@misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9}, pages = {211 -- 224}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1}, pages = {1 -- 22}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2}, pages = {25 -- 46}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2017, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {Coping, taming or solving}, series = {Policy studies}, volume = {38}, journal = {Policy studies}, number = {6}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0144-2872}, doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543}, pages = {571 -- 588}, year = {2017}, abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.}, language = {en} } @misc{Liese2022, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Rezension zu: The power of global performance indicators / Hrsg.: Judith G. Kelley ; Beth A. Simmons. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. - 450 p.}, series = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, volume = {20}, journal = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-108-48720-7}, issn = {1537-5927}, doi = {10.1017/S1537592721003716}, pages = {380 -- 382}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3}, pages = {43 -- 75}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.}, language = {en} } @misc{Knobloch2021, author = {Knobloch, J{\"o}rn}, title = {Rezension zu: Manow, Philip: (Ent‑)Demokratisierung der Demokratie. - Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2020. - 215 S. - ISBN: 978-3-518-76552-4}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft}, volume = {62}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-12753-7}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-020-00292-w}, pages = {171 -- 173}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{DorschDoerfler2014, author = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, number = {1-2}, publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft}, address = {Weilerswist}, issn = {1438-8332}, doi = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8}, pages = {8 -- 31}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerGehring2015, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas}, title = {Wie internationale Organisationen durch die Strukturierung von Entscheidungsprozessen Autonomie gewinnen}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft. Sonderheft: Internationale Organisationen: Autonomie, Politisierung, interorganisationale Beziehungen und Wandel}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft. Sonderheft: Internationale Organisationen: Autonomie, Politisierung, interorganisationale Beziehungen und Wandel}, number = {49}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8452-4851-6}, doi = {10.5771/9783845248516-59}, pages = {54 -- 80}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{Borgnaes2017, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?}, series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, volume = {19}, journal = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1387-585X}, doi = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0}, pages = {769 -- 790}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.}, language = {en} } @article{Baumgardt2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris}, title = {Politisches Denken}, series = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {180 -- 188}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Baumgardt2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris}, title = {Berufswelt}, series = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {292 -- 298}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-55715, title = {Young citizens}, series = {Schriftenreihe / Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r Politische Bildung ; Band 10777}, journal = {Schriftenreihe / Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r Politische Bildung ; Band 10777}, editor = {Baumgardt, Iris and Lange, Dirk}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r Politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {475}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{BaumgardtLange2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris and Lange, Dirk}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {Young citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {12 -- 15}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @book{Koss2011, author = {Koss, Michael}, title = {The politics of party funding}, series = {Comparative politics}, journal = {Comparative politics}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-957275-5}, pages = {XIII, 261}, year = {2011}, abstract = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{SchmidtWellenburg2022, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Democratization or politicization?}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {106 -- 128}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{ForlenzaTurner2022, author = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Roman Catholicism and democracy}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {149 -- 164}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019, author = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena}, title = {An organizational approach to public governance}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {97}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12590}, pages = {483 -- 485}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).}, language = {en} } @misc{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance}, series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, volume = {11}, journal = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer Netherlands}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1876-4517}, doi = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z}, pages = {555 -- 558}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg}, series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, journal = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1128-1}, pages = {88 -- 101}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{SeyfriedReith2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian}, title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research}, series = {Quality in higher education}, volume = {25}, journal = {Quality in higher education}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-8322}, doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943}, pages = {289 -- 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Von Menschen und anderen Tieren im Berliner Tiergarten}, series = {Atopien im Politischen : Politische Bildung nach dem Ende der Zukunft}, journal = {Atopien im Politischen : Politische Bildung nach dem Ende der Zukunft}, publisher = {Transcript}, address = {Bielefeld}, isbn = {978-3-8376-5201-7}, pages = {105 -- 132}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Nuesiri2018, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs}, series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8}, pages = {203 -- 225}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.