@phdthesis{Heinzel2021, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {World Bank staff and project implementation}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2023, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Why rules matter: shaping security council sanctions policy in counterterrorism and beyond}, series = {Journal of global security studies}, volume = {8}, journal = {Journal of global security studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2057-3170}, doi = {10.1093/jogss/ogac041}, pages = {19}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Sanctions are critical to the Security Council's efforts to fight terrorism. What is striking is that the Council's sanctions regimes are subject to detailed sets of rules and decision criteria. The scholarship on human rights in counterterrorism assumes that rights advocacy and court litigation have prompted this development. The article complements this literature by highlighting an unexplored internal driver of legal-regulatory decision-making and explores how mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members have affected the extent of committee regulations and the content of decisions taken by sanctions committees. Based on internal documents and diplomatic cables, a comparative analysis of the Iraq sanctions regime and the counterterrorism sanctions regime demonstrates that mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members provide incentives to elaborate rules to guide decision-making resulting in legal-regulatory sanctions governance, even if the human rights of targeted individuals are not at stake. For comparative leverage and to assess the limits of the proposed mechanism, the analysis is briefly extended to other sanctions regimes targeting individuals (Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan). The findings have implications for this essential tool of the Security Council to react to threats to peace as diverse as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, and internal armed conflict.}, language = {en} } @article{HolthausStockmann2020, author = {Holthaus, Leonie and Stockmann, Nils}, title = {Who makes the world?}, series = {New perspectives}, volume = {28}, journal = {New perspectives}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {Thousand Oaks, CA}, issn = {2336-825X}, doi = {10.1177/2336825X20935246}, pages = {413 -- 427}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.}, language = {en} } @article{LundgrenTallbergSommereretal.2023, author = {Lundgren, Magnus and Tallberg, Jonas and Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa}, title = {When are international organizations responsive to policy problems?}, series = {International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association}, volume = {67}, journal = {International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association}, number = {3}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0020-8833}, doi = {10.1093/isq/sqad045}, pages = {14}, year = {2023}, abstract = {When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy.}, language = {en} } @misc{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {What anti-gender and anti-vaccines politics have in common}, publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science}, address = {London}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @techreport{DebreSommerer2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {Weathering the storm?}, series = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, journal = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, publisher = {UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation}, address = {La Jolla, CA}, pages = {38}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Democratization scholars are currently debating if we are indeed witnessing a third wave of autocratization. While this has led to an extensive debate about the future of the liberal international order, we still know relatively little about the consequences of autocratization for international organizations (IOs). In this article, we explore to what extent autocratization has led to changes in the composition of IO membership. We propose three different ways of conceptualizing autocratization of IO membership. We argue that we should move away from a dichotomous understanding of regime type and regime change, but rather focus on composition of subregime types to understand current developments. We build on updated membership data for 73 IOs through 2020 to map membership configurations based on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index. Contrary to current debates on the crisis of the liberal order, we find that many IOs are not (yet) affected by broad autocratization of their membership that would endanger democratic majorities or overall democratic densities. However, we also observe the disappearance of formerly homogenous democratic clubs due to democratic backsliding in a number of European and Latin American IO member states, as well as a return of autocratic clubs in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. These findings have important implications for the broader research agenda on international democracy promotion and human right protection as well as the study of legitimacy and the effectiveness of international organizations.}, language = {en} } @article{HaenelBratu2021, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Bratu, Christine}, title = {Varieties of hermeneutical injustice}, series = {Moral philosophy and politics}, volume = {8}, journal = {Moral philosophy and politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2194-5616}, doi = {10.1515/mopp-2020-0007}, pages = {331 -- 350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Elsaesser2023, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-62165}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xi, 204}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dannemann2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo}, title = {Understanding neoliberal subjectification}, series = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities}, booktitle = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities}, editor = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42524-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42525-8_10}, pages = {217 -- 236}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault's lectures on biopolitics and Brown's current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines - through immanent critique - an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier \& Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232-239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBuzogany2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Buzog{\´a}ny, Aron}, title = {Unboxing international public administrations}, series = {The American review of public administration}, volume = {53}, journal = {The American review of public administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {0275-0740}, doi = {10.1177/02750740221136488}, pages = {23 -- 35}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of "public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations" and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-62304, title = {Tracing value change in the international legal order}, editor = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-285583-1}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192855831.001.0001}, pages = {xiv, 353}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International law is constantly navigating the tension between preserving the status quo and adapting to new exigencies. But when and how do such adaptation processes give way to a more profound transformation, if not a crisis of international law? To address the question of how