmental and political linkages, there are interrelations between the three regimes. This study seeks to examine the inter-institutional relationship between the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification by analyzing and assessing their horizontal interplay activities from the starting point of their genesis at Earth Summit in 1992 until today. In this research, I address the connections between the three conventions and identify the conflicting, cooperative, and synergetic aspects of inter-institutional relationship. While the overall empirical analysis suggests weak indications of a conflictive type, this research asserts that the interplay activities have thus far led to a cooperative relationship between the Rio Conventions. Moreover, increasing coordination and collaboration between the conventions' treaty secretariats signals characteristics of a synergetic relationship, which could open up a potential window of opportunity for these actors to further engage and progress in institutional management in the future. In a conclusion, this study explores the possibility of the formation of an overarching environmental institution as a result of joint institutional management within the complex of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification.}, language = {en} } @article{Borgnaes2017, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?}, series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, volume = {19}, journal = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1387-585X}, doi = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0}, pages = {769 -- 790}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Bunk2017, author = {Bunk, Bettina}, title = {Governance and the Politics of Local Economic Development - South Africa and Mozambique}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {311, XVII}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Becker2017, author = {Becker, Stefanie Lyn}, title = {From regimes to grassroots innovations}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {169}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2017, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Feigning Democracy}, series = {Conservation \& society}, volume = {15}, journal = {Conservation \& society}, number = {4}, publisher = {Medknow publications \& media Pvt LTD}, address = {Mumbai}, issn = {0972-4923}, doi = {10.4103/cs.cs_16_106}, pages = {384 -- 399}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation.}, language = {en} } @misc{SchmidtWellenburg2017, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Europeanisation, stateness, and professions}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {99}, issn = {1867-5808}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590}, pages = {28}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu's work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists.}, language = {en} } @periodical{OPUS4-56143, title = {Editorial Board}, series = {Public management review}, volume = {19}, journal = {Public management review}, number = {10}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1471-9037}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2017.1367563}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @misc{GrossiReichardThomassonetal.2017, author = {Grossi, Giuseppe and Reichard, Christoph and Thomasson, Anna and Vakkuri, Jarmo}, title = {Editorial}, series = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, volume = {37}, journal = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0954-0962}, doi = {10.1080/09540962.2017.1344007}, pages = {379 -- 386}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @incollection{JannBouckaert2017, author = {Jann, Werner and Bouckaert, Geert}, title = {Current and Future Trends in European Public Sector Research}, series = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung}, booktitle = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung}, editor = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Schwab, Oliver}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-17134-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-17135-3_4}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {43 -- 61}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Emmanuel Kant asked three important questions which will always be with us: What can we know? What should we do? What may we hope for? These three key existentialist questions are, of course, also relevant for a reflection on the future of Public Administration: What can we know, as researchers in the field of Public Administration, about our object of public administration? What should we do as researchers and teachers to make sure we remain part of a solution and to guarantee that we are ahead of reality and its future problems? What kind of improvement (or not) may we hope for a public sector in an increasingly complex society? This chapter tries to explore some possible answers to these three important questions for our field of Public Administration. The background is our common project about 'European Perspectives for Public Administration' (EPPA), which we hope to establish as a continuous dialogue and discourse in the context of European Public Administration and the 'European Group for Public Administration' (EGPA).}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2017, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {Coping, taming or solving}, series = {Policy studies}, volume = {38}, journal = {Policy studies}, number = {6}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0144-2872}, doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543}, pages = {571 -- 588}, year = {2017}, abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Danken2017, author = {Danken, Thomas}, title = {Coordination of wicked problems}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {VI, 237}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (L{\"a}nder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don't know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center's role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors' behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements.}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan}, title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union}, series = {International Journal of Public Administration}, volume = {40}, journal = {International Journal of Public Administration}, number = {14}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Philadelphia}, issn = {0190-0692}, doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267}, pages = {1237 -- 1249}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.}, language = {en} } @misc{Franzmann2017, author = {Franzmann, Simon T.}, title = {Competition, contest, and cooperation}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-402961}, pages = {27}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters' demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannFuhrHoehneetal.2017, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Lederer, Markus and Stehle, Fee}, title = {Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries}, series = {Public administration and development}, volume = {37}, journal = {Public administration and development}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0271-2075}, doi = {10.1002/pad.1814}, pages = {331 -- 343}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.}, language = {en} } @article{Zhu2017, author = {Zhu, Jinshan}, title = {Assessing China's price review policy on Clean Development Mechanism projects}, series = {European Journal of Law and Economics}, volume = {43}, journal = {European Journal of Law and Economics}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {New York}, issn = {0929-1261}, doi = {10.1007/s10657-016-9550-3}, pages = {285 -- 316}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China's price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China's price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China's price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55\% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn't have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases.}, language = {en} } @article{Jakupec2017, author = {Jakupec, Viktor}, title = {A Critique of the development aid discourse}, series = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda}, journal = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-72748-6}, issn = {2211-4548}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_3}, pages = {37 -- 52}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum.}, language = {en} }