}, language = {en} } @article{Hustedt2018, author = {Hustedt, Thurid}, title = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles}, series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, journal = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78643-169-1}, pages = {72 -- 90}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock}, series = {Case Studies in the Environment}, volume = {2}, journal = {Case Studies in the Environment}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland}, issn = {2473-9510}, doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2018}, abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.}, language = {en} } @article{Scheller2018, author = {Scheller, Henrik}, title = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?}, series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, journal = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press}, address = {Montreal}, isbn = {978-1-55339-535-5}, pages = {255 -- 279}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.}, language = {en} } @book{Reutter2022, author = {Reutter, Werner}, title = {Landesverfassungsgerichtsbarkeit}, series = {Brennpunkt Politik}, journal = {Brennpunkt Politik}, publisher = {Kohlhammer}, address = {Stuttgart}, isbn = {978-3-17-040172-3}, pages = {156}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Dittberner2009, author = {Dittberner, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Die Freien W{\"a}hler und die Krise der Parteiendemokratie}, series = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, journal = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, publisher = {Koehler \& Amelang}, address = {Leipzig}, isbn = {978-3-7338-0368-1}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2009}, language = {de} } @article{Pschichholz2020, author = {Pschichholz, Christin}, title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?}, series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9}, pages = {7 -- 12}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2017, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Patterns of accountability and representation}, series = {Politics}, volume = {39}, journal = {Politics}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0263-3957}, doi = {10.1177/0263395717710566}, pages = {113 -- 130}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.}, language = {en} } @article{Mielke2019, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Signals for 2 degrees C}, series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, volume = {9}, journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2043-0795}, doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809}, pages = {87 -- 115}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.}, language = {en} } @article{Edinger2015, author = {Edinger, Sebastian}, title = {Von der Gouvernementalit{\"a}t (Foucault) zur planetarischen Biopolitik (Kondylis)?}, series = {Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams}, journal = {Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Bade-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-2054-5}, pages = {325 -- 350}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{BuschLiese2016, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea}, title = {The authority of international public administrations}, series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9}, doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5}, pages = {97 -- 122}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerCarstens2021, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora}, title = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning}, series = {Public Management Review}, volume = {24}, journal = {Public Management Review}, number = {8}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1470-1065}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803}, pages = {1208 -- 1225}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.}, language = {en} } @article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021, author = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof}, title = {The heart of bureaucratic power}, series = {Review of international studies : RIS}, volume = {47}, journal = {Review of international studies : RIS}, number = {3}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0260-2105}, doi = {10.1017/S026021052100005X}, pages = {353 -- 376}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?}, series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4}, pages = {77 -- 120}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer Nature}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5}, pages = {121 -- 162}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.}, language = {en} } @article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018, author = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.}, title = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern}, series = {Soil use and Management}, volume = {34}, journal = {Soil use and Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0266-0032}, doi = {10.1111/sum.12409}, pages = {28 -- 36}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.}, language = {en} } @article{Reiners2018, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Kontroversen um die Reform der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane}, series = {Vereinte Nationen}, volume = {66}, journal = {Vereinte Nationen}, number = {6}, publisher = {BWV, Berliner Wiss.-Verl.}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0042-384X}, pages = {266 -- 271}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Das UN-Menschenrechtssystem steht unter gewaltigem Druck. In den aktuellen Diskussionen um die Reform der Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane offenbart sich eine Kluft zwischen Staaten in der Generalversammlung und Ausschussmitgliedern mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren.}, language = {de} } @article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making}, series = {Journal of international relations and development}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of international relations and development}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1581-1980}, doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5}, pages = {107 -- 135}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannElsaesser2020, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {New alliances in global environmental governance}, series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, volume = {20}, journal = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht [u.a.]