attacks on the international legal order are changing the value orientation of international law, this book brings together scholars of international law and international relations. By combining theoretical and methodological analyses with individual case studies, this book offers readers conceptualizations and tools to systematically examine value change and explore the drivers and mechanisms of these processes. These case studies scrutinize value change in the foundational norms of the post-1945 order and in norms representing the rise of the international legal order post-1990. They cover diverse issues: the prohibition of torture, the protection of women's rights, the prohibition of the use of force, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, sustainability norms, and accountability for core international crimes. The challenges to each norm, the reactions by norm defenders, and the fate of each norm are also studied. Combined, the analyses show that while a few norms have remained surprisingly robust, several are changing, either in substance or in legal or social validity. The book concludes by integrating the conceptual and empirical insights from this interdisciplinary exchange to assess and explain the ambiguous nature of value change in international law beyond the extremes of mere progress or decline.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannHellstromRambergetal.2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstrom, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate}, title = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {87}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852320979359}, pages = {556 -- 575}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.}, language = {en} } @article{BindenagelŠehović2020, author = {Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie}, title = {Towards a new definition of health security}, series = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice}, volume = {15}, journal = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon, Oxfordshire}, issn = {1744-1692}, doi = {10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2015, author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8}, doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8}, pages = {135 -- 152}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2020, author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.}, language = {en} } @article{DuitLimSommerer2023, author = {Duit, Andreas and Lim, Sijeong and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {The state and the environment}, series = {Politics \& policy}, volume = {51}, journal = {Politics \& policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {1555-5623}, doi = {10.1111/polp.12561}, pages = {1046 -- 1068}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970-2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.}, language = {en} } @article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021, author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias}, title = {The social construction of global health priorities}, series = {International studies quarterly}, volume = {66}, journal = {International studies quarterly}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0020-8833}, doi = {10.1093/isq/sqab092}, pages = {15}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.}, language = {en} } @article{SeyfriedReith2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian}, title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research}, series = {Quality in higher education}, volume = {25}, journal = {Quality in higher education}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-8322}, doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943}, pages = {289 -- 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.}, language = {en} } @article{Leib2019, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process}, series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, volume = {25}, journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, number = {4}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {1554-8597}, doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033}, pages = {6}, year = {2019}, abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {The role of evidence-based misogyny in antifeminist online communities of the 'manosphere'}, series = {Big data \& society}, volume = {10}, journal = {Big data \& society}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {2053-9517}, doi = {10.1177/20539517221145671}, pages = {1}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called 'the manosphere'. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term 'evidence-based misogyny' for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed 'alternative' to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses.}, language = {en} } @article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock}, series = {Case Studies in the Environment}, volume = {2}, journal = {Case Studies in the Environment}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland}, issn = {2473-9510}, doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2018}, abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.}, language = {en} } @misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine}, title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance}, series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, volume = {30}, journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1877-3435}, doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006}, pages = {1 -- 6}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr2021, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions}, series = {Third world quarterly}, volume = {42}, journal = {Third world quarterly}, number = {11}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0143-6597}, doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901}, pages = {2724 -- 2746}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.}, language = {en} } @book{Wegmann2022, author = {Wegmann, Simone}, title = {The power of opposition}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-367-43731-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003005360}, pages = {xiv, 188}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Proposing a novel way to look at the consolidation of democratic regimes, this book presents important theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of democratic consolidation, legislative organization, and public opinion. Theoretically, Simone Wegmann brings legislatures into focus as the main body representing both winners and losers of democratic elections. Empirically, Wegmann shows that the degree of policy-making power of opposition players varies considerably between countries. Using survey data from the CSES, the ESS, and the LAPOP and systematically analyzing more than 50 legislatures across the world and the specific rights they grant to opposition players during the policy-making process, Wegmann demonstrates that neglecting the curial role of the legislature in a democratic setting can only lead to an incomplete assessment of the importance of institutions for democratic consolidation. The Power of Opposition will be of great interest to scholars of comparative politics, especially those working on questions related to legislative organization, democratic consolidation, and/or public opinion.}, language = {en} } @article{Liese2013, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?}, isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5}, year = {2013}, language = {en} } @book{Koss2011, author = {Koss, Michael}, title = {The politics of party funding}, series = {Comparative politics}, journal = {Comparative politics}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-957275-5}, pages = {XIII, 261}, year = {2011}, abstract = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @misc{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {The politics of fear}, series = {WIIS Blog}, journal = {WIIS Blog}, address = {Women in International Security}, pages = {Washington DC}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2022, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {The politics of administrative reforms}, series = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, booktitle = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, editor = {Ladner, Andreas and Sager, Fritz}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-83910-943-0}, doi = {10.4337/9781839109447.00018}, pages = {125 -- 137}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Administrative reforms refer to conscious decisions about institution building and institutional change that are taken at the end of political processes and can be conceived as the attempt by politico-administrative actors to change the institutional order (polity) within which they make and implement decisions. In this paper we proceed from the assumption that the role of politics, the constellation of political actors and arenas vary according to the scope and objectives of administrative reforms. Depending on whether they refer to changes between organizational units/levels/sectors ('external institutional policy') or to an internal reorganization ('internal institutional policy'), different actor strategies, patterns of conflict and power constellations can be expected. As external administrative reforms are aimed at changing functional and/or territorial jurisdictions and thus always involve external actors, larger resistance, heavier political conflicts and generally more politicization are likely to occur than in the case of internal administrative reforms. Yet, for internal reforms, too, actor coalitions which support or block institutional changes, promotors, leaders, and moderators have revealed to shape processes and outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the influence of politics on various types of administrative reforms making a distinction between external and internal institutional policies. We analyse the role of politico-administrative actors, their strategies and influence on the formulation, trajectories and outcomes of administrative reforms. Our major focus will be on reforms in the multi-level system on the one hand and on (Post-) NPM reforms on the other as two major international trends. Drawing on reform experiences in different European countries, the chapter will reveal to what extent actors' interests and influences have triggered and shaped administrative reforms and which difference these have made for the reform outcome.}, language = {en} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @incollection{SchoenigerReschKleinschmittetal.2022, author = {Sch{\"o}niger, Franziska and Resch, Gustav and Kleinschmitt, Christoph and Franke, Katja and Thonig, Richard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {The need for dispatchable RES}, series = {Renewable energy based solutions}, volume = {87}, booktitle = {Renewable energy based solutions}, editor = {Uyar, Tanay S{\i}dk{\i} and Javani, Nader}, publisher = {Springer International Publishing}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-05124-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-05125-8_8}, pages = {219 -- 239}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) offers flexible and decarbonised power generation and is one of the few switchable renewable technologies that can generate renewable power on demand. Today (2018), CSP only contributes 5 TWh to European electricity generation but has the potential to become an important generation asset for decarbonising the electricity sector within Europe as well as globally. This chapter examines how factors and key political decisions lead to different futures and the associated CSP use in Europe in the years up to 2050. In a second step, we characterise the scenarios with the associated system costs and the costs of the support policy. We show that the role of CSP in Europe depends crucially on political decisions and the success or failure of policies outside of renewable energies. In particular, the introduction of CSP depends on the general ambitions for decarbonisation, the level of cross-border trade in electricity from renewable sources and is made possible by the existence of a strong grid connection between the southern and northern European Member States and by future growth in electricity demand. The presence of other baseload technologies, particularly nuclear energy in France, diminishes the role and need for CSP. Assuming a favourable technological development, we find a strong role for CSP in Europe in all modelled scenarios: Contribution of 100 TWh to 300 TWh of electricity to a future European electricity system. The current European CSP fleet would have to be increased by a factor of 20 to 60 over the next 30 years. To achieve this, stable financial support for CSP would be required. Depending on framework conditions and assumptions, the amount of support ranges at the EU level from € 0.4 to 2 billion per year, which represents only a small proportion of the total support requirement for the energy system transformation. Cooperation between the Member States could further help reduce these costs.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Jann2020, author = {Jann, Werner}, title = {The modern state and administrative reform}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-59}, pages = {59 -- 72}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Molinengo2022, author = {Molinengo, Giulia}, title = {The micropolitics of collaborative governance}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57712}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577123}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 128}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors - be they conveners, facilitators, or participants - to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts - from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) - to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.}, language = {en} } @article{Demmke2022, author = {Demmke, Christoph}, title = {The Legitimacy of civil services in the 21 st century}, series = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, journal = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-19-762812-6}, pages = {928 -- 944}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{LeibRuppel2020, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms}, series = {European Political Science}, volume = {19}, journal = {European Political Science}, number = {3}, issn = {1682-0983}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3}, pages = {336 -- 351}, year = {2020}, abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.}, language = {en} } @incollection{M’HamedSprinz2023, author = {M'Hamed, Sonia Chikh and Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The keys to the EU's climate neutrality goal}, series = {Making the European Green Deal work}, booktitle = {Making the European Green Deal work}, editor = {Dyrhauge, Helene and Kurze, Kristina}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-032-16070-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003246985-6}, pages = {60 -- 75}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The EU and its member countries have been laggards in using forest carbon to reduce EU emissions. The European Green Deal aims to change this. As part of its long-term emissions reductions, the EU aims to offset this by creating land-based carbon sinks, especially forest carbon sinks as well as carbon capture and storage. This chapter focuses on the role of forest carbon as part of the EU's climate policies towards achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. It furthermore examines the European Commission's proposed forest strategy and its proposal for a revised LULUCF Regulation. The chapter shows that the logic of appropriateness dominates the European Commission's forest policies. Finally, the chapter makes policy recommendations on how the EU could credibly use long-term carbon sinks to achieve climate neutrality.