@book{TaylorNanzTaylor2020,
  author    = {Taylor, Charles and Nanz, Patrizia and Taylor, Madeleine Beaubien},
  title     = {Reconstructing democracy},
  publisher = {Harvard University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  isbn      = {978-0-674-24462-7},
  pages     = {107},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Across the world, democracies are suffering from a disconnect between the people and political elites. In communities where jobs and industry are scarce, many feel the government is incapable of understanding their needs or addressing their problems. The resulting frustration has fueled the success of destabilizing demagogues. To reverse this pattern and restore responsible government, we need to reinvigorate democracy at the local level. But what does that mean? Drawing on examples of successful community building in cities large and small, from a shrinking village in rural Austria to a neglected section of San Diego, Reconstructing Democracy makes a powerful case for re-engaging citizens. It highlights innovative grassroots projects and shows how local activists can form alliances and discover their own power to solve problems.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-50023,
  title     = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  journal   = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  editor    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50979-8},
  issn      = {2523-8256},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
  pages     = {XXV, 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {Policy analysis in the face of complexity},
  series = {Public policy and administration},
  volume    = {34},
  journal   = {Public policy and administration},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0952-0767},
  doi       = {10.1177/0952076717733325},
  pages     = {21},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {An ever-increasing number of policy problems have come to be interpreted as representing a particular type of intractable, ill-structured or wicked policy problem. Much of this debate is concerned with the challenges wicked problems pose for program management rather than policy analysis. This article, in contrast, argues that the key challenge in addressing this type of policy problems is in fact analytical. Wicked policy problems are difficult to identify and interpret. The knowledge base for analysing wicked policy problem is typically fragmented and contested. Available evidence is incomplete, inconclusive and incommensurable. In this situation, the evidentiary and the interpretative elements of policy analysis become increasingly indistinguishable and inseparably intertwined. The article reveals the problems this poses for policy analysis and explores the extent to which the consolidation, consensualization and contestation of evidence in policy analysis offer alternative procedural paths to resolve these problems.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Franzke2019,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Rezension zu: The Routledge handbook of international local government / edited by Richard Kerley, Joyce Liddle and Pamela T. Dunning. - London: Routledge, 2018. - 528 pp. - ISBN: 978- 11-3823-472-7, ISBN: 978-1-31530-627-8},
  series = {Local government studies},
  volume    = {46},
  journal   = {Local government studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0300-3930},
  doi       = {10.1080/03003930.2020.1702771},
  pages     = {163 -- 165},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {When I took up the task of writing a review of the Routledge handbook of international local government, it occurred to me, as a member of the generation of the 1950s, that I had not even considered whether such compendiums were even necessary in times of easy internet searching. This review will look at whether that is indeed the case. Social-science handbooks naturally are very broad. This also applies to the particular handbook under review. It comprises six content-thematic parts with 33 chapters by 73 authors from 21 countries, with the UK and USA dominant. The focal points, discussed in more detail below, are local elections and local governance, local governments in different jurisdictions, the challenges of local government services, citizen engagement in local affairs, and local authorities in multi-level finance systems that shape how municipal governments 'get and spend' public money. These are exactly the topics actually discussed in the international community of political scientists. As a preliminary, the editors work out the theoretical-methodological foundations of the topic. They define 'the local' as 'geographically defined sub-national state administrative or political divisions' (p. 3). As next steps, they analyse the difference between government and governance, and investigate whether local government is globally important and relevant. Fortunately, they conclude that this is indeed the case. Part I of the handbook illustrates 'substantive variations' in the local electoral systems and 'notable divergences in the values and assumptions of local governance among democratic countries' (p. 23). That topic is indeed central to local authorities' legitimacy in democratic political systems. The focus of this part of the handbook is on current research and debates around local electoral systems, the challenges of local political leadership and the councillor's role in modern local policy. Current trends at the local level are analysed from the actors' perspectives or from an economic point of view by comparing institutionalised differences in city managers, mayors and council members across different jurisdictions. Sections that investigate traditional leadership and local government in Pacific Island countries are of particular interest to most Western readers, because in Europe and North America we know too little about such issues in that part of the world. Part II of the handbook presents current development processes and challenges in various local government systems. The chapters are territorially oriented around nation states or sub-national regions. This part of the handbook deal with local government in the Pacific Islands, Latin America, and New Zealand and in the Caribbean. However, the rationale behind country selection is not always clear; important countries like China, India and Nigeria, just to name a few, are absent. Unfortunately, there is no summary article highlighting similarities and differences, as well as the challenges in local government, relating to the countries studied in the book. The development of local services is the focus of Part III of the handbook, however, the definition of local services remains highly controversial and their scope varies widely between the countries. From the 1980s onwards, there was a long-term trend towards the marketisation and economisation of local politics, but since the turn of the millennium, there has been a counter-trend of the return of municipalities and third sector in the fields of local public services (Wollmann 2018). The book analyses the US and Georgia as case studies for development trends, finding that local government entrepreneurship remains an important factor in promoting economic development and strengthening capacities. I was pleased to see that Part IV, the next and most extensive part of the handbook, deals with citizen engagement, because the future of local self-government across the world depends not only on top down activities by local governing elites, but above all on the commitment of the inhabitants of cities and municipalities. Practices and challenges of citizen participation in local government are analysed in inspiring case studies of mid-sized cities in Russia and the United States. The contribution on urban governance of austerity in Europe is also of particular interest. The 2008 global financial crash and the subsequent severe budgetary pressure on municipalities in many countries was a key event in the history and development of local self-government, confronting municipalities with 'the harsh realities of political economy' (p. 293). Several articles analyse the causes of the declining confidence of the citizens in local authorities in some countries. In contrast, the open budget tool in Brazil is as a positive example of collaborative stakeholder engagement. Part V deals with multi-level governance. With the exception of Australia, it is all about Europe, especially the role of municipalities in the EU's multilevel system. The authors conclude that 'local authorities are essential for executing EU legislation, and this turn allows them to shape EU policies' (p. 401). This part of the handbook includes the issue of local territorial reforms, which are central to local autonomy, combined with analyses of redesigning regional government and local-level Europeanisation. Subsequently, by comparing the local government systems of Southern Europe (France, Italy, Portugal and Spain), the authors underline convincingly the role of traditions, identity, legal frameworks and institutions in local government. Part VI of the book deals with the financial dimension of local self-government under the heading 'Getting and spending'. This is indeed the 'key source of dispute between local and central government' (p. 467) and the crucial factor shaping true local autonomy. Meritoriously, this part also contains a chapter on the fight against corruption and unethical behaviour by public servants. Based on research linking corruption to transparency and accountability, two case studies describe how Tbilisi (Georgia) and Lviv (Ukraine) try to reduce corruption in government budgeting and procurement. Enhancing Value-For-Money audit in local government highlights another important side of local finance. An interesting comparison reveals significant differences in local government revenues in European Union member states between 2000 and 2014. Of course, even in a 530-page book, some important aspects remain underexposed. Above all, I would have liked more attention on some of the enormous future challenges facing democratic systems and with them local governments all over the world, such as digitisation (e.g. in smart cities), the integration of migrants or climate change. The international networking of municipalities should also be given greater prominence. To sum it up, The Routledge Handbook on International Local Government is indeed 'ambitiously titled' as the editors underline. Yet, despite my critical objections about its focus on current issues rather than future challenges, they largely fulfil this promise and their general approach has worked well. Across continents and political-administrative cultures, illustrated with many new research findings, they have created an outstanding publication focusing on the challenges and policy of local self-governmental authorities and other local stakeholders. There is a good chance that this handbook will belong in future to the social science standard works on local issues, and be included in academic political science teaching. May the publisher's wish come true; that this book stimulates its readers to develop further research ideas. Finally, I come back to my initial question. 'Old fashioned' printed handbooks like these continue to make sense, even in modern digital times.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