}, issn = {1567-9764}, doi = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5}, pages = {459 -- 481}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @misc{Arnold2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Arnold, Maren}, title = {"Der Fall Collini" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51285}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-512851}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {75}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht besch{\"a}ftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die M{\"o}glichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman gef{\"o}rderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn m{\"o}glichen f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Bez{\"u}ge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk besch{\"a}ftigen sich die Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schw{\"a}chen. Zudem f{\"o}rdert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivit{\"a}t und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verkn{\"u}pft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifende Bez{\"u}ge mit den F{\"a}chern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden k{\"o}nnen. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und f{\"o}rdert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich f{\"u}r die unterrichtliche Besch{\"a}ftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} } @article{Kleger2011, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Moderne B{\"u}rgerreligion}, series = {Unerf{\"u}llte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor}, journal = {Unerf{\"u}llte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor}, publisher = {Suhrkamp}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-29618-9}, pages = {493 -- 528}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @article{RenEtte2022, author = {Ren, Haiyan and Ette, Ottmar}, title = {China und Humboldt}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {233 -- 239}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{DebreDijkstra2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke}, title = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations}, series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group}, volume = {12}, journal = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford [u.a.]}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975}, pages = {443 -- 454}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.}, language = {en} } @misc{Ihle2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck "Gott" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51576}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515768}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {66}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der rechtliche, moralisch-ethische und auch politische Gehalt des Theaterst{\"u}cks „Gott" wirft aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive u. a. die Frage auf, inwiefern sich das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck Gott von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht eignet. Diese Frage stellt sich v. a. vor dem Hintergrund, dass der Politikdidaktiker Ingo Juchler im Rahmen des von ihm begr{\"u}ndeten narrativen Ansatzes der politischen Bildung den Einsatz von Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung explizit vorschl{\"a}gt. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus l{\"a}sst sich die Narration auch thematisch dem Politikunterricht zuordnen. Denn, dass Recht „Teil der Politischen Bildung ist und im Unterricht eine Rolle spielen sollte" (Goll 2017: 592), gilt in der fachdidaktischen Literatur zum rechtlichen Lernen gemeinhin als unstrittig. Die Arbeit ist gedanklich in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil wird zun{\"a}chst eine wissenschaftlich bzw. fachdidaktisch fundierte Grundlage geschaffen. In einem ersten Schritt werden deshalb der narrative Ansatz der politischen Bildung und in diesem Zusammenhang insbesondere die Vorz{\"u}ge des Einsatzes von Narrationen im Politikunterricht vorgestellt. Anschließend werden Recht und Rechtserziehung in den Kontext von Schule und Politikunterricht eingeordnet. Aus beiden Abschnitten werden folglich Kriterien abgeleitet, anhand derer im Allgemeinen die Eignung einer Narration f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 2) und im Besonderen die Eignung einer Narration als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 3) bestimmt werden kann. Diese Kriterien werden in einem Kriterienkatalog (Abschnitt 4) geb{\"u}ndelt, mit dessen Hilfe im zweiten Teil das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck „Gott" hinsichtlich seiner Eignung als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht {\"u}berpr{\"u}ft wird. Abschließend werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse pointiert dargelegt und das Vorgehen reflektiert.}, language = {de} } @masterthesis{Ihle2019, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Inwiefern wird der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgew{\"a}hlten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt?}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-59688}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-596884}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {63}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt wird. Um sich dieser Frage anzunähern, werden zun{\"a}chst die drei Grundsätze des Konsenses wiedergegeben: das Überwältigungsverbot, das Kontroversitätsgebot und die Sch{\"u}lerorientierung. Da der Konsens, auch wenn er von einem Großteil der Fachdidaktikerinnen und Fachdidaktiker geteilt wird, immer wieder Gegenstand von Diskussionen ist, werden in einem ersten Schritt Ansätze zur Aktualisierung bzw. Erweiterung dargestellt und anschließend aktuelle Streitpunkte aufgezeigt. In einem kurzen Zwischenfazit wird dann ein f{\"u}r die Schulbuchanalyse unabdingliches, eindeutiges Verständnis des Konsenses entwickelt. Im folgenden Schritt wird die Rolle von Schulb{\"u}chern als Lehr- und Lernmedien diskutiert. Dabei steht insbesondere die Frage im Zentrum, weshalb sich gerade Schulb{\"u}cher f{\"u}r eine Analyse im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit eignen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird das Konzept der Schulbuchanalyse vorgestellt. In diesem Rahmen werden der Untersuchungsschwerpunkt (Kontroversit{\"a}tsgebot) und der Untersuchungsgegenstand (Kontroverse um Migration und Integration) eingegrenzt. In der Folge wird das Schulbuch Politik und Co. 1 mithilfe des erarbeiteten Untersuchungsinstruments (Kodierleitfaden) analysiert. Zudem werden die Ergebnisse pointiert und die gew{\"a}hlte Vorgehensweise reflektiert.}, language = {de} } @article{NeuhofGirnus2020, author = {Neuhof, Julia and Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung - Ein unbespieltes Feld?