}, language = {en} } @article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021, author = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen}, title = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector}, series = {Der moderne Staat}, volume = {14}, journal = {Der moderne Staat}, number = {1}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {1865-7192}, doi = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13}, pages = {3 -- 23}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.}, language = {en} } @article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021, author = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof}, title = {The heart of bureaucratic power}, series = {Review of international studies : RIS}, volume = {47}, journal = {Review of international studies : RIS}, number = {3}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0260-2105}, doi = {10.1017/S026021052100005X}, pages = {353 -- 376}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.}, language = {en} } @article{Pschichholz2020, author = {Pschichholz, Christin}, title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?}, series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9}, pages = {7 -- 12}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{LieseReiners2019, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina}, title = {The Eye of the Beholder?}, series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {0191879398}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021}, pages = {335 -- 343}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{OllierMetzNunezJimenezetal.2022, author = {Ollier, Lana and Metz, Florence and Nu{\~n}ez-Jimenez, Alejandro and Sp{\"a}th, Leonhard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {The European 2030 climate and energy package}, series = {Policy sciences}, volume = {55}, journal = {Policy sciences}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer Science+Business Media LLC}, address = {New York}, issn = {0032-2687}, doi = {10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5}, pages = {161 -- 184}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The European Union's 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2022, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The effect of expert recommendations on intergovernmental decision-making}, series = {International relations : the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies}, volume = {36}, journal = {International relations : the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0047-1178}, doi = {10.1177/00471178211033941}, pages = {237 -- 261}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The article explores whether and to what extent expert recommendations affect decision-making within the Security Council and its North Korea and Iran sanctions regimes. The article first develops a rationalist theoretical argument to show why making many second-stage decisions, such as determining lists of items under export restrictions, subjects Security Council members to repeating coordination situations. Expert recommendations may provide focal point solutions to coordination problems, even when interests diverge and preferences remain stable. Empirically, the article first explores whether expert recommendations affected decision-making on commodity sanctions imposed on North Korea. Council members heavily relied on recommended export trigger lists as focal points, solving a divisive conflict among great powers. Second, the article explores whether expert recommendations affected the designation of sanctions violators in the Iran sanctions regime. Council members designated individuals and entities following expert recommendations as focal points, despite conflicting interests among great powers. The article concludes that expert recommendations are an additional means of influence in Security Council decision-making and seem relevant for second-stage decision-making among great powers in other international organisations.}, language = {en} } @article{DijkstraDebre2022, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {The death of major international organizations}, series = {Global studies quarterly}, volume = {2}, journal = {Global studies quarterly}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2634-3797}, doi = {10.1093/isagsq/ksac048}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Major international organizations (IOs) are heavily contested, but they are rarely dissolved. Scholars have focused on their longevity, making institutional arguments about replacement costs and institutional assets as well as IO agency to adapt and resist challenges. This article analyzes the limits of institutional stickiness by focusing on outlier cases. While major IOs are dissolved at considerably lower rates than minor IOs, the article nevertheless identifies twenty-one cases where major IOs have died since 1815. These are tough cases as they do not conform to our institutionalist expectations. To better understand these rare but important events, the article provides case illustrations from the League of Nations and International Refugee Organization, which were dissolved due to their perceived underperformance and a disappearing demand for cooperation. These cases show the limits of the institutional theories of IO stickiness: sometimes member states find high replacement costs justified or consider assets as sunk costs, and IOs may lack agency to strategically respond. This article refines theories of institutional stickiness and contributes to the institutional theory of the life and death of IOs. Les principales organisations internationales (OI) sont fortement contest{\´e}es, mais rarement dissoutes. Pour expliquer leur long{\´e}vit{\´e}, les chercheurs ont avanc{\´e} des arguments institutionnels concernant les co{\^u}ts de remplacement et les actifs de l'institution, mais aussi la capacit{\´e} des OI {\`a} s'adapter et {\`a} r{\´e}sister aux d{\´e}fis. Cet article analyse les limites de la persistance des institutions en se concentrant sur des cas particuliers. Tandis que les principales OI sont dissoutes bien moins fr{\´e}quemment que des OI moins importantes, cet article identifie n{\´e}anmoins 21 cas de disparition d'OI principales depuis 1815. Ces derniers sont particuli{\`e}rement difficiles, car ils ne correspondent pas {\`a} nos attentes en termes d'institutions. Afin de mieux comprendre ces {\´e}v{\´e}nements rares, mais non moins importants, l'article propose comme illustrations de cas la Soci{\´e}t{\´e} des Nations et l'Organisation internationale pour les r{\´e}fugi{\´e}s, qui ont {\´e}t{\´e} dissoutes {\`a} cause de leur manque apparent de r{\´e}sultats et de la disparition de la demande de coop{\´e}ration. Ces cas mettent en {\´e}vidence les limites des th{\´e}ories institutionnelles de persistance des OI : parfois, les {\´E}tats membres consid{\`e}rent les co{\^u}ts de remplacement {\´e}lev{\´e}s justifi{\´e}s ou les actifs comme des co{\^u}ts irr{\´e}cup{\´e}rables, et les OI n'ont peut-{\^e}tre pas la capacit{\´e} de leur r{\´e}pondre de mani{\`e}re strat{\´e}gique. Le pr{\´e}sent article affine les th{\´e}ories de persistance institutionnelle et contribue {\`a} la th{\´e}orie institutionnelle de vie et de mort des OI. Las organizaciones internacionales (OI) m{\´a}s importantes son muy cuestionadas, pero rara vez se