  author    = {Weiß, Norman},
  title     = {Origin and Further Development},
  series = {The Council of Europe},
  journal   = {The Council of Europe},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-967252-3},
  pages     = {3 -- 22},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Temmen2020,
  author    = {Temmen, Jens},
  title     = {The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialism(s)},
  series = {American Studies ; 308},
  journal   = {American Studies ; 308},
  publisher = {Winter},
  address   = {Heidelberg},
  isbn      = {978-3-8253-4713-0},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {x, 259},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {'The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialisms' sets into relation U.S. imperial and Indigenous conceptions of territoriality as articulated in U.S. legal texts and Indigenous life writing in the 19th century. It analyzes the ways in which U.S. legal texts as "legal fictions" narratively press to affirm the United States' territorial sovereignty and coherence in spite of its reliance on a variety of imperial practices that flexibly disconnect and (re)connect U.S. sovereignty, jurisdiction and territory. At the same time, the book acknowledges Indigenous life writing as legal texts in their own right and with full juridical force, which aim to highlight the heterogeneity of U.S. national territory both from their individual perspectives and in conversation with these legal fictions. Through this, the book's analysis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the coloniality of U.S. legal fictions, while highlighting territoriality as a key concept in the fashioning of the narrative of U.S. imperialism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Heucher2019,
  author    = {Heucher, Angela},
  title     = {Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational},
  series = {Forum for Development Studies},
  volume    = {46},
  journal   = {Forum for Development Studies},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0803-9410},
  doi       = {10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962},
  pages     = {501 -- 526},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannFuhrHoehneetal.2017,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Lederer, Markus and Stehle, Fee},
  title     = {Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries},
  series = {Public administration and development},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Public administration and development},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0271-2075},
  doi       = {10.1002/pad.1814},
  pages     = {331 -- 343},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fitzi2019,
  author    = {Fitzi, Gregor},
  title     = {Max Weber's concept of 'modern politics},
  series = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1468-795X},
  doi       = {10.1177/1468795X19851368},
  pages     = {361 -- 376},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In a critical approach to Mommsen's classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber's sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber's 'The Profession and Vocation of Politics' on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber's entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of 'modern politics' that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt's foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber's sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Kamprath2014,
  author    = {Kamprath, Martin},
  title     = {A microfoundations perspectives on fresight and business models},
  pages     = {224},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
  series = {European Political Science},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {European Political Science},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1682-0983},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
  pages     = {336 -- 351},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
  series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  journal   = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {22},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Bradford},
  issn      = {1742-0601},
  pages     = {25 -- 76},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
  series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {1554-8597},
  doi       = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
  pages     = {6},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
  isbn      = {978-1-10-760936-5},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
  author    = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-35925-0},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
  series = {Review of International Studies},
  volume    = {45},
  journal   = {Review of International Studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
  pages     = {120 -- 140},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{DoerflerHosli2013,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Hosli, Madeleine O.},
  title     = {Reforming the United Nations Security Council},
  series = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization},
  booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-415-50143-9},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780203405345.ch28},
  pages     = {377 -- 390},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Doerfler2019,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Security council sanctions governance},
  series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
  journal   = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-42944-232-2},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780429442322},
  pages     = {xiii, 239},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
  series = {International feminist journal of politics},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {International feminist journal of politics},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1461-6742},
  doi       = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
  pages     = {720 -- 741},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
  series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1085-794X},
  doi       = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
  pages     = {329 -- 343},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LieseReiners2019,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {The Eye of the Beholder?},
  series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
  journal   = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {0191879398},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021},
  pages     = {335 -- 343},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Reiners2017,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {221, VI},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedAnsmann2018,
  author    = {Seyfried, Markus and Ansmann, Moritz},
  title     = {Unfreezing higher education institutions?},
  series = {Higher Education},
  volume    = {75},
  journal   = {Higher Education},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {0018-1560},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2},
  pages     = {1061 -- 1076},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly "infected" the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin's seminal concept of "unfreezing" organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
  series = {Third world quarterly},
  volume    = {42},
  journal   = {Third world quarterly},
  number    = {11},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0143-6597},
  doi       = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
  pages     = {2724 -- 2746},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kalczewiak2020,
  author    = {Kalczewiak, Mariusz},
  title     = {Yiddish Buenos Aires and the struggle to leave the margins},
  series = {East European Jewish affairs},
  volume    = {50},
  journal   = {East European Jewish affairs},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1350-1674},
  doi       = {10.1080/13501674.2020.1774275},
  pages     = {115 -- 133},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Yiddish culture developed in Argentina within the context of a self-perception that figured Buenos Aires as a marginal and peripheral locale on the global Yiddish map. Against this backdrop, Argentine Yiddish culturalists argued for the strengthening of local Yiddish culture with a goal of elevating Buenos Aires's status within the international hierarchies of Yiddish culture. Buenos Aires indeed emerged in the 1920s as a producer of Yiddish cultural contents, maintained networks of international cultural contacts with other Yiddish centers, financially supported Eastern European Yiddish establishments, and hoped that these contacts would allow for solving Buenos Aires reputation problems. The pre-World War II preoccupation with the status of Buenos Aires as a center of Yiddish culture provided a basis upon which post-Holocaust discourse of Argentine Jewish responsibility for the maintenance of Yiddish culture was constructed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
  pages     = {775 -- 793},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerReiners2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Connecting international relations and public administration},
  series = {International studies review},
  volume    = {23},
  journal   = {International studies review},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1521-9488},
  doi       = {10.1093/isr/viaa097},
  pages     = {1230 -- 1247},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2015,
  author    = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {The United Nations Security Council},
  series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
  booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
  editor    = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-349-48504-8},
  doi       = {10.1057/9781137397607_8},
  pages     = {135 -- 152},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
  title     = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