}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9}, pages = {109 -- 121}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Diskurs {\"u}ber Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beitr{\"a}ge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und {\"u}bernehmen in der Regel Konzepte f{\"u}r den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse f{\"u}r eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.}, language = {de} } @incollection{JuchlerOberle2023, author = {Juchler, Ingo and Oberle, Monika}, title = {Zur Tier-Mensch-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft}, editor = {Oberle, Monika and Stamer, M{\"a}rthe-Maria}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1578-4}, pages = {136 -- 145}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Girnus2020, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Wor{\"u}ber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizit{\"a}t von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Wiesbaden}, address = {Springer}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15}, pages = {195 -- 207}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine F{\"u}r- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure {\"a}ußern sich kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch - ebenso kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend - zu get{\"a}tigten {\"A}ußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensit{\"a}t ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimit{\"a}t anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu f{\"o}rdern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral daf{\"u}r ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden.}, language = {de} } @misc{Carl2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51512}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {127}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Molinengo2022, author = {Molinengo, Giulia}, title = {The micropolitics of collaborative governance}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57712}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577123}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 128}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors - be they conveners, facilitators, or participants - to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts - from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) - to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.}, language = {en} } @misc{Liese2015, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Transnationale Akteure/Nichtregierungsorganisationen}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch Internationale Politik}, journal = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch Internationale Politik}, editor = {Woyke, Wichard and Varwick, Johannes}, edition = {13. vollst. {\"u}berarb. u. aktual. Aufl.}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8252-4518-4}, doi = {10.36198/9783838545189}, pages = {480 -- 489}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{HeinzelLiese2021, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK}, series = {West European politics}, journal = {West European politics}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0140-2382}, doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630}, pages = {1258 -- 1282}, year = {2021}, abstract = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2020, author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-52932, title = {Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, series = {The condition of democracy}, volume = {3}, journal = {The condition of democracy}, editor = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158387}, pages = {ix, 205}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West - with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission 'to subdue the world' - has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today's politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-52931, title = {Contesting citizenship}, series = {The condition of democracy}, volume = {2}, journal = {The condition of democracy}, editor = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158370}, pages = {viii, 190}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.}, language = {en} } @article{Mackert2021, author = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Introduction}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{LeibRuppel2021, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The dance of peace and justice}, series = {International peacekeeping}, journal = {International peacekeeping}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1353-3312}, doi = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726}, pages = {783 -- 812}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Borgnaes2013, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Jenseits des gr{\"u}nen Wachstumsparadigmas}, series = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, editor = {Kellermann, Christian and Meyer, Henning}, publisher = {Suhrkamp}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-12662-2}, pages = {280 -- 301}, year = {2013}, language = {de} } @book{Ganghof2021, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-289714-5}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001}, pages = {1 -- 199}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.}, language = {en} } @article{RothermelShepherd2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Critical studies on terrorism}, volume = {15}, journal = {Critical studies on terrorism}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1753-9153}, doi = {10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535}, pages = {523 -- 532}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism, and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.}, language = {en} } @article{Demmke2022, author = {Demmke, Christoph}, title = {The Legitimacy of civil services in the 21 st century}, series = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, journal = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-19-762812-6}, pages = {928 -- 944}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{GrumGronau2018, author = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert}, title = {Process modeling within augmented reality}, series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, volume = {319}, journal = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-319-94214-8}, issn = {1865-1348}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7}, pages = {99 -- 115}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2023, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Skepsis und Urteilsbildung im Angesicht epistemischer Ungewissheiten, politischer Kontroversen und Wertkonflikten}, series = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t}, editor = {Busch, Matthias and Keuler, Charlotte}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt/M.