disuelven. Los investigadores se han centrado en la longevidad de las IO, formulando argumentos institucionales sobre los costes de sustituci{\´o}n y los activos institucionales, as{\´i} como sobre la capacidad de adaptaci{\´o}n y resistencia de las organizaciones internacionales. Este art{\´i}culo analiza los l{\´i}mites de la rigidez institucional centr{\´a}ndose en casos at{\´i}picos. Aunque las OI m{\´a}s importantes se disuelven en proporciones considerablemente menores que las OI de menor importancia, el art{\´i}culo identifica 21 casos en los que OI m{\´a}s importantes desaparecieron desde 1815. Se trata de casos dif{\´i}ciles, ya que no se ajustan a nuestras expectativas institucionalistas. Para comprender mejor estos raros pero importantes acontecimientos, el art{\´i}culo ofrece ejemplos de casos de la Sociedad de Naciones y de la, Organizaci{\´o}n Internacional para los Refugiados que se disolvieron debido a su bajo desempe{\~n}o percibido y a la desaparici{\´o}n de la demanda de cooperaci{\´o}n. Estos casos muestran los l{\´i}mites de las teor{\´i}as institucionales sobre la rigidez de las OI: En ocasiones, los Estados miembros consideran justificados los elevados costes de sustituci{\´o}n o consideran que los activos son costes irrecuperables, y las OI pueden no disponer de capacidad de respuesta estrat{\´e}gica. Este art{\´i}culo profundiza en las teor{\´i}as de la rigidez institucional y contribuye a la teor{\´i}a institucional de la vida y la muerte de las organizaciones internacionales.}, language = {en} } @article{LeibRuppel2021, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The dance of peace and justice}, series = {International peacekeeping}, journal = {International peacekeeping}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1353-3312}, doi = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726}, pages = {783 -- 812}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @article{HartmannLang2022, author = {Hartmann, Eddy and Lang, Felix}, title = {The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, pages = {104}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Sprinz2023, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The challenge of long-term environmental policy}, series = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, booktitle = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, editor = {J{\"o}rgens, Helge and Knill, Christoph and Steinebach, Yves}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-48992-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003043843-26}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Long-term environmental policy remains a vexing puzzle of environmental policy. Following its definition, the author reviews the methods suitable for the study of long-term environmental policy and develops a typology of policy instruments to cope with these challenges. The concluding section offers five central research challenges to advance the study of long-term environmental policy.}, language = {en} } @book{KuhlmannDumasHeuberger2022, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heuberger, Moritz}, title = {The capacity of local governments in Europe}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-07961-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-07962-7}, pages = {7 -- 55}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This book compares local self-government in Europe. It examines local institutional structures, autonomy, and capacities in six selected countries - France, Italy, Sweden, Hungary, Poland, and the United Kingdom - each of which represents a typical model of European local government. Within Europe, an overall trend towards more local government capacities and autonomy can be identified, but there are also some counter tendencies to this trend and major differences regarding local politico-administrative settings, functional responsibilities, and resources. The book demonstrates that a certain degree of local financial autonomy and fiscal discretion is necessary for effective service provision. Furthermore, a robust local organization, viable territorial structures, a professional public service, strong local leadership, and well-functioning tools of democratic participation are key aspects for local governments to effectively fulfill their tasks and ensure political accountability. The book will appeal to students and scholars of Public Administration and Public Management, as well as practitioners and policy-makers at different levels of government, in public enterprises, and in NGOs.}, language = {en} } @techreport{SchwabKrauseMassoud2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Schwab, Regine and Krause, Werner and Massoud, Samer}, title = {The bombing of hospitals and local violence dynamics in civil wars}, series = {HiCN Working paper}, volume = {403}, journal = {HiCN Working paper}, publisher = {Households in Conflict Network}, address = {Berlin}, pages = {89}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The impact of civilian harm on strategic outcomes in war has been the subject of persistent debate. However, the literature has primarily focused on civilian casualties, thereby overlooking the targeting of civilian infrastructure, which is a recurrent phenomenon during war. This study fills this gap by examining the targeting of healthcare, one of the most indispensable infrastructures during war and peace time. We contend that attacks on medical facilities are distinct from direct violence against civilians. Because they are typically unrelated to military dynamics, the targeting of hospitals is a highly visible form and powerful signal of civilian victimization. To assess its effects, we analyze newly collected data on such attacks by pro-government forces and event data on combat activities in Northwest Syria (2017-2020). Applying a new approach for panel data analysis that combines matching methods with a difference-in-differences estimation, we examine the causal effect of counterinsurgent bombings on subsequent violent events. Distinguishing between regime-initiated and insurgent-initiated combat activities and their associated fatalities, we find that the targeting of hospitals increases insurgent violence. We supplement the quantitative analysis with unique qualitative evidence derived from interviews, which demonstrates that hospital bombings induce rebels to resist more fiercely through two mechanisms: intrinsic motivations and civilian pressure. The results have important implications for the effects of state-led violence and the strength of legal norms that protect noncombatants.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschLiese2016, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea}, title = {The authority of international public administrations}, series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9}, doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5}, pages = {97 -- 122}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Territorial administration in Germany}, series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, editor = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-59395-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15}, pages = {327 -- 352}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.}, language = {en} } @article{Botsch2021, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Taking nativism to the streets}, series = {Moving the social}, volume = {66}, journal = {Moving the social}, publisher = {Institute for Social Movements}, address = {Bochum}, isbn = {978-3-8375-2491-8}, issn = {2197-0386}, doi = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62}, pages = {43 -- 62}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.