@article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung}, series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".}, language = {de} } @book{Juchler2019, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1989 in Deutschland}, publisher = {bebra}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-89809-158-9}, pages = {128}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Kaum ein Ereignis in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte des 20. Jahrhunderts war so bedeutsam wie die Friedliche Revolution von 1989, mit der die Bev{\"o}lkerung der DDR sich vom SED - Regime befreite. Dieses Buch nimmt die Leserinnen und Leser mit zu den zentralen Schaupl{\"a}tzen der Protestbewegung in Deutschland - in Leipzig, Berlin, Dresden, Chemnitz, Plauen, Rostock, Potsdam, Stendal und an vielen anderen Orten. Informative Texte zu den Hintergr{\"u}nden der Ereignisse und umfangreiches Bildmaterial machen das Buch zu einem anschaulichen Zeitreisef{\"u}hrer in die j{\"u}ngere deutsche Geschichte.}, language = {de} } @article{Jakupec2017, author = {Jakupec, Viktor}, title = {A Critique of the development aid discourse}, series = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda}, journal = {Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-72748-6}, issn = {2211-4548}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_3}, pages = {37 -- 52}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum.}, language = {en} } @book{Juchler2016, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Amerikaner in Berlin}, publisher = {Links Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86153-883-7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {117}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An keinem anderen Ort wird die besondere Bedeutung der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika f{\"u}r Deutschland so deutlich wie in Berlin. In rund 80 Eintr{\"a}gen versammelt der Band eine Vielzahl US-amerikanischer Pers{\"o}nlichkeiten und stellt Orte vor, an denen sie in Berlin gelebt und gewirkt haben oder noch wirken. Die Berliner Erlebnisse von Diplomaten, Intellektuellen, Wissenschaftlern, Sportlern oder ber{\"u}hmten K{\"u}nstlerinnen aller Sparten machen die Geschichte der deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen von den Anf{\"a}ngen 1776 bis heute anschaulich und lebendig. Ausklappbare Karten, Infok{\"a}sten, ein farbiges Orientierungssystem und zahlreiche historische sowie aktuelle Fotos er{\"o}ffnen die M{\"o}glichkeit, den Spuren von Mildred Harnack, Martin Luther King, Angela Davis, Iggy Pop, Georg Bush, Daniel Liebeskind, Jonathan Franzen und vielen anderen in der deutschen Hauptstadt zu folgen.}, language = {de} } @article{Girnus2019, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Anforderungen an politische Legitimation im gesellschaftlichen Wandel und dessen Verh{\"a}ltnis zum politischen Lernen}, series = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, journal = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0827-4}, pages = {77 -- 85}, year = {2019}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Aporien des Rechts}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3}, issn = {1864-6492}, pages = {196 -- 206}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {53}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1036-1146}, doi = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487}, pages = {211 -- 233}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system - a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government - which we call 'semi-parliamentary government'. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-4370, title = {Autorit{\"a}re Systeme im Vergleich}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-937786-68-1}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-45619}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2005}, abstract = {Aufgrund ihrer Vielfalt f{\"a}llt es schwer, autorit{\"a}re Systeme einheitlich zu definieren. In den Beitr{\"a}gen werden die Unterschiede dieser auf fast allen Kontinenten vorkommenden Regierungsform untersucht. Dazu werden insbesondere ihre Entstehung und soziale Einfl{\"u}sse wie Kultur und Milit{\"a}r beleuchtet. Von Kuba, nach Weißrussland, Iran und Somalia kann der Leser somit das Ph{\"a}nomen autorit{\"a}rer Herrschaft und dessen Einflussgr{\"o}ßen nachvollziehen. Das Fehlen einer einheitlichen Definition stellt sich somit nicht als Mangel, sondern als Zugest{\"a}ndnis an die Realit{\"a}t heraus.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater}, series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II}, editor = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-95410-282-2}, pages = {45 -- 55}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Huber2016, author = {Huber, Stefan}, title = {Basisaktivierung als Mittel gegen soziale Exklusion?}, series = {Region - Nation - Europa ; 80}, journal = {Region - Nation - Europa ; 80}, publisher = {LIT Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-643-13483-7}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {X, 336}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Seit Jahren steigen Politikverdrossenheit und die Zahl der Menschen an, die sich von der Gesellschaft exkludiert f{\"u}hlen. K{\"o}nnen Basisaktivierung durch Quartiersmanagement und Community Organizing diesen Trends entgegenwirken? F{\"o}rdert die Erm{\"o}glichung der gesellschaftlichen Teilhabe von benachteiligten Bev{\"o}lkerungsgruppen die Sozialkapitalbildung im Sinne Putnams? Um diese Fragen zu beantworten, wurden die vorhandene Literatur analysiert und zahlreiche Experteninterviews gef{\"u}hrt.}, language = {de} } @book{Widdau2011, author = {Widdau, Christoph Sebastian}, title = {Behemoth und Doppelstaat}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-55237}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Wer bildete das Herrschaftszentrum im Deutschland der Jahre 1933 bis 1945? Welche Gruppen stabilisierten das System bis zur Niederlage im Zweiten Weltkrieg? Ernst Fraenkels "Der Doppelstaat" und Franz Neumanns "Behemoth" gelten als wegweisende analytische Zug{\"a}nge zum Verst{\"a}ndnis der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftspraxis. Beide B{\"u}cher sind bereits Anfang der 1940er Jahre erschienen. Es sind Klassiker: also B{\"u}cher, mit denen noch heute etwas anzufangen ist. Der kompakte Lehrtext ist insbesondere f{\"u}r den studentischen Haus- und Seminargebrauch verfasst worden. Er ist eine Handreichung f{\"u}r Einsteiger und Studierende aller Semester, die sich erstmals mit den schwierigen Texten besch{\"a}ftigen}, language = {de} } @article{Debre2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {Clubs of autocrats}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y}, pages = {485 -- 511}, year = {2021}, abstract = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, booktitle = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6}, pages = {163 -- 176}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HickmannPartzschPattbergetal.2019, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Partzsch, Lena and Pattberg, Philipp H. and Weiland, Sabine}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {The anthropocene debate and political science}, booktitle = {The anthropocene debate and political science}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-8153-8614-8}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {237 -- 251}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerReiners2021, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina}, title = {Connecting international relations and public administration}, series = {International studies review}, volume = {23}, journal = {International studies review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1521-9488}, doi = {10.1093/isr/viaa097}, pages = {1230 -- 1247}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.}, language = {en} } @incollection{JannBouckaert2017, author = {Jann, Werner and Bouckaert, Geert}, title = {Current and Future Trends in European Public Sector Research}, series = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung}, booktitle = {Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung}, editor = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Schwab, Oliver}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-17134-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-17135-3_4}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {43 -- 61}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Emmanuel Kant asked three important questions which will always be with us: What can we know? What should we do? What may we hope for? These three key existentialist questions are, of course, also relevant for a reflection on the future of Public Administration: What can we know, as researchers in the field of Public Administration, about our object of public administration? What should we do as researchers and teachers to make sure we remain part of a solution and to guarantee that we are ahead of reality and its future problems? What kind of improvement (or not) may we hope for a public sector in an increasingly complex society? This chapter tries to explore some possible answers to these three important questions for our field of Public Administration. The background is our common project about 'European Perspectives for Public Administration' (EPPA), which we hope to establish as a continuous dialogue and discourse in the context of European Public Administration and the 'European Group for Public Administration' (EGPA).}, language = {en} } @book{DornfeldtSeewald2010, author = {Dornfeldt, Matthias and Seewald, Enrico}, title = {Das Ausw{\"a}rtige Amt}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-43050}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Im "WeltTrends Lehrtext 16" werden wichtige Phasen der Entwicklung des bundesdeutschen Ausw{\"a}rtigen Dienstes dargestellt: Von der Neugr{\"u}ndung des Ausw{\"a}rtigen Amtes {\"u}ber dessen Rolle bei der Westintegration der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und bei der Umsetzung der Ostpolitik, bei der Gestaltung des Verh{\"a}ltnisses zwischen den beiden deutschen Staaten bis hin zur Wiedervereinigung. Abschließend werden die umfassenden Reforminitiativen vorgestellt, mit denen der Ausw{\"a}rtige Dienst auf die neuen Herausforderungen dieses Jahrhunderts reagiert.}, language = {de} } @book{Kraemer2010, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Das Ministerium f{\"u}r Ausw{\"a}rtige Angelegenheiten}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-43062}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Mit dem vorliegenden "WeltTrends Lehrtext 17" wird die "Trilogie zu den ausw{\"a}rtigen deutschen Diensten", die er{\"o}ffnet wird mit dem "Lehrtext 15" (Deutsche Außenministerien. Der ausw{\"a}rtige Dienst Deutschlands von den Anf{\"a}ngen bis 1945) und ihre Fortsetzung im "Lehrtext 16" (Das Ausw{\"a}rtige Amt. Der ausw{\"a}rtige Dienst der Bundesrepublik Deutschland) findet, komplettiert. Den Abschluss bildet eine weitgef{\"a}cherte Auseinandersetzung mit der Außenpolitik und Diplomatie der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik: vom Aufbau und der Funktionsweise des außenpolitischen Apparates {\"u}ber das außenpolitische Personal bis zur Abwicklung des Ministeriums f{\"u}r Ausw{\"a}rtige Angelegenheiten.