}, isbn = {978-3-7566-1579-7}, pages = {130 -- 137}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Heinzel2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Mediating power?}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, volume = {24}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1467-856X}, doi = {10.1177/1369148121992761}, pages = {153 -- 170}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The selection of the executive heads of international organisations represents a key decision in the politics of international organisations. However, we know little about what dynamics influence this selection. The article focuses on the nationality of selected executive heads. It argues that institutional design impacts the factors that influence leadership selection by shaping the costs and benefits of attaining the position for member states' nationals. The argument is tested with novel data on the nationality of individuals in charge of 69 international organisation bureaucracies between 1970 and 2017. Two findings stand out: first, powerful countries are more able to secure positions in international organisations in which executive heads are voted in by majority voting. Second, less consistent evidence implies that powerful countries secure more positions when bureaucracies are authoritative. The findings have implications for debates on international cooperation by illustrating how power and institutions interact in the selection of international organisation executive heads.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KuhlmannFranzkeDumasetal.2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heine, Moreen}, title = {Daten als Grundlage f{\"u}r wissenschaftliche Politikberatung}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51968}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-519683}, pages = {67}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung f{\"u}r die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabw{\"a}gung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verst{\"a}ndnis f{\"u}r die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzusch{\"a}tzen. Die Studie hat dar{\"u}ber hinaus vielf{\"a}ltige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verf{\"u}gbarkeit, Qualit{\"a}t, Zug{\"a}nglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbest{\"a}nde f{\"u}r eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefensch{\"a}rfe und Differenziertheit des verf{\"u}gbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. f{\"u}r sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder f{\"u}r kleinr{\"a}umige Daten {\"u}ber Belastungs- und Kapazit{\"a}tsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheits{\"a}mtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bez{\"u}glich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Pr{\"a}vention, aber auch h{\"a}usliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eind{\"a}mmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietsk{\"o}rperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualit{\"a}t, Verkn{\"u}pfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr m{\"u}ssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Pr{\"a}gungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es m{\"u}ssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das K{\"o}nnen (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu st{\"a}rken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten f{\"u}r Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) St{\"a}rkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilit{\"a}t und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repr{\"a}sentativen Datensatzes, (8) F{\"o}rderung der europ{\"a}ischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023, author = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz}, title = {Governing climate change in Brazil}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-58733}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xxvii, 272}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija}, title = {Mayors and administrative reforms}, series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, journal = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-67410-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13}, pages = {387 -- 409}, year = {2017}, abstract = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective}, series = {A research agenda for regional and local government}, booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government}, editor = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-83910-663-7}, doi = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013}, pages = {111 -- 132}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {„Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!"}, series = {Politisches Lernen}, volume = {38}, journal = {Politisches Lernen}, number = {1+2}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {0937-2946}, pages = {32 -- 35}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ern{\"u}chternden Res{\"u}mee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, - soweit er {\"u}berhaupt noch besteht -, m{\"u}sste aufgegeben werden." (S. 32) In Tudykas Einf{\"u}hrung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten." (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund k{\"o}nnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder {\"u}ber das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gek{\"u}rzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung" dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.}, language = {de} } @article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020, author = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Activating norm collisions}, series = {Global constitutionalism}, volume = {9}, journal = {Global constitutionalism}, number = {2}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {2045-3817}, doi = {10.1017/S2045381719000388}, pages = {290 -- 317}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mundus vult decipi}, series = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33076-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_13}, pages = {229 -- 247}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die Menschen glauben, was sie glauben wollen. Betonung auf wollen. (…) Nein, der Glaube der Menschen h{\"a}ngt nicht von Fakten ab, nicht von Beweisen. Schlimmer noch - und das ist fast so etwas wie der zweite Teil der Erleuchtung, eine Steigerung: Man kann ihnen Fakten liefern, man kann sie widerlegen, es hilft nichts. Im Gegenteil, wer etwas glauben will, findet einen Weg! Er wird sich durch den winzigen Spalt quetschen, den die Wahrheit im l{\"a}sst. Wird die Dinge so lange so drehen und wenden, bis sie wieder in seinen Glauben