}, language = {en} } @article{BeisheimLiese2014, author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research}, isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{KerstingKuhlmann2018, author = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany}, series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, journal = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5}, pages = {93 -- 118}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2018, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs}, series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8}, pages = {203 -- 225}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.}, language = {en} } @article{EsguerraBeckLidskog2017, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Beck, Silke and Lidskog, Rolf}, title = {Stakeholder Engagement in the Making}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00390}, pages = {59 -- 76}, year = {2017}, abstract = {A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.}, language = {en} } @book{TallbergBaeckstrandAartScholteetal.2023, author = {Tallberg, Jonas and B{\"a}ckstrand, Karin and Aart Scholte, Jan and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {SNS Democracy Council 2023}, publisher = {SNS F{\"o}rlag}, address = {Stockholm}, isbn = {978-91-89754-06-5}, pages = {199}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened - while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023.}, language = {en} } @article{Mielke2019, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Signals for 2 degrees C}, series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, volume = {9}, journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2043-0795}, doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809}, pages = {87 -- 115}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.}, language = {en} } @article{KrauseGahn2023, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {Should we include margins of error in public opinion polls?}, series = {European journal of political research}, volume = {Early view}, journal = {European journal of political research}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12633}, pages = {26}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Public opinion polls have become vital and increasingly visible parts of election campaigns. Previous research has frequently demonstrated that polls can influence both citizens' voting intentions and political parties' campaign strategies. However, they are also fraught with uncertainty. Margins of error can reflect (parts of) this uncertainty. This paper investigates how citizens' voting intentions change due to whether polling estimates are presented with or without margins of error. Using a vignette experiment (N=3224), we examine this question based on a real-world example in which different election polls were shown to nationally representative respondents ahead of the 2021 federal election in Germany. We manipulated the display of the margins of error, the interpretation of polls and the closeness of the electoral race. The results indicate that margins of error can influence citizens' voting intentions. This effect is dependent on the actual closeness of the race and additional interpretative guidance provided to voters. More concretely, the results consistently show that margins of error increase citizens' inclination to vote for one of the two largest contesting parties if the polling gap between these parties is small, and an interpretation underlines this closeness. The findings of this study are important for three reasons. First, they help to determine whether margins of error can assist citizens in making more informed (strategic) vote decisions. They shed light on whether depicting opinion-poll uncertainty affects the key features of representative democracy, such as democratic accountability. Second, the results stress the responsibility of the media. The way polls are interpreted and contextualized influences the effect of margins of error on voting behaviour. Third, the findings of this paper underscore the significance of including methodological details when communicating scientific research findings to the broader public.}, language = {en} } @article{Leib2016, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding}, series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, number = {22}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Bradford}, issn = {1742-0601}, pages = {25 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.}, language = {en} } @book{Doerfler2019, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Security council sanctions governance}, series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, journal = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-42944-232-2}, doi = {10.4324/9780429442322}, pages = {xiii, 239}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.}, language = {en} } @article{RuppelLeib2022, author = {Ruppel, Samantha and Leib, Julia}, title = {Same but different}, series = {Peacebuilding}, volume = {10}, journal = {Peacebuilding}, number = {4}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London}, issn = {2164-7259}, doi = {10.1080/21647259.2022.2027152}, pages = {470 -- 505}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The peace processes in Liberia and Sierra Leone share similar contexts and have an interrelated history. They are also often portrayed as successful cases of peacebuilding. This conclusion seems valid, as war has not returned, and political power was handed over peacefully; however, both cases differ with regard to the inclusiveness of the peace processes and the role of local leaders. This article aims to add to the critical peacebuilding debate by focusing on local perceptions about the position of local leaders in these two peace processes. We conducted a public opinion survey in five regions in Sierra Leone and Liberia and expert interviews with peacebuilding actors to examine changing perceptions about the roles of local leaders in both countries. This article speaks to the broader peacebuilding debate by highlighting the importance of including local voices in the peace process and by discussing challenges of inclusive peacebuilding.}, language = {en} } @article{ForlenzaTurner2022, author = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Roman Catholicism and democracy}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {149 -- 164}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{MatsunagaKrause2023, author = {Matsunaga, Miku and Krause, Werner}, title = {Right-wing violence and the persistence of far-right popularity}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Miku Matsunaga and Werner Krause reveal how voters who support radical-right parties are sticking by them, despite the current upsurge in right-wing violence. Their findings raise crucial concerns about the broader ramifications of growing far-right movements across the globe}, language = {en} } @misc{Liese2022, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Rezension zu: The power of global performance indicators / Hrsg.: Judith G. Kelley ; Beth A. Simmons. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. - 450 p.}, series = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, volume = {20}, journal = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-108-48720-7}, issn = {1537-5927}, doi = {10.1017/S1537592721003716}, pages = {380 -- 382}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Yilmaz2018, author = {Yilmaz, Zafer}, title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey}, series = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, volume = {29}, journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, number = {3}, publisher = {Duke Univ. Press}, address = {Durham}, issn = {1047-4552}, doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168}, pages = {55 -- 77}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.