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-4200, title = {Das politische System Irans}, editor = {Zamirirad, Azadeh}, edition = {2., erw. Aufl.}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-52793}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Seit {\"u}ber 30 Jahren hat die Islamische Republik Iran Bestand, doch noch immer dauern Debatten {\"u}ber die Einordnung des Regimes an. Handelt es sich bei dieser theokratischen Republik um ein autorit{\"a}res oder totalit{\"a}res System oder gar um einen neuartigen Regimetypus islamischer Pr{\"a}gung? In sechs Abschnitten wird hinter den Schleier der Islamischen Republik geblickt. Diese umfassen die Vereinbarkeit von Islam und Staat, die institutionelle Architektur des Systems, R{\"a}ume politischer Teilhabe, Wirtschaft und Milit{\"a}r, Außenbeziehungen und Regionalmachtsanspruch, die gr{\"u}ne Revolte von 2009 sowie den aktuellen Machtkampf der Eliten. Dazu begeben sich deutsche und iranische Autoren unterschiedlicher Disziplinen auf die Spur eines scheinbar undurchsichtigen iranischen Herrschaftsmodells - das der velāyat-e faqih.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-2837, title = {Das politische System Irans}, editor = {Zamirirad, Azadeh}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-940793-85-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-30025}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Seit nunmehr 30 Jahren hat die Islamische Republik Iran Bestand, doch noch immer dauern Debatten {\"u}ber die Einordnung des politischen Systems an. Handelt es sich um ein autorit{\"a}res oder totalit{\"a}res Regime oder gar um eine neue Form islamischer Herrschaft? Die Beantwortung der Frage ist nicht nur f{\"u}r die Wissenschaft von Relevanz; sie ist von hoher politischer Aktualit{\"a}t. In zehn Beitr{\"a}gen von deutschen und iranischen Autoren wird das politische System der Islamischen Republik anhand seiner Geschichte, seines Institutionengef{\"u}ges, seiner gesellschaftlichen Kr{\"a}fte sowie seiner Außenbeziehungen analysiert und in das regionale Gef{\"u}ge eingeordnet. Erg{\"a}nzt werden die Artikel durch Schaubilder und Statistiken sowie durch eine Zeittafel und ein Glossar mit den wichtigsten Begrifflichkeiten.}, language = {de} } @article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021, author = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus}, title = {Decision-making in international organizations}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {4}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x}, pages = {815 -- 845}, year = {2021}, abstract = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0.17}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Winkler2018, author = {Winkler, Katrin}, title = {Demokratische Praxis und Pragmatismus}, series = {B{\"u}rgergesellschaft und Demokratie}, volume = {2018}, journal = {B{\"u}rgergesellschaft und Demokratie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-20667-3}, pages = {XIII, 405}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Dass sich die repr{\"a}sentative Demokratie in Deutschland im Wandel befindet, ist nicht neu und kaum umstritten. Herausforderungen im Kontext der Partizipation und Repr{\"a}sentation rufen ihrerseits Probleme auf Seiten der Input-Legitimation hervor. Demgem{\"a}ß ist das grundlegende demokratiepolitische Anliegen dieser Arbeit, am Beispiel der Bundes- und Berliner Landesebene darzustellen, wie der repr{\"a}sentative Politikprozess partizipativer und dennoch effektiv gestaltet werden kann. Basierend auf der philosophischen Str{\"o}mung des Pragmatismus verfolgt und diskutiert die Arbeit die Synthese aus der pragmatistischen Demokratiekonzeption von Archon Fung und dem empirischen Forschungsprogramm der kriterienbasierten Evaluation demokratischer Innovationen. Dabei wird das analytische Vorgehen Archon Fungs kritisch erweitert, um dem dieser Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Konzept einer komplexen B{\"u}rgergesellschaft - als normativer und praktischer Bezugspunkt - gerecht zu werden. Fungs Konzept wird demnach um die liberale Sph{\"a}re der {\"O}ffentlichkeit, mithin um die zivilgesellschaftlichen Handlungszusammenh{\"a}nge erg{\"a}nzt. Auf Grundlage der Diskussion von demokratischen Innovationen werden schließlich demokratie- und engagementpolitische Handlungsempfehlungen in der Dimension der Partizipation und in der Dimension der Repr{\"a}sentation formuliert. Mithin verfolgt die Arbeit eine problem- und l{\"o}sungsorientierte Erg{\"a}nzung der repr{\"a}sentativen Demokratie. Gleichwohl ist die Arbeit als eine pragmatistisch angeleitete Konzeptstudie f{\"u}r die Entwicklung einer beteiligungsorientierten Praxis in der repr{\"a}sentativen Demokratie zu verstehen, die trotz ihres theoretischen Charakters ganz im Sinne des Pragmatismus die notwendige empirische Orientierung aufweist. Damit wird das zuweilen problematische Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen Politischer Theorie und empirischer Demokratieforschung {\"u}berwunden.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Kilgus2018, author = {Kilgus, Tobias}, title = {Der Integrationsprozess Kosovos in die Europ{\"a}ische Union}, series = {Region - Nation - Europa}, journal = {Region - Nation - Europa}, number = {84}, publisher = {LIT}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-643-14079-1}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {558}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Die Republik Kosovo stellt einen Beitrittskandidaten sui generis in der Erweiterungsgeschichte der Europ{\"a}ischen Union dar. Die besonderen Beziehungen zwischen der EU und dem "potenziellen" Kandidaten resultieren aus dem ungel{\"o}sten Territorialkonflikt mit Serbien, dem unvollendeten Staatsaufbau sowie der eingeschr{\"a}nkten Souver{\"a}nit{\"a}t Kosovos. Diese Einzelfallstudie untersucht Kosovos Integrationsprozess in den Staatenverbund im Kontext der Spezifika des Beitrittsaspiranten, der stockenden EU-S{\"u}dosterweiterung und der multiplen EU-Krise. Davon ausgehend werden vier Zukunftsszenarien f{\"u}r Kosovos Integrationsverlauf, auch mit Blick auf differenzierte Integrationsoptionen, entwickelt.}, language = {de} } @article{GirnusNeuhof2018, author = {Girnus, Luisa and Neuhof, Julia}, title = {Der Wandel von Staatlichkeit als Ziel- und Ausgangspunkt politischen Lernens in der Praxis}, series = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, journal = {Gesellschaft im Wandel : neue Aufgaben f{\"u}r die politische Bildung und ihre Didaktik}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0827-4}, pages = {69 -- 76}, year = {2018}, language = {de} } @article{Ganghof2019, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Designing Democratic Constitutions}, series = {Politics and Governance}, volume = {7}, journal = {Politics and Governance}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cogitatio Press}, address = {Lisbon}, issn = {2183-2463}, doi = {10.17645/pag.v7i4.2239}, pages = {243 -- 253}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.}, language = {en} } @book{DornfeldtSeewald2009, author = {Dornfeldt, Matthias and Seewald, Enrico}, title = {Deutsche Außenministerien}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-40852}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Der WeltTrends Lehrtext 15 ist die erste wissenschaftliche Gesamtdarstellung zur Geschichte der deutschen Institutionen f{\"u}r die Außenpolitik bis 1945. Die Erforschung dieser Materie ist wegen der wechselhaften Geschichte und der Kleinstaaterei schwierig. Die Autoren, seit {\"u}ber zehn Jahren mit der Geschichte der deutschen Diplomatie und den internationalen Beziehungen Deutschlands befasst, bieten einen kenntnisreichen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber die Geschichte der ausw{\"a}rtigen Dienste Deutschlands von den außenpolitischen Institutionen im Heiligen R{\"o}mischen Reich Deutscher Nation {\"u}ber das Ausw{\"a}rtige Amt in der Weimarer Republik bis zur Aufl{\"o}sung des deutschen Ausw{\"a}rtigen Dienstes im Nationalsozialismus.}, language = {de} } @book{Koetter2009, author = {K{\"o}tter, Wolfgang}, title = {Die Abr{\"u}stungsschmiede}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-02-3}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-39226}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Die Genfer Abr{\"u}stungskonferenz ist das einzige multilaterale Verhandlungsorgan zur Ausarbeitung globaler Abr{\"u}stungsvertr{\"a}ge. Sp{\"a}testens seit dem Abschluss des Nuklearen Teststoppvertrages 1996 steckt die Konferenz in der Paralyse. Erst im Mai 2009 gelang es endlich wieder, ein Arbeitsprogramm zu vereinbaren. Was nun gebraucht wird, ist der politische Wille aller Staaten, der Genfer Konferenz wieder eine Chance zu geben. Wolfgang K{\"o}tter, Dozent an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam und ausgewiesener Experte auf dem Gebiet der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, untersucht die Bedingungen der M{\"o}glichkeit einer atomwaffenfreien Welt, weist auf das Problem neuer Massenvernichtungswaffen hin und stellt die Frage: eine waffenfreie Welt - Illusion oder Programm? Ein ausgiebiger Dokumententeil mit in der Abr{\"u}stungskonferenz entstandenen Vertr{\"a}gen beschließt die Publikation.}, language = {de} } @book{Kraemer2008, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Die Karibik-Krise vom Oktober 1962}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-940793-26-3}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-45688}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Im Oktober 1962 entdecken die USA, dass auf Kuba sowjetische Raketen stationiert werden. 90 Meilen vor der eigenen Haust{\"u}r will die UdSSR ihre Mittelstreckenraketen aufbauen. Der Kalte Krieg droht zum heißen zu werden. Die Welt erlebt in diesem Oktober 1962 die schwerste Krise der Nachkriegszeit; sie steht in jenen Tagen am Rande eines atomaren Weltkrieges. In diesem Text schildert der Autor, der sich {\"u}ber Jahre mit Kuba und den internationalen Beziehungen besch{\"a}ftigte, die historischen Umst{\"a}nde als auch den konkreten Verlauf dieser Krise. Dabei werden die verschiedenen Aspekte, auch die atmosph{\"a}rischen und pers{\"o}nlichen, die regionalen und globalen, in ihrer wechselseitigen Beziehungen knapp und anschaulich dargestellt. Chronologie, Glossar und Bibliographie erg{\"a}nzen diese lesenswerte Collage eines welthistorischen Ereignisses des 20. Jahrhunderts.