hineinpassen, und seine ganze Klugheit wird ihn nicht etwa daran hindern, sondern ihm noch dabei behilflich sein. Eugen Ruge, Metropol Toren sind, die alles loben und lieben, was im Nebel verdrehter Worte dunkel daherkommt; Toren, die f{\"u}r wahr halten, was ihnen eingef{\"a}rbt durch wohlt{\"o}nende Phrasen, reizvoll die Ohren kitzelt. Lukrez, {\"U}ber die Natur der Dinge}, language = {de} } @book{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Ein Volkskanzler}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-8389-7228-2}, pages = {20}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Wie Grundrechte unter den Augen aller ausgeh{\"o}hlt und umgebaut werden, wie kurz der Weg von der Demokratie zur Diktatur ist, zeigt Maximilian Steinbeis' Gedankenexperiment »Ein Volkskanzler« in sechs Schritten. Auf der Grundlage seines Essays hat er ein Theaterst{\"u}ck verfasst, das bereits auf vielen B{\"u}hnen gespielt und nun auch als Kammerspiel verfilmt wurde. Die didaktische Handreichung unterst{\"u}tzt Lehrerinnen und Lehrer bei der Einbettung des Theaterst{\"u}cks oder der Verfilmung von »Ein Volkskanzler« im Unterricht.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {„…die im Dunkeln sieht man nicht"}, series = {Standortbestimmung Politische Bildung}, booktitle = {Standortbestimmung Politische Bildung}, publisher = {Wochenschau Wissenschaft}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1352-0}, doi = {10.46499/1900}, pages = {163 -- 175}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Aporien des Rechts}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3}, issn = {1864-6492}, pages = {196 -- 206}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Heuberger2022, author = {Heuberger, Moritz}, title = {Coordinating digital government}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-56269}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-562691}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xiii, 136}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government. The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens' perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany's shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Ganghof2022, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Typen von Forschungsdesigns}, series = {Forschungsstrategien in den Sozialwissenschaften}, booktitle = {Forschungsstrategien in den Sozialwissenschaften}, editor = {Tausendpfund, Markus}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-36971-2}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-36972-9_11}, pages = {257 -- 286}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungsdesigns umfassen alle wesentlichen Entscheidungen, die im Forschungsprozess getroffen werden m{\"u}ssen. Der Beitrag unterscheidet drei rundlegende Typen von Forschungsdesigns: x-zentriert, y-zentriert und kontrastiv. Das x-zentrierte Design versucht einen theoretisch spezifizierten kausalen Effekt zu identifizieren und dessen Gr{\"o}ße m{\"o}glichst genau und ohne Verzerrungen zu sch{\"a}tzen. Das y-zentrierte Design versucht mehrere komplement{\"a}re Theorien {\"u}ber kausale Effekte so zu kombinieren, dass bestimmte Ph{\"a}nomene m{\"o}glichst gut erkl{\"a}rt werden. Das kontrastive Design vergleicht die Erkl{\"a}rungskraft von zwei oder mehr konkurrierenden Theorien. Die Unterscheidung der drei Typen ist f{\"u}r qualitative Fallstudien ebenso relevant wie f{\"u}r Experimente oder statistische Studien mit Beobachtungsdaten. Der Beitrag grenzt die drei Typen voneinander ab, erkl{\"a}rt ihre jeweiligen Annahmen und diskutiert ihre Vor- und Nachteile sowie die M{\"o}glichkeiten und Grenzen ihrer Kombination. Daneben diskutiert er den Unterschied zwischen Modellen und Theorien sowie die Bedeutung des Sparsamkeitsprinzips bei der Entwicklung und Bewertung wissenschaftlicher Theorien und Erkl{\"a}rungen.}, language = {de} } @article{Ganghof2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Justifying types of representative democracy}, series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, journal = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-8230}, doi = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-62304, title = {Tracing value change in the international legal order}, editor = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-285583-1}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192855831.001.0001}, pages = {xiv, 353}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International law is constantly navigating the tension between preserving the status quo and adapting to new exigencies. But when and how do such adaptation processes give way to a more profound transformation, if not a crisis of international law? To address the question of how attacks on the international legal order are changing the value orientation of international law, this book brings together scholars of international law and international relations. By combining theoretical and methodological analyses with individual case studies, this book offers readers conceptualizations and tools to systematically examine value change and explore the drivers and mechanisms of these processes. These case studies scrutinize value change in the foundational norms of the post-1945 order and in norms representing the rise of the international legal order post-1990. They cover diverse issues: the prohibition of torture, the protection of women's rights, the prohibition of the use of force, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, sustainability norms, and accountability for core international crimes. The challenges to each norm, the reactions by norm defenders, and the fate of each norm are also studied. Combined, the analyses show that while a few norms have remained surprisingly robust, several are changing, either in substance or in legal or social validity. The book concludes by integrating the conceptual and empirical insights from this interdisciplinary exchange to assess and explain the ambiguous nature of value change in international law beyond the extremes of mere progress or decline.}, language = {en} } @article{KerstingKuhlmann2018, author = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany}, series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, journal = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5}, pages = {93 -- 118}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.}, language = {en} } @book{KuhlmannHeubergerDumas2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul}, title = {Kommunale Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich. Autonomie, Aufgaben und Reformen}, series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, volume = {48}, journal = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, number = {1}, editor = {Fleischer, Julia and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-7489-2330-5}, issn = {0945-1072}, doi = {10.5771/9783748923305}, pages = {9 -- 124}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Angesichts neuer globaler Herausforderungen geh{\"o}rt eine starke kommunale Ebene zu den Grundvoraussetzungen gesellschaftlicher Probleml{\"o}sungsf{\"a}higkeit. Die St{\"a}rkung kommunaler Selbstverwaltung ist daher ein wichtiges institutionen- und verwaltungspolitisches Zukunftsthema, zu welchem die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag leisten m{\"o}chte.