}, language = {en} } @article{TsebelisThiesCheibubetal.2023, author = {Tsebelis, George and Thies, Michael and Cheibub, Jos{\´e} Antonio and Dixon, Rosalind and Bog{\´e}a, Daniel and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review symposium}, series = {European political science}, journal = {European political science}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1680-4333}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Steffen Ganghof's Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that "in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not" (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, Jos{\´e} Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bog{\´e}a review Steffen Ganghof's book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A\&M University in 2022. We thank Prof Jos{\´e} Cheibub (Texas A\&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.}, language = {en} } @incollection{LieseHeinzel2022, author = {Liese, Andrea and Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Reputation and influence}, series = {International public administrations in global public policy}, booktitle = {International public administrations in global public policy}, editor = {Knill, Christoph and Steinebach, Yves}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-032-34673-1}, doi = {10.4324/9781003323297-5}, pages = {52 -- 81}, year = {2022}, abstract = {International public administrations (IPAs) are collective bodies within international organizations (IOs) made up of international civil servants that support the intergovernmental bodies and member states. Over the last decade, research on these bodies has "gained substantial momentum". Comparative assessments of IPAs reputation among stakeholders are rare. The literature on the sociological legitimacy of IOs is most advanced in this respect. A comparative agenda on IPAs reputation for expertise or neutrality is still in its infancy. Research has shown that different stakeholders view the same IPA quite differently. Reputation is a crucial concept in political science and IR research and has been widely used to predict states' future behavior, notably regarding cooperation and conflict. IPAs seem to vary substantially in their reputation for expertise among critical interlocutors. In financial policy, several prominent IPAs are seen as experts, including the European Central Bank and the IMF.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dumas2021, author = {Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul}, title = {Reforms of school supervision in the German L{\"a}nder}, series = {The future of local self-government}, booktitle = {The future of local self-government}, editor = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19}, pages = {257 -- 273}, year = {2021}, abstract = {While school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.}, language = {en} } @misc{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance}, series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, volume = {11}, journal = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer Netherlands}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1876-4517}, doi = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z}, pages = {555 -- 558}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{Wenzel2018, author = {Wenzel, Bertolt}, title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?}, series = {Public Policy and Administration}, volume = {33}, journal = {Public Policy and Administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0952-0767}, doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764}, pages = {149 -- 169}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.}, language = {en} } @misc{GrumGronau2018, author = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert}, title = {Process modeling within augmented reality}, series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, volume = {319}, journal = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-319-94214-8}, issn = {1865-1348}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7}, pages = {99 -- 115}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making}, series = {Journal of international relations and development}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of international relations and development}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1581-1980}, doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5}, pages = {107 -- 135}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-52932, title = {Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, series = {The condition of democracy}, volume = {3}, journal = {The condition of democracy}, editor = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158387}, pages = {ix, 205}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West - with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission 'to subdue the world' - has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today's politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {87}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Los Angeles, Calif.}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523211013385}, pages = {775 -- 793}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerCarstens2021, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora}, title = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning}, series = {Public Management Review}, volume = {24}, journal = {Public Management Review}, number = {8}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1470-1065}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803}, pages = {1208 -- 1225}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.}, language = {en} } @article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018, author = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.}, title = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern}, series = {Soil use and Management}, volume = {34}, journal = {Soil use and Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0266-0032}, doi = {10.1111/sum.12409}, pages = {28 -- 36}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumil2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments}, series = {International journal of public sector management}, volume = {31}, journal = {International journal of public sector management}, number = {4}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0951-3558}, doi = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004}, pages = {543 -- 562}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2017, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Patterns of accountability and representation}, series = {Politics}, volume = {39}, journal = {Politics}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0263-3957}, doi = {10.1177/0263395717710566}, pages = {113 -- 130}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.}, language = {en} } @article{Weiss2017, author = {Weiß, Norman}, title = {Origin and Further Development}, series = {The Council of Europe}, journal = {The Council of Europe}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-967252-3}, pages = {3 -- 22}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{DorschDoerfler2014, author = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, number = {1-2}, publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft}, address = {Weilerswist}, issn = {1438-8332}, doi = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8}, pages = {8 -- 31}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerPruin2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree}, title = {Organizational reputation in executive politics}, series = {International review of administrative sciences}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Los Angeles, Calif.