}, language = {de} } @book{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Ein Volkskanzler}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-8389-7228-2}, pages = {20}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Wie Grundrechte unter den Augen aller ausgeh{\"o}hlt und umgebaut werden, wie kurz der Weg von der Demokratie zur Diktatur ist, zeigt Maximilian Steinbeis' Gedankenexperiment »Ein Volkskanzler« in sechs Schritten. Auf der Grundlage seines Essays hat er ein Theaterst{\"u}ck verfasst, das bereits auf vielen B{\"u}hnen gespielt und nun auch als Kammerspiel verfilmt wurde. Die didaktische Handreichung unterst{\"u}tzt Lehrerinnen und Lehrer bei der Einbettung des Theaterst{\"u}cks oder der Verfilmung von »Ein Volkskanzler« im Unterricht.}, language = {de} } @book{Koetter2008, author = {K{\"o}tter, Wolfgang}, title = {Eine atomwaffenfreie Welt}, isbn = {978-3-940793-54-6}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-24935}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2008}, abstract = {Atomwaffen scheinen als Trumpfkarte im Spiel um die internationale Macht wieder zu stechen. Das k{\"o}nnte weitere Regierungen dazu verf{\"u}hren, nach ihrem Besitz zu streben. Wenn aber immer mehr Staaten und m{\"o}glicherweise auch Terroristen oder Kriminelle die verheerende Massenvernichtungswaffe in die H{\"a}nde bekommen, wird das Risiko eines absichtlichen oder auch versehentlichen Atomwaffeneinsatzes enorm ansteigen. Friedens- und Konfliktforscher Wolfgang K{\"o}tter aus Potsdam untersucht die aktuelle Gefahrenlage. In gut lesbaren Texten und mit anschaulichen Beispielen versehen beschreibt er m{\"o}gliche Auswege aus dem Dilemma. Dazu geh{\"o}ren die Schaffung kernwaffenfreier Zonen, ein umfassendes Verbot von Nukleartests und weitere Schritte zu einer atomwaffenfreien Welt. Besondere W{\"u}rdigung erfahren die vielf{\"a}ltigen Bem{\"u}hungen der Zivilgesellschaft, um die Politiker zum konstruktiven Handeln zu bewegen.}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Einleitung zu Serene Khaders "Decolonizing universalism: transnational feminist ethic"}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.12}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Serene Khader ist eine der wenigen feministischen Philosoph:innen in der anglos{\"a}chsischen Philosophie, die sich gezielt mit globaler Ungerechtigkeit und Imperialismus aus Sicht jener Frauen besch{\"a}ftigen, die von kolonialer und kultureller Herrschaft betroffen sind. Hierbei entlarvt sie eindrucksvoll die oftmals westliche Pr{\"a}gung von Feminismus, Gleichstellungspolitik und Philosophie und verfolgt so das Ziel, die Autonomie und Entscheidungskraft aller Frauen anzuerkennen. So zielt Khader in Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die folgende Buchdiskussion begibt sich in eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Khaders interessanter wie wichtiger Theorie. Einleitend werden wir einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Khaders Grundgedanken geben. Es schließen sich kritische Kommentare von Tamara Jugov, Mirjam M{\"u}ller, Kerstin Reibold sowie Hilkje C. H{\"a}nel und Fabian Schuppert an, auf die Serene Khader abschließend antwortet.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Mueller2015, author = {M{\"u}ller, Magnus Thomas}, title = {Erkl{\"a}rungsmodell f{\"u}r die Bildungsbeteiligung beruflich qualifizierter Personen zwischen beruflicher und akademischer Bildungsentscheidungen}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {146, lv}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational}, series = {Forum for Development Studies}, volume = {46}, journal = {Forum for Development Studies}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0803-9410}, doi = {10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962}, pages = {501 -- 526}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2017, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Feigning Democracy}, series = {Conservation \& society}, volume = {15}, journal = {Conservation \& society}, number = {4}, publisher = {Medknow publications \& media Pvt LTD}, address = {Mumbai}, issn = {0972-4923}, doi = {10.4103/cs.cs_16_106}, pages = {384 -- 399}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Becker2017, author = {Becker, Stefanie Lyn}, title = {From regimes to grassroots innovations}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {169}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @book{Kleger, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Gedankensplitter}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Norderstedt}, address = {BoD - Books on Demand}, isbn = {978-3-749-48410-2}, pages = {202}, language = {de} } @article{JannWegrich2019, author = {Jann, Werner and Wegrich, Kai}, title = {Generalists and specialists in executive politics: Why ambitious meta-policies so often fail}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {97}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12614}, pages = {845 -- 860}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This article contributes to the politics of policy-making in executive government. It introduces the analytical distinction between generalists and specialists as antagonistic players in executive politics and develops the claim that policy specialists are in a structurally advantaged position to succeed in executive politics and to fend off attempts by generalists to influence policy choices through cross-cutting reform measures. Contrary to traditional textbook public administration, we explain the views of generalists and specialists not through their training but their positions within an organization. We combine established approaches from public policy and organization theory to substantiate this claim and to define the dilemma that generalists face when developing government-wide reform policies ('meta-policies') as well as strategies to address this problem. The article suggests that the conceptual distinction between generalists and specialists allows for a more precise analysis of the challenges for policy-making across government organizations than established approaches.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Silbermann2015, author = {Silbermann, Alexandra}, title = {Gesundheitsbewusstes Konsumentenverhalten}, publisher = {Springer Gabler}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-09680-9}, pages = {341}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Alexandra Silbermann entwickelt einen neuartigen, systematischen Ansatz, der eine ganzheitliche Analyse und Erkl{\"a}rung des Bewusstseins f{\"u}r einen gesunden Konsum zul{\"a}sst und die Identifikation bedeutender Einflussfaktoren, die f{\"u}r Maßnahmen zug{\"a}nglich sind, erm{\"o}glicht. Ohne fundierte Kenntnisse der kognitiven Prozesse, die dem gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhalten zugrunde liegen, k{\"o}nnen Marketing- bzw. Interventionsmaßnahmen nur begrenzt wirkungsvoll sein. Die Autorin leitet Implikationen f{\"u}r eine effizientere F{\"o}rderung gesundheitsbewussten Konsums ab. Die Systematisierung ist {\"u}ber den Gesundheitsbezug hinaus einsetzbar. Der Inhalt Arten des Bewusstseins als Systematisierungsansatz zentraler sozial-kognitiver Konstrukte der Verhaltensforschung Theoretische Darstellung der Determinanten gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhaltens Empirische Pr{\"u}fung des Modells zur Erkl{\"a}rung gesundheitsbewussten Konsumentenverhaltens Diskussion der Einflussfaktoren und deren Beziehungsstrukturen Implikationen f{\"u}r Marketingwissenschaft und -management Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Gesundheitswissenschaften mit den Schwerpunkten Konsumentenverhalten, Marktforschung sowie pr{\"a}ventive Gesundheitsf{\"o}rderung Praktiker in Marketing und Marktforschung bei Anbietern von Konsumg{\"u}tern und in der pr{\"a}ventiven Gesundheitsf{\"o}rderung Die AutorIn Alexandra Silbermann ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam bei Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ingo Balderjahn am Lehrstuhl f{\"u}r Marketing I.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Bunk2017, author = {Bunk, Bettina}, title = {Governance and the Politics of Local Economic Development - South Africa and Mozambique}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {311, XVII}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Governing through 'governing images'}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be 'developed' or 'sustained'. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for 'evidence-based policy making', recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy 'co-production' (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the 'garbage-can model'. The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of 'Management by Objectives and Results' (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct 'social meaning' about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation constructs'. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively - that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability 'truth-out-there', a theoretical localization of indicators - and of the input variable structure - may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy 'Perspektiven f{\"u}r Deutschland' (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the 'contextual fit' of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries' 'EPI architectures' have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which 'EPI architectures' seem to be more effective in producing more 'stringent' sustainability policy.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-4371, title = {Grenzen der Europ{\"a}ischen Union}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-45623}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2005}, abstract = {Inwieweit sich politische Grenzen als k{\"u}nstlich herausstellen, l{\"a}sst sich anhand der EU betrachten. W{\"a}hrend sie sich im Inneren aufl{\"o}sen, werden die {\"a}ußeren verst{\"a}rkt. Daher stehen im vorliegenden Lehrtext neben den generellen und europ{\"a}ischen "Grenz-" Betrachtungen auch osteurop{\"a}ische, insbesondere polnische Standpunkte und Erfahrungen im Zentrum der Betrachtung. Gerade das Verh{\"a}ltnis zu Deutschland zeigt hierbei, wie eine "k{\"u}nstliche Linie" auch ein Ort des Zusammenkommens sein kann.}, language = {de} } @book{KraemerSprengelBorntraegeretal.2009, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund and Sprengel, Rainer and Borntr{\"a}ger, Ekkehard W. and Brenner, Neil and Drekonja, Gerhard and Specht, Johannes and Kron, Stefanie and Bach, Daniel and Bort, Eberhard and Bruns, Bettina and Miggelbrink, Judith and M{\"u}ller, Kristine and Wust, Andreas and Zichner, Helga}, title = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-04-7}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-36808}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Grenzen sind immanenter Bestandteil der internationalen Beziehungen. Deren Kern besteht ja darin, dass Akteure {\"u}ber (nationalstaatliche) Grenzen hinweg handeln. Die Grenze und deren {\"U}berschreitung sind somit eine conditio sine qua non von internationalen Beziehungen. Das stellt sich in Europa, Amerika und Afrika sehr verschieden dar und wird auch unterschiedlich diskutiert. Der vorliegende Band bildet dies ab: die theoretische Debatte und die empirische Verschiedenheit in den Regionen, wobei die Europ{\"a}ische Union den regionalen Schwerpunkt bildet. Der vorliegende Band, der auf einen Lehrtext von 2005 aufbaut, enth{\"a}lt neue Texte zu Amerika und zu Europas Ostgrenze.