  series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  number    = {14},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Philadelphia},
  issn      = {0190-0692},
  doi       = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
  pages     = {1237 -- 1249},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Schmidt2018,
  author    = {Schmidt, Peter},
  title     = {Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy?},
  series = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0936-9937},
  doi       = {10.1007/s00191-018-0564-6},
  pages     = {785 -- 803},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Gasser2022,
  author    = {Gasser, Lucy},
  title     = {East and South},
  series = {Transdisciplinary souths},
  journal   = {Transdisciplinary souths},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-72225-8},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {vi, 186},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {"What is 'Europe' in academic discourse? While Europe tends to be used as shorthand, often interchangeable with the 'West', neither the 'West' nor 'Europe' are homogeneous spaces. Though postcolonial studies have long been debunking Eurocentrism in its multiple guises, there is still work to do in fully comprehending how its imaginations and discursive legacies conceive the figure of Europe, as not all who live on European soil are understood as equally 'European'. This volume explores this immediate need to rethink the axis of postcolonial cultural productions, to disarticulate Eurocentrism, to recognise Europe as a more diverse, plural and fluid space, to draw forward cultural exchanges and dialogues within the Global South. Through analyses of literary texts from East-Central Europe and beyond, this volume sheds light on alternative literary cartographies - the multiplicity of Europes and being European which exist both as they are viewed from the different geographies of the global South, and within the continent itself. Covering a wide spatial and temporal terrain in postcolonial and European cultural productions, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of literature and literary criticism, cultural studies, post-colonial studies, Global South studies and European studies"},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
  author    = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
  title     = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
  series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  volume    = {29},
  journal   = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
  address   = {Durham},
  issn      = {1047-4552},
  doi       = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
  pages     = {55 -- 77},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
  author    = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
  title     = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
  series = {Public Policy and Administration},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Public Policy and Administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0952-0767},
  doi       = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
  pages     = {149 -- 169},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine},
  title     = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance},
  series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
  volume    = {30},
  journal   = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1877-3435},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006},
  pages     = {1 -- 6},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Burkert2022,
  author    = {Burkert, Rebecca},
  title     = {Moving mountains?},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74538-7},
  pages     = {110 -- 127},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017,
  author    = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika},
  title     = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks},
  series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0016-3287},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004},
  pages     = {35 -- 46},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Pittel2021,
  author    = {Pittel, Harald},
  title     = {Fin du globe},
  series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
  volume    = {162},
  journal   = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0725-5136},
  doi       = {10.1177/0725513621994702},
  pages     = {121 -- 136},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This essay argues that Oscar Wilde noticeably contributed to the emerging discourse about world literature, even though his views in this regard have to be unearthed from the margins of his works, from his early and unpublished American lectures and 'between the lines' of his major critical essays. Wilde's implicit ideas around world literature can be understood as being closely related to his broader endeavour of redirecting and revaluing the pejorative discourse around 'decadence' in art and literature. More specifically, the arch-aesthete preferred to use the word 'romance' rather than 'decadence' (a term he hardly used at all in his writings), signalling a sensitivity attuned to what he called the 'love of things impossible'. This reconceptualization of the decadent outlook was to inspire a critical ideal of literature which relied on creatively activating the other as Other, culminating in a vision of intersubjective, transcultural and unlimited literary communication. Wilde's thought can be more specifically understood as anticipating central tenets of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's evocations of the planetary, thus preparing the way for an alterity-oriented understanding of literary cosmopolitanism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  journal   = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 7},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Does political repression work and if so, under what conditions? Many contributions to the empirical study of non-democratic rule assume it does. As a consequence, strong convictions on political repression abound, but empirical investigations into the matter remain rare. This introduction sets the agenda for the chapters to come and outlines the answers given to the three motivating questions of this volume. First, what variants of political repression are there, and how do they interact? Second, what impact does the interaction of different forms of political repression have on the problem of authoritarian control? Finally, what difference does the complementary use of violence and restrictions make for the problem of authoritarian power-sharing?},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{CaliendoHogenacker2012,
  author    = {Caliendo, Marco and Hogenacker, Jens},
  title     = {The German labor market after the Great Recession},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {129},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43519},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435195},
  pages     = {26},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {The reaction of the German labor market to the Great Recession 2008/09 was relatively mild - especially compared to other countries. The reason lies not only in the specific type of the recession - which was favorable for the German economy structure - but also in a series of labor market reforms initiated between 2002 and 2005 altering, inter alia, labor supply incentives. However, irrespective of the mild response to the Great Recession, there are a number of substantial future challenges the German labor market will soon have to face. Female labor supply still lies well below that of other countries and a massive demographic change over the next 50 years will have substantial effects on labor supply as well as the pension system. In addition, due to a skill-biased technological change over the next decades, firms will face problems of finding employees with adequate skills. The aim of this paper is threefold. First, we outline why the German labor market reacted in such a mild fashion, describe current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveal some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, the paper analyzes recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the paper gives a brief overview of strategies to combat adequately the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{ArniCaliendoKuennetal.2014,
  author    = {Arni, Patrick and Caliendo, Marco and K{\"u}nn, Steffen and Zimmermann, Klaus F.},
  title     = {The IZA evaluation dataset survey},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {122},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43520},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435204},
  pages     = {22},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {This reference paper describes the sampling and contents of the IZA Evaluation Dataset Survey and outlines its vast potential for research in labor economics. The data have been part of a unique IZA project to connect administrative data from the German Federal Employment Agency with innovative survey data to study the out-mobility of individuals to work. This study makes the survey available to the research community as a Scientific Use File by explaining the development, structure, and access to the data. Furthermore, it also summarizes previous findings with the survey data.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Daviter2015,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {The political use of knowledge in the policy process},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {123},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43548},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435481},
  pages     = {491 -- 505},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The role of knowledge in the policy process remains a central theoretical puzzle in policy analysis and political science. This article argues that an important yet missing piece of this puzzle is the systematic exploration of the political use of policy knowledge. While much of the recent debate has focused on the question of how the substantive use of knowledge can improve the quality of policy choices, our understanding of the political use of knowledge and its effects in the policy process has remained deficient in key respects. A revised conceptualization of the political use of knowledge is introduced that emphasizes how conflicting knowledge can be used to contest given structures of policy authority. This allows the analysis to differentiate between knowledge creep and knowledge shifts as two distinct types of knowledge effects in the policy process. While knowledge creep is associated with incremental policy change within existing policy structures, knowledge shifts are linked to more fundamental policy change in situations when the structures of policy authority undergo some level of transformation. The article concludes by identifying characteristics of the administrative structure of policy systems or sectors that make knowledge shifts more or less likely.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hoffmann2017,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Dierk},