}, language = {de} } @misc{BouckaertKuhlmann2018, author = {Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Foreword}, series = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, journal = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, pages = {V -- VI}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Comparatice methods B}, series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, journal = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78990-347-8}, pages = {181 -- 196}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumil2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments}, series = {International journal of public sector management}, volume = {31}, journal = {International journal of public sector management}, number = {4}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0951-3558}, doi = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004}, pages = {543 -- 562}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{KuhlmannMarienfeldt2023, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Marienfeldt, Justine}, title = {Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe}, series = {Handbook on local and regional governance}, booktitle = {Handbook on local and regional governance}, editor = {Teles, Filipe}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-119-4}, doi = {10.4337/9781800371200.00033}, pages = {313 -- 329}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rieck2023, author = {Rieck, Christian E.}, title = {Region ohne Richtung}, series = {Zwischen Moskau, Peking und Washington: Lateinamerika in der Großmachtkonkurrenz}, booktitle = {Zwischen Moskau, Peking und Washington: Lateinamerika in der Großmachtkonkurrenz}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-7560-0033-3}, doi = {10.5771/9783748936121}, pages = {121 -- 130}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Welche Auswirkungen wird die aufziehende Großm{\"a}chtekonkurrenz also auf die regionale Sicherheitsordnung haben? Der Beitrag n{\"a}hert sich dieser Frage {\"u}ber die regionalen Bedingungsfaktoren, die den Rahmen f{\"u}r jegliche Ingerenz extraregionaler M{\"a}chte bilden: Die regionalen Sicherheitskomplexe in Lateinamerika und der Karibik, einschließlich der Regionalorganisationen und Regionalm{\"a}chte, sowie der Einflusssph{\"a}ren und Anreizsysteme der Großm{\"a}chte. Am Ende wagt der Beitrag einen Ausblick auf die Entwicklung der lateinamerikanischen Sicherheitspolitik im Angesicht der Geopolitik der Großm{\"a}chte. Die hier vorgestellte Kernthese wagt ein strukturelles und deshalb wenig alarmistisches Argument: Die Großm{\"a}chtekonkurrenz wird die bestehende Fragmentierung der regionalen Sicherheitsordnung weiter vertiefen, doch wird die Region gleichzeitig nicht substanziell an Agency gegen{\"u}ber den Großm{\"a}chten verlieren. Der Schl{\"u}ssel hierzu ist die außenpolitische Maxime der „gebundenen {\"A}quidistanz", die Dependenzen diversifiziert und damit nicht als Widerspruch, sondern als Positivsummenspiel versteht.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung}, series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, journal = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holoz{\"a}n, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und {\"O}ffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropoz{\"a}n als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenw{\"a}rtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffssch{\"o}pfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel {\"a}ußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?}, language = {de} } @article{Liese2020, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Autorit{\"a}t in den internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, volume = {27}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, number = {1}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0946-7165}, doi = {10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97}, pages = {97 -- 109}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Beitrag setzt sich w{\"u}rdigend und kritisch mit Michael Z{\"u}rns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorit{\"a}t auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autorit{\"a}tskonzept weist mehrere Vorz{\"u}ge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erkl{\"a}rung f{\"u}r ein Paradox. Warum sollten souver{\"a}ne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschl{\"a}ge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autorit{\"a}tsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualit{\"a}ten der Autorit{\"a}t zu pr{\"u}fen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimit{\"a}t und Autorit{\"a}t, ohne die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit von Autorit{\"a}t zu opfern. Dies anerkennend pl{\"a}diert der Beitrag aber daf{\"u}r, die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit internationaler Autorit{\"a}t nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die {\"u}berzeugende begr{\"u}ndungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorit{\"a}t sollte zudem nicht dazu verf{\"u}hren, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu {\"u}bersehen, zumal deren Legitimit{\"a}t kritisch hinterfragbar ist.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Elsaesser2023, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-62165}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xi, 204}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @article{PoensgenSteinitz2020, author = {Poensgen, Daniel and Steinitz, Benjamin}, title = {Alltagspr{\"a}gende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen}, series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {173 -- 197}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{TsebelisThiesCheibubetal.2023, author = {Tsebelis, George and Thies, Michael and Cheibub, Jos{\´e} Antonio and Dixon, Rosalind and Bog{\´e}a, Daniel and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review symposium}, series = {European political science}, journal = {European political science}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1680-4333}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Steffen Ganghof's Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that "in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not" (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, Jos{\´e} Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bog{\´e}a review Steffen Ganghof's book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A\&M University in 2022. We thank Prof Jos{\´e} Cheibub (Texas A\&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.