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik}, booktitle = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik}, editor = {Goll, Thomas and Friedrichs, Werner}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33763-6}, issn = {2570-2114}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33763-6_3}, pages = {35 -- 49}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Ingo Juchler setzt sich am Beispiel des Romans „Am k{\"u}rzeren Ende der Sonnenallee" (1999) von Thomas Brussig mit „Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung" auseinander. Nach der Einf{\"u}hrung in den Roman er{\"o}rtert er dessen politischen Sinngehalt, den er in der Auseinandersetzung mit den literarischen Leitfiguren des Romans, Friedrich Schiller und Jean-Paul Sartre, im besonderen Wert der Freiheit findet. Den Toten der Berliner Mauer, die davon Zeugnis geben, setzt Juchler im abschließenden Kapitel ein Denkmal.}, language = {de} } @article{BuenningHipp2022, author = {B{\"u}nning, Mareike and Hipp, Lena}, title = {How can we become more equal?}, series = {Journal of European social policy}, volume = {32}, journal = {Journal of European social policy}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0958-9287}, doi = {10.1177/09589287211035701}, pages = {182 -- 196}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This study examines how public policies affect parents' preferences for a more egalitarian division of paid and unpaid work. Based on the assumption that individuals develop their preferences within a specific policy context, we examine how changes in three policies affect mothers' and fathers' work-family preferences: the availability of high-quality, affordable childcare; the right to return to a full-time job after having reduced hours to part-time and an increase in the number of 'partner months' in parental leave schemes. Analysing a unique probability sample of parents with young children in Germany from 2015 (N = 1756), we find that fathers would want to work slightly fewer hours if they had the right to return to a full-time position after working part-time, and mothers would want to work slightly more hours if childcare opportunities were improved. Full-time working parents, moreover, are found to prefer fewer hours independent of the policy setting, while non-employed parents would like to work at least some hours. Last but not least, our analyses show that increasing the number of partner months in the parental leave scheme considerably increases fathers' preferences for longer and mothers' preferences for shorter leave. Increasing the number of partner months in parental schemes hence has the greatest potential to increase gender equality.}, language = {en} } @article{BradyGiesselmannKohleretal.2018, author = {Brady, David and Giesselmann, Marco and Kohler, Ulrich and Radenacker, Anke}, title = {How to measure and proxy permanent income}, series = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, volume = {16}, journal = {The Journal of Economic Inequality}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1569-1721}, doi = {10.1007/s10888-017-9363-9}, pages = {321 -- 345}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Permanent income (PI) is an enduring concept in the social sciences and is highly relevant to the study of inequality. Nevertheless, there has been insufficient progress in measuring PI. We calculate a novel measure of PI with the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) and U.S. Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Advancing beyond prior approaches, we define PI as the logged average of 20+ years of post-tax and post-transfer ("post-fisc") real equivalized household income. We then assess how well various household- and individual-based measures of economic resources proxy PI. In both datasets, post-fisc household income is the best proxy. One random year of post-fisc household income explains about half of the variation in PI, and 2-5 years explain the vast majority of the variation. One year of post-fisc HH income even predicts PI better than 20+ years of individual labor market earnings or long-term net worth. By contrast, earnings, wealth, occupation, and class are weaker and less cross-nationally reliable proxies for PI. We also present strategies for proxying PI when HH post-fisc income data are unavailable, and show how post-fisc HH income proxies PI over the life cycle. In sum, we develop a novel approach to PI, systematically assess proxies for PI, and inform the measurement of economic resources more generally.}, language = {en} } @article{SalenHoviSprinzetal.2020, author = {S{\ae}len, H{\aa}kon and Hovi, Jon and Sprinz, Detlef F. and Underdal, Arild}, title = {How US withdrawal might influence cooperation under the Paris climate agreement}, series = {Environmental science \& policy}, volume = {108}, journal = {Environmental science \& policy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1462-9011}, doi = {10.1016/j.envsci.2020.03.011}, pages = {121 -- 132}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Using a novel agent-based model, we study how US withdrawal might influence the political process established by the Paris Agreement, and hence the prospects for reaching the collective goal to limit warming below 2 degrees C. Our model enables us to analyze to what extent reaching this goal despite US withdrawal would place more stringent requirements on other core elements of the Paris cooperation process. We find, first, that the effect of a US withdrawal depends critically on the extent to which member countries reciprocate others' promises and contributions. Second, while the 2 degrees C goal will likely be reached only under a very small set of conditions in any event, even temporary US withdrawal will further narrow this set significantly. Reaching this goal will then require other countries to step up their ambition at the first opportunity and to comply nearly 100\% with their pledges, while maintaining high confidence in the Paris Agreements institutions. Third, although a US withdrawal will first primarily affect the United States' own emissions, it will eventually prove even more detrimental to other countries' emissions.}, language = {en} } @article{EppnerGanghof2017, author = {Eppner, Sebastian and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Institutional veto players and cabinet formation}, series = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research}, volume = {56}, journal = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12172}, pages = {169 -- 186}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Are potential cabinets more likely to form when they control institutional veto players such as symmetric second chambers or minority vetoes? Existing evidence for a causal effect of veto control has been weak. This article presents evidence for this effect on the basis of conditional and mixed logit analyses of government formations in 21 parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies between 1955 and 2012. It also shows that the size of the effect varies systematically across political-institutional contexts. The estimated causal effect was greater in countries that eventually abolished the relevant veto institutions. It is suggested that the incidence of constitutional reform is a proxy for context-specific factors that increased the incentives for veto control and simultaneously provided a stimulus for the weakening of institutional veto power.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Herold2019, author = {Herold, Jana}, title = {International Bureaucracies as Governance Actors}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {233}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This study assesses and explains international bureaucracies' performance and role as policy advisors and as expert authorities from the perspective of domestic stakeholders. International bureaucracies are the secretariats of international organizations that carry out their work including generating knowledge, providing policy advice and implementing policy programs and projects. Scholars increasingly regard them as governance actors that are able to influence global and domestic policy making. In order to explain this influence, research has mainly focused on international bureaucracies' formal features and/or staff characteristics. The way in which they are actually perceived by their domestic stakeholders, in particular by national bureaucrats, has not been systematically studied. Yet, this is equally important, given that they represent international bureaucracies' addressees and are actors that (potentially) make use of international bureaucracies' policy advice, which can be seen as an indicator for international bureaucracies' influence. Accordingly, I argue that domestic stakeholders' assessments can likewise contribute to explaining international bureaucracies' influence. The overarching research questions the study addresses are what are national stakeholders' perspectives on international bureaucracies and under which conditions do they consider international bureaucracies' policy advice? In answering these questions, I focus on three specific organizational features that the literature has considered important for international bureaucracies' independent influence, namely international bureaucracies' performance and their role as policy advisors and as expert authorities. These three features are studied separately in three independent articles, which are presented in Part II of this article-based dissertation. To answer the research questions, I draw on novel data from a global survey among ministry officials of 121 countries. The survey captures ministry officials' assessments of international bureaucracies' features and their behavior with respect to international bureaucracies' policy advice. The overall sample comprises the bureaucracies of nine global and nine regional international organizations in eight thematic areas in the policy fields of agriculture and finance. The overall finding of this study is that international bureaucracies' performance and their role as policy advisors and expert authorities as perceived by ministry officials are highly context-specific and relational. These features vary not only across international bureaucracies but much more intra-organizationally across the different thematic areas that an international bureaucracy addresses, i.e. across different thematic contexts. As far as to the relational nature of international bureaucracies' features, the study generally finds strong variation across the assessments by ministry officials from different countries and across thematic areas. Hence, the findings highlight that it is likewise important to study international bureaucracies via the