  title     = {The GDR's Westpolitik and everyday anticommunism in West Germany},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
  number    = {167},
  issn      = {1866-8380},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43518},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435184},
  pages     = {17},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {West German anticommunism and the SED's Westarbeit were to some extentinterrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise itsown social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim tosole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmentalaction on both sides. Anticommunism inWest Germany re-developed under theconditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason ofstate and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, theSED branded the West German State as'revanchist'and instrumentalised itsanticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Bothphenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  editor    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9},
  pages     = {211 -- 224},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 22},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2},
  pages     = {25 -- 46},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {Coping, taming or solving},
  series = {Policy studies},
  volume    = {38},
  journal   = {Policy studies},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0144-2872},
  doi       = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543},
  pages     = {571 -- 588},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Heucher2019,
  author    = {Heucher, Angela},
  title     = {Evolving order?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {110},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43308},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-433086},
  pages     = {26},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{WeissVerlaanVasquezCarruthersetal.2022,
  author    = {Weiß, Norman and Verlaan, Stephanie and Vasquez Carruthers, Juan Francisco and Mair, Theresa and Conner, Sean and Maaser, Lucas and R{\"o}thlisberger, Livia},
  title     = {Transitional Justice},
  series = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
  journal   = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
  number    = {7},
  editor    = {Weiß, Norman},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-473-9},
  issn      = {1869-2443},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43171},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-431711},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {194},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {This publication deals with the topic of transitional justice. In six case studies, the authors link theoretical and practical implications in order to develop some innovative approaches. Their proposals might help to deal more effectively with the transition of societies, legal orders and political systems. Young academics from various backgrounds provide fresh insights and demonstrate the relevance of the topic. The chapters analyse transitions and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Argentina, Nicaragua, Nepal, and South Sudan as well as Germany's colonial genocide in Namibia. Thus, the book provides the reader with new insights and contributes to the ongoing debate about transitional justice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Toward a theory of political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
  pages     = {9 -- 41},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
  pages     = {43 -- 75},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Adamik2021,
  author    = {Adamik, Verena},
  title     = {Making worlds from literature},
  series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
  volume    = {162},
  journal   = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0725-5136},
  doi       = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0725513621993308},
  pages     = {105 -- 120},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While W.E.B. Du Bois's first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), is set squarely in the USA, his second work of fiction, Dark Princess: A Romance (1928), abandons this national framework, depicting the treatment of African Americans in the USA as embedded into an international system of economic exploitation based on racial categories. Ultimately, the political visions offered in the novels differ starkly, but both employ a Western literary canon - so-called 'classics' from Greek, German, English, French, and US American literature. With this, Du Bois attempts to create a new space for African Americans in the world (literature) of the 20th century. Weary of the traditions of this 'world literature', the novels complicate and begin to decenter the canon that they draw on. This reading traces what I interpret as subtle signs of frustration over the limits set by the literature that underlies Dark Princess, while its predecessor had been more optimistic in its appropriation of Eurocentric fiction for its propagandist aims.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{EydamGabriadze2021,
  author    = {Eydam, Ulrich Leonard and Gabriadze, Irakli},
  title     = {Institutional development in transition economies},
  series = {Post-Soviet affairs},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Post-Soviet affairs},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1060-586X},
  doi       = {10.1080/1060586X.2020.1848171},
  pages     = {99 -- 118},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {To understand the divergent institutional development in transition economies, we examine the role of institutional experience from the pre-Soviet era in institution-building after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To measure institutional experience, we construct an index that captures previous experience with independent non-Soviet institutions. A cross-sectional analysis shows that institutional experience is statistically significantly associated with the quality of political, administrative, and legal institutions in transition economies today. To provide a more comprehensive picture and to control for confounding factors, in a second step, we apply a Hausman-Taylor estimator on panel data. This analysis confirms the positive relationship between institutional experience and institutional development. Moreover, the results suggest that the association between institutional experience and political institutions is stronger than the association to the other dimensions of institutions. Overall, the analysis highlights the importance of institutional experience and provides a rationale for the persistency of institutions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CoeruetCoeruet2021,
  author    = {C{\"o}r{\"u}t, G{\"o}zde Yaz{\i}c{\i} and C{\"o}r{\"u}t, İlker},
  title     = {The neo-liberal conception of empowerment and its limits},
  series = {Central Asian survey},
  volume    = {41},
  journal   = {Central Asian survey},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0263-4937},
  doi       = {10.1080/02634937.2021.1969897},
  pages     = {118 -- 137},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kleemann2021,
  author    = {Kleemann, Steven},
  title     = {Cyber warfare and the "humanization" of international humanitarian law},
  series = {International journal of cyber warfare and terrorism},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {International journal of cyber warfare and terrorism},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {IGI Global},
  address   = {Hershey},
  isbn      = {978-1-7998-6177-5},
  issn      = {1947-3435},
  doi       = {10.4018/IJCWT.2021040101},
  pages     = {1 -- 11},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Cyber warfare is a timely and relevant issue and one of the most controversial in international humanitarian law (IHL). The aim of IHL is to set rules and limits in terms of means and methods of warfare. In this context, a key question arises: Has digital warfare rules or limits, and if so, how are these applicable? Traditional principles, developed over a long period, are facing a new dimension of challenges due to the rise of cyber warfare. This paper argues that to overcome this new issue, it is critical that new humanity-oriented approaches is developed with regard to cyber warfare. The challenge is to establish a legal regime for cyber-attacks, successfully addressing human rights norms and standards. While clarifying this from a legal perspective, the authors can redesign the sensitive equilibrium between humanity and military necessity, weighing the humanitarian aims of IHL and the protection of civilians-in combination with international human rights law and other relevant legal regimes-in a different manner than before.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Patz2013,
  author    = {Patz, Ronny},
  title     = {Information flows in the context of EU policy-making : affiliation networks and the post-2012 reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70732},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as - not surprisingly - a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these "leaks" in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements - such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance - which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Terhalle2015,
  author    = {Terhalle, Maximilian},
  title     = {The transition of global order},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-38689-2},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XI, 267},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Debre2014,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Debre, Maria},