}, language = {en} } @incollection{GanghofSchulze2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Schulze, Kai}, title = {Vetospieler und Institutionen}, series = {Handbuch Policy-Forschung}, booktitle = {Handbuch Policy-Forschung}, editor = {Wenzelburger, Georg and Zohlnh{\"o}fer, Reimut}, edition = {2., aktualisierte und erweiterte}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-34559-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-34560-0_4}, pages = {101 -- 125}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Der Beitrag widmet sich zwei {\"u}beraus fruchtbaren theoretischen Ans{\"a}tzen in der Policy-Forschung und dar{\"u}ber hinaus: der Vetospielertheorie und Vetopunkt-Ans{\"a}tzen. Neben den Grundz{\"u}gen beider Ans{\"a}tze stellen wir grundlegende Entwicklungslinien und Probleme dieser Literaturen anhand beispielhafter Studien dar. Es zeigt sich, dass beide Ans{\"a}tze teils kontroverse Annahmen treffen, zu denen es plausible Alternativen gibt. Zum Beispiel kann das Verhalten von Koalitionsparteien im Policy-Prozess anders als von der Vetospielertheorie angenommen modelliert werden. Die kausalen Effekte bestimmter Institutionen oder Vetopunkte k{\"o}nnen zudem je nach Kontext variieren. Diesem Kontext sollte gr{\"o}ßere Beachtung geschenkt werden.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-48220, title = {Politik und Sprache}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Wiesbaden}, address = {Springer}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, issn = {2570-2114}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1}, pages = {VIII, 237}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Sprache spielt im Hinblick auf politisches Handeln eine sehr bedeutsame Rolle. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Politik und Sprache erscheint umso notwendiger, als dieses Verh{\"a}ltnis in der gegenw{\"a}rtigen politischen Bildung ein Schattendasein fristet. Der schulischen politischen Bildung kommt die Aufgabe zu, Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler zu einem Umgang mit der politischen Sprache zu bef{\"a}higen, der ihnen eine reflektierte Auseinandersetzung mit den in der Debatte stehenden politischen Gegenst{\"a}nden erm{\"o}glicht - auch und gerade vor dem Hintergrund der Zunahme populistischer Darstellungen, „alternativer Fakten" und L{\"u}gen in der Politik. Mit der vorliegenden Publikation liegt ein erster Aufschlag vor, der das Spektrum des Verh{\"a}ltnisses von Politik und Sprache im Kontext der Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung umreißt.}, language = {de} } @article{FruhstorferHudson2022, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander}, title = {Majorities for minorities}, series = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, volume = {75}, journal = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {1065-9129}, doi = {10.1177/1065912920984246}, pages = {103 -- 117}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design.}, language = {en} } @incollection{QuitzowBersalliLilliestametal.2023, author = {Quitzow, Rainer and Bersalli, Germ{\´a}n and Lilliestam, Johan and Prontera, Andrea}, title = {Green recovery}, series = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics}, booktitle = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics}, editor = {Rayner, Tim and Szulecki, Kacper and Jordan, Andrew J. and Oberth{\"u}r, Sebastian}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, isbn = {978-1-78990-698-1}, doi = {10.4337/9781789906981.00039}, pages = {351 -- 366}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission's role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Ellenbeck2023, author = {Ellenbeck, Saskia}, title = {Zwischen Modellierung und Stakeholderbeteiligung - Wissensproduktion in der Energiewendeforschung}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {130}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Die Dekarbonisierung des Energiesystems ist Teil der international im Rahmen des Pariser Klimaabkommens beschlossenen CO2-Minderungsstrategie zur Bek{\"a}mpfung des Klimawandels. Nach den Verhandlungen und Beschl{\"u}ssen der Klimaziele stehen politische Entscheider weltweit nun vor der Frage, wie sie diese erreichen k{\"o}nnen. Dies produziert eine hohe politische Nachfrage nach Wissen um die direkten und indirekten Effekte verschiedener Instrumente und potentiellen Entwicklungspfade einer Energiewende. Dieser gesellschaftliche Bedarf an wissenschaftlichen Antworten zu L{\"o}sungsoptionen wurde im Rahmen einer Klimafolgenforschung, genauer einer Klimapolitikfolgenforschung, aufgenommen. Der relativ neue Zweig einer Energiewendeforschung hat sich weltweit entwickelt, steht dabei allerdings vor der doppelten Herausforderung: Erstens befindet sich das Objekt der Forschung nicht im luftleeren Raum, sondern innerhalb {\"o}konomischer, sozialer und politischer Zusammenh{\"a}nge, hier gesellschaftliche Einbettung genannt. Denn die Frage, wie die Energiewende erreicht werden kann, wird auch außerhalb der Wissenschaft debattiert und stellt damit ein Aushandlungsfeld unterschiedlicher Interessen und Narrative dar. Zweitens befindet sich das zu untersuchende Objekt in der Zukunft, hier unter dem Terminus des strukturellen Nicht-Wissens zusammengefasst. Diese beiden Bedingungen f{\"u}hren dazu, dass konventionelle Methoden der empirischen Sozialforschung nicht greifen und eine {\"O}ffnung und Transformation der Wissenschaft in Hinblick auf neue Methoden vonn{\"o}ten ist (Nowotny 2001, Ravetz 2006, Schneidewind 2013). In dieser Arbeit untersuche ich zwei M{\"o}glichkeiten, wie mit der Herausforderung, Wissen unter der Bedingung des strukturellen Nicht-Wissens und der gesellschaftlichen Einbettung zu produzieren, in der Energiewendeforschung umgegangen wird. Einerseits wird dies durch die Einbeziehung von Stakeholdern, also nicht-wissenschaftlicher Akteure, in den Forschungsprozess getan. Andererseits ist die Nutzung von komplexen {\"o}konometrischen Modellen zur Berechnung von Implikationen und energiewirtschaftlichen Entwicklungspfaden zu einem zentralen Mittel der Wissensgenerierung in der Energiewendeforschung avanciert. Damit wird der als Problem verstandenen strukturellen Bedingung des Nicht-Wissens insofern begegnet, als dass die Ergebnisse von Stakeholder-Involvement und von Modellierungsarbeiten zweifelsohne neues Wissen zur Verf{\"u}gung stellen. Uneinigkeit besteht jedoch darin, wor{\"u}ber dieses Wissen etwas aussagt: Sind es Interessen oder legitime Perspektiven, die Stakeholder in den Forschungsprozess einbringen und sind Modelle vereinfachte Darstellungen der Welt oder sind sie Ausdruck der Vorstellung des Modellierers?}, language = {de} }