perspective of their stakeholders and to take account of the different thematic areas and contexts in which international bureaucracies operate. The study contributes to current research on international bureaucracies in various ways. First, it directly surveys one important type of domestic stakeholders, namely national ministry officials, as to how they evaluate certain aspects of international bureaucracies instead of deriving them from their structural features, policy documents or assessments by their staff. Furthermore, the study empirically tests a range of theoretical hypotheses derived from the literature on international bureaucracies' influence, as well as related literature. Second, the study advances methods of assessing international bureaucracies through a large-N, cross-national expert survey among ministry officials. A survey of this type of stakeholder and of this scope is - to my knowledge - unprecedented. Yet, as argued above, their perspectives are equally important for assessing and explaining international bureaucracies' influence. Third, the study adapts common theories of international bureaucracies' policy influence and expert authority to the assessments by ministry officials. In so doing, it tests hypotheses that are rooted in both rationalist and constructivist accounts and combines perspectives on international bureaucracies from both International Relations and Public Administration. Empirically supporting and challenging these hypotheses further complements the theoretical understanding of the determinants of international bureaucracies' influence among national bureaucracies from both rationalist and constructivist perspectives. Overall, this study advances our understanding of international bureaucracies by systematically taking into account ministry officials' perspectives in order to determine under which conditions international bureaucracies are perceived to perform well and are able to have an effect as policy advisors and expert authorities among national bureaucracies. Thereby, the study helps to specify to what extent international bureaucracies - as global governance actors - are able to permeate domestic governance via ministry officials and, thus, contribute to the question of why some international bureaucracies play a greater role and are ultimately able to have more influence than others.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Wernert2019, author = {Wernert, Yann}, title = {Internationale Kooperation in der Rohstoffpolitik}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-28517-3}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-28518-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {521}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Deutschland und Frankreich ben{\"o}tigen stetige Metallimporte, um ihr Wirtschaftsmodell aufrechtzuerhalten. Internationale Kooperation ist unerl{\"a}sslich, damit diese Importe zuverl{\"a}ssig und nachhaltig verlaufen. Doch welche Potenziale bieten sich in diesem Bereich, welche Grenzen sind dabei zu erkennen? Dieser Frage geht Yann Wernert durch einen Fallstudienvergleich mit prozessanalytischen Methoden und auf der theoretischen Grundlage des neoliberalen Institutionalismus nach. Er zeigt, dass beide L{\"a}nder ihre Bem{\"u}hungen als reaktive Mittelm{\"a}chte gestalten. Sie wollen durch staatliche Rohstoffstrategien wirtschaftliche, strategische und Nachhaltigkeitsziele erreichen. W{\"a}hrend die Analyse durchaus Kooperationspotenziale ausmacht, fallen diese je nach L{\"a}ndergruppe und Politikbereich sehr unterschiedlich aus.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Zamirirad2017, author = {Zamirirad, Azadeh}, title = {Intraelit{\"a}re Pr{\"a}ferenzformationen in der iranischen Atompolitik}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {248}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{LundgrenSquatritoSommereretal.2023, author = {Lundgren, Magnus and Squatrito, Theresa and Sommerer, Thomas and Tallberg, Jonas}, title = {Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD)}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {19}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6}, pages = {117 -- 146}, year = {2023}, abstract = {There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980-2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset's utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs.}, language = {en} } @misc{FitziTurner2019, author = {Fitzi, Gregor and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Introduction: From politics as a vocation to politics as a profession}, series = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, volume = {19}, journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, number = {4}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X19851341}, pages = {311 -- 315}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector}, series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, journal = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0734-371X}, doi = {10.1177/0734371X221148403}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Justifying types of representative democracy}, series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, journal = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-8230}, doi = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Schmidt2017, author = {Schmidt, Oliver}, title = {Kirchenasyl und Verwaltungsroutinen in Krisenzeiten}, series = {Migrationspolitik in Deutschland und Polen ; Herausforderungen und L{\"o}sungsans{\"a}tze in der europ{\"a}ischen Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, booktitle = {Migrationspolitik in Deutschland und Polen ; Herausforderungen und L{\"o}sungsans{\"a}tze in der europ{\"a}ischen Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-64-4}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {137 -- 178}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannBogumil2015, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Legitimation von Verwaltungshandeln - Ver{\"a}nderungen und Konstanten}, series = {Der moderne Staat : dms ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management}, volume = {8}, journal = {Der moderne Staat : dms ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management}, number = {2}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen}, issn = {1865-7192}, pages = {237 -- 251}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Der Beitrag untersucht das Wechsel- und Zusammenspiel von {\"o}ffentlichem Verwaltungshandeln und Legitimit{\"a}t. Ausgegangen wird davon, dass in den letzten Jahren sowohl die Input- als auch die Outputdimension staatlicher Legitimationsbeschaffung signifikante Ver{\"a}nderungen durchlaufen haben, die die {\"o}ffentliche Verwaltung intensiv ber{\"u}hren. Mit R{\"u}ckgriff auf die anderen Beitr{\"a}ge des Schwerpunktheftes und unter Hinzuziehung weiterer Erkenntnisse wird {\"u}berblicksartig untersucht, ob sich die Legitimationsproduktion durch Verwaltungshandeln ver{\"a}ndert hat und wenn ja, inwiefern. Im Ergebnis ergibt sich ein partieller Wandel hinsichtlich der Legitimationsquellen von Verwaltungshandeln. Sowohl im Input-Bereich (Transparenzgesetze, vorgezogene B{\"u}rgerbeteiligung) als auch im Output-Bereich (z.B. Normenkontrollrat) gibt es neue bzw. einen st{\"a}rkeren Einsatz schon bekannter Instrumente (Expertenkommissionen). Ob dieser Wandel der Instrumente und der potenziellen Quellen von Legitimation allerdings tats{\"a}chlich die Legitimit{\"a}t des Verwaltungshandelns ver{\"a}ndert, also zu einer Legitimit{\"a}tssteigerung f{\"u}hrt, wird teils skeptisch beurteilt und bedarf daher weiterer empirischer Untersuchung.}, language = {de} } @misc{vanHeldenReichard2018, author = {van Helden, Jan and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Management control and public sector performance management}, series = {Baltic Journal of Management}, volume = {14}, journal = {Baltic Journal of Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {1746-5265}, doi = {10.1108/BJM-01-2018-0021}, pages = {158 -- 176}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how evolving ideas about management control (MC) emerge in research about public sector performance management (PSPM). Design/methodology/approach This is a literature review on PSPM research through using a set of key terms derived from a review of recent developments in MC. Findings MC research, originating in the management accounting discipline, is largely disconnected from PSPM research as part of public administration and public management disciplines. Overlaps between MC and PSPM research are visible in a cybernetic control approach, control variety and contingency-based reasoning. Both academic communities share an understanding of certain issues, although under diverging labels, especially enabling controls or, in a more general sense, usable performance controls, horizontal controls and control packaging. Specific MC concepts are valuable for future PSPM research, i.e. trust as a complement of performance-based controls in complex settings, and strategy as a variable in contingency-based studies. Research limitations/implications Breaking the boundaries between two currently remote research disciplines, on the one hand, might dismantle "would-be" innovations in one of these disciplines, and, on the other hand, may provide a fertile soil for mutual transfer of knowledge. A limitation of the authors' review of PSPM research is that it may insufficiently cover research published in the public sector accounting journals, which could be an outlet for MC-inspired PSPM research. Originality/value The paper unravels the "apparent" and "real" differences between MC and PSPM research, and, in doing so, takes the detected "real" differences as a starting point for discussing in what ways PSPM research can benefit from MC achievements.