  title     = {Testing the limits of civil society in Jordan},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-72974},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {iii, 108},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Civil society is either considered as a motor of democratization or stabilizer of authoritarian rule. This dichotomy is partly due to the dominance of domains-based definitions of the concept that reduce civil society to a small range of formally organized, independent and democratically oriented NGOs. Additionally, research often treats civil society as a 'black box' without differentiating between potential variations in impact of different types of civil society actors on existing regime structures. In this thesis, I present an alternative conceptualization of civil society based on the interactions of societal actors to arrive at a more inclusive understanding of the term which is more suited for analysis in non-democratic settings. The operationalization of the action-based approach I develop allows for an empirical assessment of a large range of societal activities that can accordingly be categorized from little to very civil society-like depending on their specific modes of interactions within four dimensions. I employ this operationalization in a qualitative case study including different actors in the authoritarian monarchy of Jordan which suggests that Jordanian societal actors mostly exhibit tolerant and democratically oriented modes of interaction and do not reproduce authoritarian patterns. However, even democratically oriented actors do not necessarily take on an oppositional positions vis-{\`a}-vis the authoritarian regime. Thus, the Jordanian civil society might not feature a high potential to challenge existing power structures in the country.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Heidemann2015,
  author    = {Heidemann, Birte},
  title     = {Post-agreement belfast : labour, work and the new subalterns in daragh carville's play this other city},
  series = {Reworking postcolonialism : globalization, labour and rights},
  journal   = {Reworking postcolonialism : globalization, labour and rights},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {New York},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-43592-7},
  pages     = {119 -- 133},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Schmidt2016,
  author    = {Schmidt, Peter},
  title     = {Contributions to EU regional policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90837},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xii, 137},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This cumulative dissertation contains four self-contained articles which are related to EU regional policy and its structural funds as the overall research topic. In particular, the thesis addresses the question if EU regional policy interventions can at all be scientifically justified and legitimated on theoretical and empirical grounds from an economics point of view. The first two articles of the thesis ("The EU structural funds as a means to hamper migration" and "Internal migration and EU regional policy transfer payments: a panel data analysis for 28 EU member countries") enter into one particular aspect of the debate regarding the justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. They theoretically and empirically analyse as to whether regional policy or the market force of the free flow of labour (migration) in the internal European market is the better instrument to improve and harmonise the living and working conditions of EU citizens. Based on neoclassical market failure theory, the first paper argues that the structural funds of the EU are inhibiting internal migration, which is one of the key measures in achieving convergence among the nations in the single European market. It becomes clear that European regional policy aiming at economic growth and cohesion among the member states cannot be justified and legitimated if the structural funds hamper instead of promote migration. The second paper, however, shows that the empirical evidence on the migration and regional policy nexus is not unambiguous, i.e. different empirical investigations show that EU structural funds hamper and promote EU internal migration. Hence, the question of the scientific justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy cannot be readily and unambiguously answered on empirical grounds. This finding is unsatisfying but is in line with previous theoretical and empirical literature. That is why, I take a step back and reconsider the theoretical beginnings of the thesis, which took for granted neoclassical market failure theory as the starting point for the positive explanation as well as the normative justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. The third article of the thesis ("EU regional policy: theoretical foundations and policy conclusions revisited") deals with the theoretical explanation and legitimisation of EU regional policy as well as the policy recommendations given to EU regional policymakers deduced from neoclassical market failure theory. The article elucidates that neoclassical market failure is a normative concept, which justifies and legitimates EU regional policy based on a political and thus subjective goal or value-judgement. It can neither be used, therefore, to give a scientifically positive explanation of the structural funds nor to obtain objective and practically applicable policy instruments. Given this critique of neoclassical market failure theory, the third paper consequently calls into question the widely prevalent explanation and justification of EU regional policy given in static neoclassical equilibrium economics. It argues that an evolutionary non-equilibrium economics perspective on EU regional policy is much more appropriate to provide a realistic understanding of one of the largest policies conducted by the EU. However, this does neither mean that evolutionary economic theory can be unreservedly seen as the panacea to positively explain EU regional policy nor to derive objective policy instruments for EU regional policymakers. This issue is discussed in the fourth article of the thesis ("Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy? A critique from an evolutionary perspective"). This article reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticises the fact that neoclassical failure reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. The paper therefore argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Taken together, the main finding of this thesis is that European regional policy and its structural funds can neither theoretically nor empirically be justified and legitimated from an economics point of view. Moreover, the thesis finds that the prevalent positive and instrumental explanation of EU regional policy given in the literature needs to be reconsidered, because these theories can neither scientifically explain the emergence and development of this policy nor are they appropriate to derive objective and scientific policy instruments for EU regional policymakers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Schiller2016,
  author    = {Schiller, Christof},
  title     = {The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany},
  series = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17},
  journal   = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-315-62390-0},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {273},
  year      = {2016},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Borgnaes2016,
  author    = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
  title     = {The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators},
  doi       = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1193160},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96342},
  pages     = {1 -- 20},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Borgnaes2016,
  author    = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
  title     = {Governing through 'governing images'},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be 'developed' or 'sustained'. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for 'evidence-based policy making', recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy 'co-production' (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the 'garbage-can model'. The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of 'Management by Objectives and Results' (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct 'social meaning' about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation constructs'. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively - that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability 'truth-out-there', a theoretical localization of indicators - and of the input variable structure - may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy 'Perspektiven f{\"u}r Deutschland' (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the 'contextual fit' of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries' 'EPI architectures' have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which 'EPI architectures' seem to be more effective in producing more 'stringent' sustainability policy.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Franzke2005,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Slovak Telecom administration : transformation and regulation in a dynamic market},
  isbn      = {978-3-939469-00-1},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-6530},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2005},
  abstract  = {This study is analysing the transformation of Slovak administration in the telecommunication sector between 1989 and 2004. The dynamic telecom sector forms a good example for the transition problems of post-socialist administration with special regard to the regulation regime change. After describing briefly the role of the telecom sector within economy, the Slovak sectoral policy is analysed. The focus is layed on telecom legislation (including the regulation framework), liberalization of the telecom market and privatisation of the former state owned telecom operator. The transformation of the organizational structure of the "Slovak telecommunication administration" is analysed in particular at the level of the ministry and the regulating agency.},
  subject      = {Verwaltung},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Meyer2007,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Meyer, Eike},
  title     = {Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy", „conditionality" and „positive instruments". For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more "political", although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself - e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Paun2007,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Paun, Christopher},
  title     = {Democratization and police reform},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19487},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization? The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zuellich2011,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Z{\"u}llich, Gunda},