}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523221132228}, pages = {16}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{RothermelKellyJasser2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Kelly, Megan and Jasser, Greta}, title = {Of victims, mass murder, and "real men"}, series = {Male supremacism in the United States}, booktitle = {Male supremacism in the United States}, editor = {Carian, Emily K. and DiBranco, Alex and Ebin, Chelsea}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-16472-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003164722-9}, pages = {117 -- 141}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as "the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue." Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men's Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they "repudiat[e] and reif[y]" hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.}, language = {en} } @article{FranzkedelaFuente2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano}, title = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe}, series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1}, issn = {2523-8248}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1}, pages = {1 -- 9}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannElsaesser2020, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {New alliances in global environmental governance}, series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, volume = {20}, journal = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht [u.a.]}, issn = {1567-9764}, doi = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5}, pages = {459 -- 481}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-52929, title = {Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, series = {The condition of democracy}, volume = {1}, journal = {The condition of democracy}, editor = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {xi, 186}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology}, language = {en} } @article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020, author = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte}, title = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics}, series = {Biological sciences}, volume = {375}, journal = {Biological sciences}, number = {1794}, publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing}, address = {London}, issn = {0962-8436}, doi = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.}, language = {en} } @article{Burkert2022, author = {Burkert, Rebecca}, title = {Moving mountains?}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7}, pages = {110 -- 127}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Mind the gap?}, series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice}, volume = {24}, journal = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice}, number = {3}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1387-6988}, doi = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866}, pages = {230 -- 253}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees}, language = {en} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} } @article{Heinzel2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Mediating power?}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, volume = {24}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1467-856X}, doi = {10.1177/1369148121992761}, pages = {153 -- 170}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The selection of the executive heads of international organisations represents a key decision in the politics of international organisations. However, we know little about what dynamics influence this selection. The article focuses on the nationality of selected executive heads. It argues that institutional design impacts the factors that influence leadership selection by shaping the costs and benefits of attaining the position for member states' nationals. The argument is tested with novel data on the nationality of individuals in charge of 69 international organisation bureaucracies between 1970 and 2017. Two findings stand out: first, powerful countries are more able to secure positions in international organisations in which executive heads are voted in by majority voting. Second, less consistent evidence implies that powerful countries secure more positions when bureaucracies are authoritative. The findings have implications for debates on international cooperation by illustrating how power and institutions interact in the selection of international organisation executive heads.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija}, title = {Mayors and administrative reforms}, series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, journal = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-67410-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13}, pages = {387 -- 409}, year = {2017}, abstract = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.}, language = {en} } @article{HeinzelLiese2021, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Managing performance and winning trust}, series = {The review of international organizations}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-744X}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4}, pages = {625 -- 653}, year = {2021}, abstract = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective}, series = {A research agenda for regional and local government}, booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government}, editor = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-83910-663-7}, doi = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013}, pages = {111 -- 132}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.}, language = {en} } @misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020, author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack}, publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)}, address = {Den Haag}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{FruhstorferHudson2022, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander}, title = {Majorities for minorities}, series = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, volume = {75}, journal = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {1065-9129}, doi = {10.1177/1065912920984246}, pages = {103 -- 117}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design.}, language = {en} } @misc{NewmanDebreNayloretal.2022, author = {Newman, Abraham and Debre, Maria Josepha and Naylor, Tristen and Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo Regilme Jr. and Viola, Lora Anne}, title = {Lora Anne Viola. The closure of the international system: how institutions create political equalities and hierarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108482257 (hardback, \$99.99).}, series = {H-Diplo roundtable}, volume = {XXIII}, journal = {H-Diplo roundtable}, number = {49}, editor = {Labrosse, Diane and Szarejko, Andrew and Fujii, George}, publisher = {H-Net: Humanities \& Social Sciences Online}, address = {East Lansing, MI}, pages = {5 -- 8}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-50023, title = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance}, journal = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-50979-8}, issn = {2523-8256}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8}, pages = {XXV, 350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Justifying types of representative democracy}, series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, journal = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-8230}, doi = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector}, series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, journal = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0734-371X}, doi = {10.1177/0734371X221148403}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.}, language = {en} }