}, language = {en} } @article{Fitzi2019, author = {Fitzi, Gregor}, title = {Max Weber's concept of 'modern politics}, series = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, volume = {19}, journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, number = {4}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X19851368}, pages = {361 -- 376}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In a critical approach to Mommsen's classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber's sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber's 'The Profession and Vocation of Politics' on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber's entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of 'modern politics' that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt's foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber's sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mit narrativen Medien lernen}, series = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, journal = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1362-9}, issn = {1435-7526}, pages = {476 -- 483}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @incollection{LedererHoehneStehleetal.2020, author = {Lederer, Markus and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Stehle, Fee and Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Multilevel climate governance in Brazil and Indonesia}, series = {Climate governance across the globe : Pioneers, leaders and followers}, booktitle = {Climate governance across the globe : Pioneers, leaders and followers}, editor = {Wurzel, R{\"u}diger K. W. and Andersen, Mikael Skou and Tobin, Paul}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY}, isbn = {978-1-003-01424-9}, doi = {10.4324/9781003014249}, pages = {101 -- 119}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Focusing on forest policy and urban climate politics in Brazil and Indonesia, the primary objective of this chapter is to identify domestic pioneers and leaders who, compared to other sectors, governmental levels or jurisdictions within the same nation-state, move 'ahead of the troops' (Liefferink and Wurzel, 2017: 2-3). The chapter focuses especially on the role of multilevel governance in bringing about pioneership and leadership and on the different types of that have emerged. It also explores whether and, if so, to what extent domestic pioneers and leaders attract followers and whether there are signs of sustained domestic leadership. The chapter identifies the actors that constitute pioneers and leaders and assesses the processes which lead to their emergence. The chapter authors take up Wurzel et al.'s (2019) call to open up the black box of the nation-state. But instead of stressing the role of non-state actors, the chapter authors focus on vertical interactions among different governmental levels within nation states. The main argument put forward is that international and transnational processes, incentives, and ideas often trigger the development of domestic pioneership and leadership. Such processes, however, cannot be understood properly if domestic politics and dynamics across governmental levels within the nation-state are not taken into account.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mundus vult decipi}, series = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33076-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_13}, pages = {229 -- 247}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die Menschen glauben, was sie glauben wollen. Betonung auf wollen. (…) Nein, der Glaube der Menschen h{\"a}ngt nicht von Fakten ab, nicht von Beweisen. Schlimmer noch - und das ist fast so etwas wie der zweite Teil der Erleuchtung, eine Steigerung: Man kann ihnen Fakten liefern, man kann sie widerlegen, es hilft nichts. Im Gegenteil, wer etwas glauben will, findet einen Weg! Er wird sich durch den winzigen Spalt quetschen, den die Wahrheit im l{\"a}sst. Wird die Dinge so lange so drehen und wenden, bis sie wieder in seinen Glauben hineinpassen, und seine ganze Klugheit wird ihn nicht etwa daran hindern, sondern ihm noch dabei behilflich sein. Eugen Ruge, Metropol Toren sind, die alles loben und lieben, was im Nebel verdrehter Worte dunkel daherkommt; Toren, die f{\"u}r wahr halten, was ihnen eingef{\"a}rbt durch wohlt{\"o}nende Phrasen, reizvoll die Ohren kitzelt. Lukrez, {\"U}ber die Natur der Dinge}, language = {de} } @article{SteckerKachelPaasch2021, author = {Stecker, Christian and Kachel, Jannis and Paasch, Jana}, title = {Muster der Landesgesetzgebung}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft}, volume = {62}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft}, number = {2}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-021-00307-0}, pages = {307 -- 324}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This research note presents the first systematic documentation of the legislative process in the German state parliaments. The data set comprises 16,610 bills between 1990 and 2020. After a description of the data, we provide illustrative insights into the patterns of law-making. It is shown that these patterns are dominated by the new dualism between government and opposition. Furthermore, the incentives of issue competition are clearly present in the legislative initiatives. There is no evidence, however, for the expectation that intracoalitional policy distance prolongs the duration of legislative procedures. The published data provides scholars with the opportunity to investigate various additional research questions.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-4441, title = {Nachdenken {\"u}ber Europa}, editor = {Kleger, Heinz and Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, edition = {2., erw. Aufl.}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-939469-18-6}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46246}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2006}, abstract = {Die Stagnation des europ{\"a}ischen Einigungsprozesses f{\"u}hrte in den letzten Jahren zu verst{\"a}rkter Reflexion innerhalb der EU. Muss sich die Gemeinschaft konstitutionell erneuern? Kann eine europ{\"a}ische Identit{\"a}t gebildet werden oder formt sich ein "Europa der Regionen"? Kompetente Denker widmen sich diesen Fragen, wobei sie den Bedarf nach Konsolidierung ebenso wie die Erweiterung auf andere Politikfelder beispielsweise der ESVP beleuchten. Erg{\"a}nzt werden diese profunden Artikel durch umfassende Literatur- und Konferenzberichte.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung}, publisher = {bbp, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {19}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In welchem Verh{\"a}ltnis stehen Literatur und das Politische? F{\"o}rdert narrative politische Bildung Ambiguit{\"a}tstoleranz und Mehrstimmigkeit? Der Beitrag diskutiert aktuelle didaktische Theorien und Beispiele.}, language = {de} } @article{Kleinwaechter, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, title = {Neue Narrative f{\"u}r den Frieden}, series = {Jenseits der Konfrontation! F{\"u}r eine Neugestaltung der Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Russland}, journal = {Jenseits der Konfrontation! F{\"u}r eine Neugestaltung der Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Russland}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-21-0}, pages = {54 -- 59}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-8057, title = {Neues Denken in der DDR}, series = {Potsdamer Textb{\"u}cher ; 25}, journal = {Potsdamer Textb{\"u}cher ; 25}, editor = {Crome, Erhard and Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz}, publisher = {Welttrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-95-5}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {258}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Das Ende des Kalten Krieges brachte keine {\"A}ra des Friedens. Dabei h{\"a}tte es erm{\"o}glicht, der Menschheitsgeschichte eine positive Wendung zu geben. Im „Neuen Denken" waren deren Umrisse angelegt: Der mit nuklear-strategischen Waffen gef{\"u}hrte Krieg h{\"a}tte die Menschheit vernichtet. Es gibt nur noch gleiche und gemeinsame Sicherheit f{\"u}r alle Seiten oder keine. Im Westen wurde das „Neue Denken" jedoch als Moment des Scheiterns des Realsozialismus angesehen, nicht als Chance. In diesem Band wird pr{\"a}sentiert, was in der DDR bis 1990 dazu konzeptionell entwickelt wurde.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Lange2018, author = {Lange, Anne}, title = {On a small scale}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {337}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This study argues that micro relations matter in peacekeeping. Asking what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex and how complexity is resolved, I find that formal, contractual mechanisms only rarely effectively reduce complexity - and that micro relations fill this gap. Micro relations are personal relationships resulting from frequent face-to-face interaction in professional and - equally importantly - social contexts. This study offers an explanation as to why micro relations are important for coping with complexity, in the form of a causal mechanism. For this purpose, I bring together theoretical and empirical knowledge: I draw upon the current debate on 'institutional complexity' (Greenwood et al. 2011) in organizational institutionalism as well as original empirical evidence from a within-case study of the peacekeeping intervention in Haiti, gained in ten weeks of field research. In this study, scholarship on institutional complexity serves to identify theoretical causal channels which guide empirical analysis. An additional, secondary aim is pursued with this mechanism-centered approach: testing the utility of Beach and Pedersen's (2013) theory-testing process tracing. Regarding the first research question - what makes the implementation of peacekeeping interventions complex -, the central finding is that complexity manifests itself in the dual role of organizations as cooperation partners and competitors for (scarce) resources, turf and influence. UN organizations, donor agencies and international NGOs implementing peacekeeping activities in post-conflict environments have chronic difficulty mastering both roles because they entail contradictory demands: effective cooperation requires information exchange, resource and responsibility-sharing as well as external scrutiny, whereas prevailing over competitors demands that organizations conceal information, guard resources, increase relative turf and influence, as well as shield themselves from scrutiny. Competition fuels organizational distrust and friction - and impedes cooperation. How is this complexity resolved? The answer to this second research question is that deep-seated organizational competition is routinely mediated - and cooperation motivated - in micro relations and micro interaction. Regular, frequent face-to-face interaction between individual organizational members generates social resources that help to transcend organizational distrust and conflict, most importantly familiarity with each other, personal trust and belief in reciprocity. Furthermore, informal conflict mediation and control mechanisms - namely, open discussion, mutual monitoring in direct interaction and social exclusion - enhance solidarity and mutual support.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerPruin2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree}, title = {Organizational reputation in executive politics}, series = {International review of administrative sciences}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Los Angeles, Calif.