  title     = {Migration and development in Senegal : a system dynamics analysis of the feedback relationships},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57836},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {This thesis investigates the reciprocal relationship between migration and development in Senegal. Therewith, it contributes to the debate as to whether migration in developing countries enhances or rather impedes the development process. Even though extensive and controversial discussions can be found in the scientific literature regarding the impact of migration on development, research has scarcely examined the feedback relationships between migration and development. Science however agrees with both the fact that migration affects development as well as that the level of development in a country determines migration behaviour. Thus, both variables are neither dependent nor independent, but endogenous variables influencing each other and producing behavioural pattern that cannot be investigated using a static and unidirectional approach. On account of this, the thesis studies the feedback mechanisms existing between migration and development and the behavioural pattern generated by the high interdependence in order to be able to draw conclusions concerning the impact of changes in migration behaviour on the development process. To explore these research questions, the study applies the computer simulation method 'System Dynamics' and amplifies the simulation model for national development planning called 'Threshold 21' (T21), representing development processes endogenously and integrating economic, social and environmental aspects, using a structure that portrays the reasons and consequences of migration. The model has been customised to Senegal, being an appropriate representative of the theoretical interesting universe of cases. The comparison of the model generated scenarios - in which the intensity of emigration, the loss and gain of education, the remittances or the level of dependence changes - facilitates the analysis. The present study produces two important results. The first outcome is the development of an integrative framework representing migration and development in an endogenous way and incorporating several aspects of different theories. This model can be used as a starting point for further discussions and improvements and it is a fairly relevant and useful result against the background that migration is not integrated into most of the development planning tools despite its significant impact. The second outcome is the gained insights concerning the feedback relations between migration and development and the impact of changes in migration on development. To give two examples: It could be found that migration impacts development positively, indicated by HDI, but that the dominant behaviour of migration and development is a counteracting behaviour. That means that an increase in emigration leads to an improvement in development, while this in turn causes a decline in emigration, counterbalancing the initial increase. Another insight concerns the discovery that migration causes a decline in education in the short term, but leads to an increase in the long term, after approximately 25 years - a typical worse-before-better behaviour. From these and further observations, important policy implications can be derived for the sending and receiving countries. Hence, by overcoming the unidirectional perspective, this study contributes to an improved understanding of the highly complex relationship between migration and development and their feedback relations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-3980,
  title     = {Die Einf{\"u}hrung des "Neuen Steuerungsmodells" im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark : Chancen und Probleme unter besonderer Ber{\"u}cksichtigung von Personalfragen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-30036},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 1.1. Forschungsziele 1.2. Arbeitsmethodik 1.3. Aufbau der Pilotstudie 2. Kommunale Verwaltungsreform in Brandenburg 3. Die Kreisverwaltung Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.1. Der Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.2. Das Personal der Kreisverwaltung 3.3. Verbeamtungskonzept 3.4. Folgen der Kreisgebietsreform 3.5. Gleichstellungsfragen 4. Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 4.1. Zum Reformansatz 4.2. Weitere Reformschritte 4.3. Ziele der Reform 4.4. Leitbilddiskussion 4.5. Mitarbeiter und Reform 4.6. Personalrat und Reform 4.7. {\"O}TV und Reform 5. Personalfragen bei der Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 5.1. Defizite im Personalbereich 5.2. Zur Arbeitsmotivation der Mitarbeiter in der Kreisverwaltung 5.3. Elemente des modernen Personalmanagements 5.4. Instrumente in der Personalarbeit - 5.4.1. Mitarbeiterbefragung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung 6. Ergebnisse der Pilotstudie 6.1. Besonderheiten der Verwaltungsreform in den neuen Bundesl{\"a}ndern am Beispiel Potsdam-Mittelmark 6.2. Zwischenbilanz zur Umsetzung der Modernisierungskonzeption 6.3. Vorschl{\"a}ge f{\"u}r die Fortsetzung des Projekts},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Lahti2007,
  author    = {Lahti, Makreeta},
  title     = {Security cooperation as a way to stop the spread of nuclear weapons? : Nuclear nonproliferation policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31459},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {In my dissertation on 'Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nu-clear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968', I study the use of security assistance as nonproliferation policy. I use insights of the Structural Realist and the Rational Institutionalist theories of International Relations to explain, respectively, important foreign policy goals and the basic orientation of policies, on the one hand, and the practical workings and effects of security cooperation on states' behavior, on the other hand. Moreover, I consider the relations of the United States (US) with the two states in light of bargaining theory to explain the level of US ability to press other states to its preferred courses of action. The study is thus a combination of theory proposing and testing and historic description and explanation. It is also policy-relevant as I seek general lessons regarding the use of security cooperation as nonproliferation policy. I show that the US sought to keep the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from acquiring nuclear weapons in order to avoid crises with Moscow and threats to the cohesion of NATO. But the US also saw it as necessary to credibly guarantee the security of the FRG and treat it well in order to ensure that it would remain satisfied as an ally and without own nuclear weapons. Through various institutionalized security cooperation schemes, the US succeeded in this - though the FRG did acquire an option to produce nuclear weapons. The US opposed Israel's nuclear weapon ambitions in turn because of an expectation that Arab states' reactions could otherwise result in greater tension and risks of escalation and a worse balance-of-power in the area. But as also a US-Israel alliance could have led to stronger Arab-Soviet ties and thus a worse balance-of-power, and as it was not in US in-terest to be tied to Israel's side in all regional issues, the US was not prepared to guarantee Israel's security in a formal, credible way like it did in West Germany's case. The US failed to persuade Israel to forgo producing nuclear weapons but gradually, an opaque nu-clear status combined with US arms sales that helped Israel to maintain a conventional military advantage over Arabs emerged as a solution to Israel's security strategy. Because of perceptions that Israel and the FRG had also other options than cooperation with the US, and because the US ability to punish them for unwanted action was limited, these states were able to offer resistance when the US pressed its nonproliferation stance on them.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Franzke2005,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Managing sectoral transition : the case of Slovak agricultural administration},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-5946},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2005},
  abstract  = {Agricultural policy in the transition states of Central Eastern Europe is a very complex issue - ranging from privatisation of farm land, the establishment of agricultural markets to detailed questions of veterinary care, plant health and animal nutrition. Its main elements are the introduction of market liberalization, farm restructuring, privatisation, the reform of the sector and the creation of supporting market institutions and services.1 In this process central state agriculture administration plays a decisive role. This paper is summing up the research of the author on Slovak agricultural administration between 2002 and 2004. This work was part of a DFG-funded research project on "Genesis, Organization and Efficiency of the central-state Ministerial Administration in Central and Eastern Europe". The project was analysing the processes, results and efficiency of administrative structures at central-state level in Estonia, Poland and Slovakia with reference to public administration in the policy fields of agriculture and telecommunications. The paper is reflecting the situation in the sector and its administration at the beginning of 2004. At first, an overview of the role of the agricultural sector in Slovak economy in the past and presence is provided (section I). Against this background, the development of the agricultural policy in the different periods since 1989 will be analysed, mainly what privatisation, accession to the EU and subsidy policy are concerned (section II). A detailed study of the developments in agricultural administration forms the next part of the paper (section III), i.e. the changes taking place in the ministry of agriculture and in the other institutions responsible for the implementation of agricultural policy. The role of interest groups in agriculture is briefly analysed (section IV). In the conclusions two different scenarios on the further development of Slovak agricultural administration will be deployed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-506,
  title     = {Leadership and innovation in subnational government : case studies from Latin America},