}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523221132228}, pages = {16}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2015, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Politikevaluation/Evaluationsforschung}, series = {Kleines Lexikon der Politik}, booktitle = {Kleines Lexikon der Politik}, publisher = {C. H. Beck}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, isbn = {978-3-406-68106-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {480 -- 483}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-9130, title = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Die Reihe Politische Bildung vermittelt zwischen den vielf{\"a}ltigen Gegenst{\"a}nden des Politischen und der Auseinandersetzung mit diesen Gegenst{\"a}nden in politischen Bildungsprozessen an Schulen, außerschulischen Einrichtungen und Hochschulen. Deshalb werden theoretische Grundlagen, empirische Studien und handlungsanleitende Konzeptionen zur politischen Bildung vorgestellt, um unterschiedliche Zug{\"a}nge und Sichtweisen zu Theorie und Praxis politischer Bildung aufzuzeigen und zur Diskussion zu stellen. Die Reihe Politische Bildung wendet sich an Studierende, Referendare und Lehrende der schulischen und außerschulischen politischen Bildung.}, language = {de} } @book{Kraemer2007, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Politische Herrschaft im Vergleich}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-939469-94-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-45673}, year = {2007}, abstract = {Wie stellt sich politische Herrschaft in Theorie und Praxis dar? Staatstheoretische Konzepte von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart werden im vorliegenden Text ebenso wie verschiedenste Regierungsformen vorgestellt. Dies umfasst die Despotie der Vormoderne, den Absolutismus, bis hin zu den verschiedenen Varianten politischer Herrschaft im 20. Jahrhundert. Dabei werden Beispiele und Themen angesprochen, die oft außerhalb vergleichbarer Werke liegen. So k{\"o}nnen sowohl die Ernennung des Dogen von Venedig, als auch die Organisation Byzanz' und der Inka nachvollzogen werden. Unterst{\"u}tzt wird dieser anspruchvolle Text durch ausf{\"u}hrliches Bild- und Tabellenmaterial.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-4372, title = {Politische Herrschaft in S{\"u}d- und Mittelamerika}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {3-939469-04-1}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-45635}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2006}, abstract = {Im Nachklang der napoleonischen Kriege befreite sich S{\"u}d- und Mittelamerika von der kolonialen Herrschaft. Welche Einflussgr{\"o}ßen von da an die Staatlichkeit in diesem Gebiet gepr{\"a}gt haben, wird hier gekl{\"a}rt. Insbesondere die Rolle des Milit{\"a}rs, der Gewalt, der Guerilla und der USA als argw{\"o}hnischer Statthalter des Kontinents stehen im Zentrum der umfassenden Beitr{\"a}ge dieses Sammelbandes. So werden die Entwicklung und der Status quo politischer Herrschaft in Lateinamerika dargestellt, was Vorhersagen zu deren Zukunft erm{\"o}glicht.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Politische Urteilsbildung}, series = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, booktitle = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, editor = {Oeftering, Tonio and Meints-Stender, Waltraud and Lange, Dirk}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30675-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30676-2_3}, pages = {41 -- 58}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die F{\"a}higkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbem{\"u}hungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufkl{\"a}rung. Immanuel Kants Ausf{\"u}hrungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von Aufkl{\"a}rung und M{\"u}ndigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl{\"a}rung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage f{\"u}r die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit M{\"u}ndigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der K{\"o}nigsberger Philosoph erkl{\"a}rte hierin eingangs: „Aufkl{\"a}rung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unm{\"u}ndigkeit. Unm{\"u}ndigkeit ist das Unverm{\"o}gen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unm{\"u}ndigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufkl{\"a}rung."}, language = {de} } @periodical{OPUS4-43303, title = {Potsdamer Beitr{\"a}ge zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Kopke, Christoph and Schulze, Christoph and Treß, Werner}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2628-4081}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Produktivit{\"a}t als Antwort}, series = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-43305, title = {Rechtsrock}, series = {Potsdamer Beitr{\"a}ge zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, journal = {Potsdamer Beitr{\"a}ge zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, number = {1}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Raabe, Jan and Schulze, Christoph}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2628-4081}, abstract = {Musik ist eines der wichtigsten Medien, mit dem die extreme Rechte den Kontakt zu jugendlichen Milieus aufbaut und h{\"a}lt. In diesem Band nehmen Expertinnen und Experten aus verschiedenen Bereichen die rechtsradikale Musikszene in Deutschland in den Blick - vor allem anhand von Beispielen aus dem Land Brandenburg. Zudem wird die Entwicklung seit den fr{\"u}hen 1990er Jahren als Teil der Geschichte der sozialen Bewegung der extremen Rechten dargestellt. Seitdem ist eine Lebenswelt entstanden, der viele Neonazis bis weit ins Erwachsenenalter verbunden bleiben. Der Band gliedert sich in drei Rubriken: Das Kapitel »Analysen« liefert {\"u}bergeordnete gesellschaftliche Einordnungen, das Kapitel »Fallstudien« beleuchtet ausgew{\"a}hlte Aspekte, und das Kapitel »Gegenstrategien« diskutiert politische, gesellschaftliche und staatliche Maßnahmen. Das Buch will eine breitere {\"O}ffentlichkeit f{\"u}r das Thema sensibilisieren, grundlegendes Wissen vermitteln und Probleme sowie m{\"o}gliche Interventionsr{\"a}ume aufzeigen.}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannGrohsBogumil2014, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Grohs, Stephan and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Reforming public administration in multilevel systems}, series = {Public administration and the modern state : assesing trends and impact}, journal = {Public administration and the modern state : assesing trends and impact}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-1-137-43748-8}, pages = {205 -- 222}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @book{Muetzenich2011, author = {M{\"u}tzenich, Rolf}, title = {Renaissance oder Ende der nuklearen Weltordnung?}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, volume = {5}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, publisher = {WeltTrends e.V}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-33-7}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {16}, year = {2011}, abstract = {In Stanley Kubricks Film von 1964 lernten wir, die Bombe zu lieben. Heute, 66 Jahre nach der ersten nuklearen Detonation, haben wir uns mit dem Wissen um ihre absolute Zerst{\"o}rungskraft arrangiert. In einer multipolaren Welt scheint die atomare W{\"a}hrung jedoch an Wert zu verlieren. Ist die Vision einer nuklearwaffenfreien Zukunft also nur ein Traum oder k{\"o}nnen wir lernen, auf die Bombe zu verzichten? Rolf M{\"u}tzenich, MdB und außenpolitischer Sprecher der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion, hat sich dieser Frage angenommen.}, language = {de} } @book{Kraemer2011, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Res Publica}, edition = {3., Aufl.}, publisher = {WeltTrends e. V.}, address = {Potsdam}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-55476}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Die Frage nach der politischen Ordnung steht im Mittelpunkt des Lehrtextes zur Einf{\"u}hrung in die Wissenschaft von der Res Publica. Dieses als Skript konzipierte Lehrbuch dient als Grundlage der Einf{\"u}hrungsvorlesung an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Mit einem n{\"u}chternen Blick in die Geschichte, von der Antike {\"u}ber die fr{\"u}he Neuzeit bis in die Gegenwart - und dies global - wird das Politische aus verschiedenen Perspektiven diskutiert. Es ist vor allem ein Text f{\"u}r jene, die sich mit dem Politischen zu besch{\"a}ftigen beginnen, jedoch auch f{\"u}r jene lohnenswert, die sich erneut der Grundlagen versichern m{\"o}chten.}, language = {de} } @article{TsebelisThiesCheibubetal.2023, author = {Tsebelis, George and Thies, Michael and Cheibub, Jos{\´e} Antonio and Dixon, Rosalind and Bog{\´e}a, Daniel and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review symposium}, series = {European political science}, journal = {European political science}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1680-4333}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Steffen Ganghof's Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that "in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not" (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, Jos{\´e} Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bog{\´e}a review Steffen Ganghof's book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A\&M University in 2022. We thank Prof Jos{\´e} Cheibub (Texas A\&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.}, language = {en} } @misc{Juchler2023, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Rezension zu: May, Michael ; Partetzke, Marc: Einf{\"u}hrung in die Politikdidaktik. Band 1: Geschichte, Essentials, Forschungs- und Entwicklungsfelder. - Frankfurt am Main: Wochenschau Verlag, 2023. - 223 S. - (utb; 6045). - ISBN: 978-3-8385-6045-8}, series = {Polis}, volume = {27}, journal = {Polis}, number = {3}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, issn = {1611-373X}, doi = {10.46499/2243.2834}, pages = {32 -- 32}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Gelungene Orientierung f{\"u}r die fachliche Ausbildung. Man ist gespannt auf den zweiten Band.}, language = {de} } @misc{Hickmann2019, author = {Hickmann, Thomas}, title = {Rezension zu: Andonova, Liliana B: Governance Entrepreneurs: International Organizations and the Rise of Global Public-Private Partnerships. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. - XI,275 S. - ISBN 978-1-107-16566-3}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {19}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/glep_r_00510}, pages = {175 -- 177}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @misc{Stehle2021, author = {Stehle, Fee}, title = {Rezension zu: Jordan, Andrew; Huitema, Dave; Asselt Harro van; Foster, Johanna (eds.): Governing climate change: polycentricity in action? - Cambridge ; New York, NY ; Port Melbourne : Cambridge University Press, 2018. - xv, 389 S. - ISBN 978-1-108-41812-6}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {21}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, number = {1}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1536-0091}, doi = {10.1162/glep_r_00596}, pages = {157 -- 159}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @misc{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Rezension zu: Massing, Peter: Politische Bildung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland : Grundlagen - Kontroversen - Perspektiven. - Frankfurt am Main : Wochenschau Verlag, 2021. - 141 S. - ISBN: 978-3-8252-5720-0}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Didaktik der Gesellschaftswissenschaften}, volume = {13}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Didaktik der Gesellschaftswissenschaften}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, issn = {2191-0766}, pages = {146 -- 148}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @misc{Reiners2021, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Rezension zu: Milewicz, Karolina M.: Constitutionalizing world politics : the logic of democratic power and the unintended consequences of international treaty making. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. - 354 S. - ISBN: 978-1-108-83509-1}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly}, volume = {62}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-021-00333-y}, pages = {575 -- 577}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @misc{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Rezension zu: Pelluchon, Corine: Manifest f{\"u}r die Tiere. - M{\"u}nchen: C.H. Beck Verlag, 2020. - 125 S. - ISBN: 978-3-406-75709-9}, series = {Forum Politikunterricht}, journal = {Forum Politikunterricht}, number = {1-2}, publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Bildung, Landesverband Bayern}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, issn = {0941-5874}, pages = {2}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Semi-parliamentary government in perspective}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {53}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1036-1146}, doi = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488}, pages = {264 -- 269}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more 'normative' than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of 'direct election' equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the 'equilibrium' nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over 'instrumentalist' concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hirschmann2016, author = {Hirschmann, Nathalie}, title = {Sicherheit als professionelle Dienstleistung und Mythos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-13111-1}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {286}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Nathalie Hirschmann geht der Frage nach, auf welche Weise sich die Sicherheitswirtschaft im System der Sicherheit zu etablieren sucht und wie erfolgreich ihr dies gelingt. Ihre Analyse verdeutlicht, wie Schmuddelimage und begrenzte Kompetenzzuschreibung der Branche einerseits erschweren, neben der Polizei als institutionelle Tr{\"a}gerin der {\"o}ffentlichen Sicherheit zu bestehen, und andererseits, gegen{\"u}ber dem Kunden bzw. Auftraggeber in ein professionelleres Gef{\"u}ge zu treten. Einen inhaltsanalytisch theoriegeleiteten, soziologisch-konzeptionellen Blick einnehmend wird deutlich, welche Ausbaubestrebungen kognitiver und sozialer Art die Sicherheitswirtschaft vorgenommen hat und wo diese an ihre Grenzen stoßen.}, language = {de} } @book{TallbergBaeckstrandAartScholteetal.2023, author = {Tallberg, Jonas and B{\"a}ckstrand, Karin and Aart Scholte, Jan and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {SNS Democracy Council 2023}, publisher = {SNS F{\"o}rlag}, address = {Stockholm}, isbn = {978-91-89754-06-5}, pages = {199}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened - while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-42120, title = {The anthropocene debate and political science}, series = {Routledge research in global environmental governance}, journal = {Routledge research in global environmental governance}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Partzsch, Lena and Pattberg, Philipp H. and Weiland, Sabine}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-8153-8614-8}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {260}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Anthropocene has become an environmental buzzword. It denotes a new geological epoch that is human?dominated. As mounting scientific evidence reveals, humankind has fundamentally altered atmospheric, geological, hydrological, biospheric, and other Earth system processes to an extent that the risk of an irreversible system change emerges. Human societies must therefore change direction and navigate away from critical tipping points in the various ecosystems of our planet. This hypothesis has kicked off a debate not only on the geoscientific definition of the Anthropocene era, but increasingly also in the social sciences. However, the specific contribution of the social sciences disciplines and in particular that of political science still needs to be fully established. This edited volume analyzes, from a political science perspective, the wider social dynamics underlying the ecological and geological changes, as well as their implications for governance and politics in the Anthropocene. The focus is on two questions: (1) What is the contribution of political science to the Anthropocene debate, e.g. in terms of identified problems, answers, and solutions? (2) What are the conceptual and practical implications of the Anthropocene debate for the discipline of political science? Overall, this book contributes to the Anthropocene debate by providing novel theoretical and conceptual accounts of the Anthropocene, engaging with contemporary politics and policy-making in the Anthropocene, and offering a critical reflection on the Anthropocene debate as such. The volume will be of great interest to students and scholars of political science, global environmental politics and governance, and sustainable development.}, language = {en} } @article{FitziMele2017, author = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mele, Vincenzo}, title = {The corrosion of character}, series = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, volume = {17}, journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X17693436}, pages = {143 -- 155}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The topic of this imaginary dialogue between Georg Simmel and Max Weber is the relation between work - in the sense of labour - and personality. Its aim is to show that the thinking of these 'founding fathers' of sociology can furnish valuable insight into the current issue of the corrosion of character in contemporary post-Fordist society. The concept of work still represents one of the major factors determining modern individuals' ability (or inability) to formulate personal, stable identities that enable them to become fully socialized. Both Simmel and Weber make reference to a common theoretical background that views the human being as a creature with originally rational potential, who is faced with the task of becoming a personality by means of consciously chosen life behaviour: This is evident in the parallelism between Simmel's interest in the concept of 'style of life' (Der Stil des Lebens) and Weber's research on the 'life conduct' (Lebensf{\"u}hrung) that arose in Western rationalistic culture.}, language = {en} } @article{DanielsenFleischer2022, author = {Danielsen, Ole Andreas and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {The effects of political design and organizational dynamics on structural disaggregation and integration in Norway 1947-2019}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1468-0491}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12669}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In countries with long-standing agency traditions, the creation of new agencies rarely comes as a large-scale reform but rather as one structural choice of many possible, most notably a ministerial division. In order to make sense of these choices, the article discusses the role of political design-focusing on the role of political motivations, such as ideological turnover, replacement risks and ideological stands toward administrative efficiency-and organizational dynamics-focusing on the role of administrative legacies and existing organizational palettes. The article utilizes data on organizational creations in the Norwegian central state between 1947 and 2019, in order to explore how political design and organizational dynamics help us understand the creation of agencies relative to ministry divisions over time. We find that political motives matter a great deal for the structural choices made by consecutive Norwegian governments, but that structural path dependencies may also be at play.}, language = {en} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Schiller2016, author = {Schiller, Christof}, title = {The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany}, series = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, journal = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-315-62390-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {273}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @article{Kaya2019, author = {Kaya, Muzaffer}, title = {The potentials and challenges of left populism in Turkey}, series = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies}, volume = {46}, journal = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies}, number = {5}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-0194}, doi = {10.1080/13530194.2019.1634398}, pages = {797 -- 812}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan's authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP's rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy.}, language = {en} } @article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017, author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika}, title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks}, series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, volume = {97}, journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0016-3287}, doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004}, pages = {35 -- 46}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.}, language = {en} } @article{DuitLimSommerer2023, author = {Duit, Andreas and Lim, Sijeong and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {The state and the environment}, series = {Politics \& policy}, volume = {51}, journal = {Politics \& policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {1555-5623}, doi = {10.1111/polp.12561}, pages = {1046 -- 1068}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970-2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Theater und politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, editor = {Gloe, Markus and Oeftering, Tonio}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5484-7}, doi = {10.5771/9783845296708-59}, pages = {59 -- 74}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Wie {\"a}sthetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn f{\"u}r Sch{\"u}ler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters f{\"u}r politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsf{\"a}higkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel f{\"u}r den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind" von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} }