  editor    = {Campbell, Tim and Fuhr, Harald},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-5793},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {This book is about inventing successes and good practices of governments that are "closer to the people". Numerous examples throughout Latin America indicate-often despite macroeconomic instability, high inflation, and strong top-down regulation-that subnational actors have repeatedly achieved what their central counterparts preached: sound policymaking, better administration, better services, more participation, and sustained economic development. But what makes some governments change course and move toward innovation? What triggers experimentation and, eventually, turns ordinary practice into good practice? The book answers some of these questions. It goes beyond a mere documentation of good and best practice, which is increasingly provided through international networks and Internet sites. Instead, it seeks a better understanding of the origins and fates of such successes at the micro level. The case studies and analytical chapters seek to explain: How good practice is born at the local level; Where innovative ideas come from; How such ideas are introduced in a new context, successfully implemented, and propagated locally and beyond; What donors can do to effectively assist processes of self-induced and bottom-up change.},
  subject      = {Lateinamerika},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hocking1996,
  author    = {Hocking, Brian},
  title     = {Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zyla2007,
  author    = {Zyla, Benjamin},
  title     = {Multilateralism {\`a} la Carte? : The Bush II administration and US foreign policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-13439},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {The use of unilateral force under George W. Bush is not a new phenomenon in US foreign policy. As the author argues, it is merely a continuation of Bill Clinton's foreign policy and is deeply rooted in both the foreign policy traditions of Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. The analysis concludes that Clinton used unilateralist foreign policy with a 'smile' whereas the Bush administration uses it with an attitude.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Tavassoli2004,
  author    = {Tavassoli, Gholam-Abbas},
  title     = {Islamic movements in Iran},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9699},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {The modernist Islamic Movement sought to reconcile modern values and Islamic faith and attempted to express these values through an Islamic discourse and to reform political, religious and educational institutions along modernist lines. However, such a movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran raised controversy among the traditional leadership and secular intellectual groups. The aim of this paper is to discuss how far modernist Islam could progress in an islamic republic with an old tradition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Tragl2005,
  author    = {Tragl, Stefanie},
  title     = {The Development of Polish Telecommunications Administration (1989 - 2003)},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3607},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2005},
  abstract  = {The development of the Polish telecommunications administration in the years 1989/90 to 2003 is marked by the processes of liberalisation and privatisation the telecommunications sector underwent during that period. The gradual liberalisation of the Polish telecommunications sector started as early as 1992. In the beginning, national strategies were pursued. The most important of these was the creation of a bipolar market structure in the local area networks. In the second half of the 1990ies the approaching EU membership accelerated the process of liberalisation and consequently the development of a framework of regulations. EU standards are more directed towards setting out a legal framework for regulation than prescribing concrete details of administrative organisation. Nevertheless, the independent regulatory agencies typical for Western Europe served as a model for the introduction of a new regulatory body responsible for the telecommunications sector in Poland. The growing influence of EU legislation changed telecommunications policy as well as administrative practices. There has been a shift of responsibilities from the ministry to the regulatory agency, but the question remains, if the agency gained enough power to fulfil its regulatory function. In the following the legislative framework created by the EU in telecommunications policy will be described and the model of independent regulatory agencies, as it is typical for most EU countries, will be introduced. Some categories for the analysis of the Polish regulatory system will be deduced from the discussion on the regulations of telecommunication in the established EU-Nations (see B{\"o}llhoff 2002 and 2003, Thatcher 2002a and 2002b, Thatcher/Stone Sweet 2002). Subsequently the basic features of Polish telecommunication policies in the 1990ies and its effects on the telecommunications sector will be outlined. In the third chapter the development of organisational structures on the ministerial level and within the regulatory agency will be examined. In the forth chapter I will look at the distribution of power and the coordination of the various authorities responsible for telecommunication regulations. The focus of this chapter is on the Polish regulatory agency and its relationships with the ministry, with the anti-monopoly office and with the Broadcasting and Television Council. In a conclusion, the main findings will be summed up.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Dahlmann2005,
  author    = {Dahlmann, Olaf},
  title     = {Government stability in Estonia: Wishful Thinking or Reality? : An evaluation of Estonia's governments from the 1992 elections up to 2003 [including a comment of the cabinet of Juhan Parts up to February 2005]},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3613},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2005},
  abstract  = {This article examines the multiple governments of independent Estonia since 1992 referring to their stability. Confronted with the immense problems of democratic transition, the multi-party governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003 the ninth government since 1992 was formed. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Central Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government. Furthermore, this article questions whether or not internal government stability can exist within a situation where the government changes frequently. What does stability of government mean and what are the varying multi-faceted depths of the term? Before analysing the term, it has to be clarified and defined. It is presumed that government stability is composed of multiple variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for governmental change need to be examined. Therefore, this article discusses the conceptual and theoretical basics of governmental stability first. Secondly, it discusses the Estonian situation in detail up to the elections of 2003, including a short review of the 9th government since independence. In the conclusion, the author explains whether or not the governments of Estonia are stable. In the appendix, the reader finds all election results and also a list of all previous ministers of Estonian governments (all data are as of July 2002).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DorschDoerfler2014,
  author    = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft},
  address   = {Weilerswist},
  issn      = {1438-8332},
  doi       = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8},
  pages     = {8 -- 31},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2019,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Designing Democratic Constitutions},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {120},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-44540},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-445408},
  pages     = {13},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Zhu2017,
  author    = {Zhu, Jinshan},
  title     = {Assessing China's price review policy on Clean Development Mechanism projects},
  series = {European Journal of Law and Economics},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {European Journal of Law and Economics},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0929-1261},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10657-016-9550-3},
  pages     = {285 -- 316},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China's price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China's price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China's price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55\% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn't have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Borgnaes2017,
  author    = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
  title     = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?},
  series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1387-585X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0},
  pages     = {769 -- 790},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FitziMele2017,
  author    = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mele, Vincenzo},
  title     = {The corrosion of character},
  series = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1468-795X},
  doi       = {10.1177/1468795X17693436},
  pages     = {143 -- 155},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The topic of this imaginary dialogue between Georg Simmel and Max Weber is the relation between work - in the sense of labour - and personality. Its aim is to show that the thinking of these 'founding fathers' of sociology can furnish valuable insight into the current issue of the corrosion of character in contemporary post-Fordist society. The concept of work still represents one of the major factors determining modern individuals' ability (or inability) to formulate personal, stable identities that enable them to become fully socialized. Both Simmel and Weber make reference to a common theoretical background that views the human being as a creature with originally rational potential, who is faced with the task of becoming a personality by means of consciously chosen life behaviour: This is evident in the parallelism between Simmel's interest in the concept of 'style of life' (Der Stil des Lebens) and Weber's research on the 'life conduct' (Lebensf{\"u}hrung) that arose in Western rationalistic culture.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Koss2011,
  author    = {Koss, Michael},
  title     = {The politics of party funding},
  series = {Comparative politics},
  journal   = {Comparative politics},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-957275-5},
  pages     = {XIII, 261},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{EppnerGanghof2017,
  author    = {Eppner, Sebastian and Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Institutional veto players and cabinet formation},
  series = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research},
  volume    = {56},
  journal   = {European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0304-4130},
  doi       = {10.1111/1475-6765.12172},
  pages     = {169 -- 186},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Are potential cabinets more likely to form when they control institutional veto players such as symmetric second chambers or minority vetoes? Existing evidence for a causal effect of veto control has been weak. This article presents evidence for this effect on the basis of conditional and mixed logit analyses of government formations in 21 parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies between 1955 and 2012. It also shows that the size of the effect varies systematically across political-institutional contexts. The estimated causal effect was greater in countries that eventually abolished the relevant veto institutions. It is suggested that the incidence of constitutional reform is a proxy for context-specific factors that increased the incentives for veto control and simultaneously provided a stimulus for the weakening of institutional veto power.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SorgeStreeck2018,
  author    = {Sorge, Arndt and Streeck, Wolfgang},
  title     = {Diversified quality production revisited},
  series = {Socio-economic review},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Socio-economic review},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1475-1461},
  doi       = {10.1093/ser/mwy022},
  pages     = {587 -- 612},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major 'complementarities' disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ForlenzaTurner2019,
  author    = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.},
  title     = {Das Abendland},
  series = {Critical research on religion : crr},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Critical research on religion : crr},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {2050-3032},
  doi       = {10.1177/2050303218774891},
  pages     = {6 -- 23},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The religious borders of Europe, which are more evident and controversial than ever, challenge established forms of political legitimacy and the legal requirements for citizenship. Perhaps covertly rather than overtly, they shape politics and policies. While scholars have once again resorted to Edward Said's Orientalism to describe the dynamic at play, this article argues that the Orientalism narrative of East and West is too simple to capture the actual complexity of Europe's borders. There are four religious and thus four cultural-symbolic borders, which are increasingly defining the continent: north-western Europe is Protestant, southern Europe is Catholic, the East is Orthodox and increasingly nationalist, and the South and Near East are Muslim. The cultural purity and the values that Europe craves in search of identity and order are simply not available in a world of global interconnectedness and social diversity.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019,
  author    = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena},
  title     = {An organizational approach to public governance},
  series = {Public administration},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Public administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0033-3298},
  doi       = {10.1111/padm.12590},
  pages     = {483 -- 485},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Heucher2019,
  author    = {Heucher, Angela},
  title     = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance},
  series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1876-4517},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z},
  pages     = {555 -- 558},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LewisWaligorska2019,
  author    = {Lewis, Simon and Waligorska, Magdalena},
  title     = {Introduction: Poland's Wars of Symbols},
  series = {East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {0888-3254},
  doi       = {10.1177/0888325418821418},
  pages     = {423 -- 434},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This introduction to the special section on Poland's wars of symbols analyzes the symbolic contestation that has characterized the country in recent years, studying a range of phenomena including nation, gender, memory, and religious symbolism within the overall framework of political conflict. In doing so, it offers a multidisciplinary view on political fractures that have resonated throughout Europe and the "West." Overall, the four case studies in this section study ways in which national symbols, topoi, and narratives have been deployed as tools in drawing and redrawing boundaries within society, polarizing and mobilizing the political camps as well as contesting and resisting power. These studies enable us to situate recent political events in a historical perspective, mapping the rise of populism in Poland against the background of legacies specific to the East-Central European region.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Nuesiri2017,
  author    = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.},
  title     = {Feigning Democracy},
  series = {Conservation \& society},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Conservation \& society},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Medknow publications \& media Pvt LTD},
  address   = {Mumbai},
  issn      = {0972-4923},
  doi       = {10.4103/cs.cs_16_106},
  pages     = {384 -- 399},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hickmann2019,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas},
  title     = {Rezension zu: Andonova, Liliana B: Governance Entrepreneurs: International Organizations and the Rise of Global Public-Private Partnerships. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. - XI,275 S. - ISBN 978-1-107-16566-3},
  series = {Global environmental politics},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Global environmental politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {1526-3800},
  doi       = {10.1162/glep_r_00510},
  pages     = {175 -- 177},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{JannWegrich2019,
  author    = {Jann, Werner and Wegrich, Kai},
  title     = {Generalists and specialists in executive politics: Why ambitious meta-policies so often fail},
  series = {Public administration},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0033-3298},
  doi       = {10.1111/padm.12614},
  pages     = {845 -- 860},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This article contributes to the politics of policy-making in executive government. It introduces the analytical distinction between generalists and specialists as antagonistic players in executive politics and develops the claim that policy specialists are in a structurally advantaged position to succeed in executive politics and to fend off attempts by generalists to influence policy choices through cross-cutting reform measures. Contrary to traditional textbook public administration, we explain the views of generalists and specialists not through their training but their positions within an organization. We combine established approaches from public policy and organization theory to substantiate this claim and to define the dilemma that generalists face when developing government-wide reform policies ('meta-policies') as well as strategies to address this problem. The article suggests that the conceptual distinction between generalists and specialists allows for a more precise analysis of the challenges for policy-making across government organizations than established approaches.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kaya2019,
  author    = {Kaya, Muzaffer},
  title     = {The potentials and challenges of left populism in Turkey},
  series = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies},
  volume    = {46},
  journal   = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1353-0194},
  doi       = {10.1080/13530194.2019.1634398},
  pages     = {797 -- 812},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan's authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP's rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedReith2019,
  author    = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian},
  title     = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research},
  series = {Quality in higher education},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Quality in higher education},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1353-8322},
  doi       = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943},
  pages     = {289 -- 303},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BachThiemannZucco2019,
  author    = {Bach, Stefan and Thiemann, Andreas and Zucco, Aline},
  title     = {Looking for the missing rich: tracing the top tail of the wealth distribution},
  series = {International Tax and Public Finance},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {International Tax and Public Finance},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {0927-5940},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10797-019-09578-1},
  pages     = {1234 -- 1258},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {We analyse the top tail of the wealth distribution in France, Germany, and Spain using the first and second waves of the Household Finance and Consumption Survey (HFCS). Since top wealth is likely to be under-represented in household surveys, we integrate big fortunes from rich lists, estimate a Pareto distribution, and impute the missing rich. In addition to the Forbes list, we rely on national rich lists since they represent a broader base of the big fortunes in those countries. As a result, the top 1\% wealth share increases notably for the three selected countries after imputing the top wealth. We find that national rich lists can improve the estimation of the Pareto coefficient in particular when the list of national USD billionaires is short.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FitziTurner2019,
  author    = {Fitzi, Gregor and Turner, Bryan S.},
  title     = {Introduction: From politics as a vocation to politics as a profession},
  series = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1468-795X},
  doi       = {10.1177/1468795X19851341},
  pages     = {311 -- 315},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Nuesiri2018,
  author    = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.},
  title     = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs},
  series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
  journal   = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-60579-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8},
  pages     = {203 -- 225},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.},
  language  = {en}
}