@article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021, author = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen}, title = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector}, series = {Der moderne Staat}, volume = {14}, journal = {Der moderne Staat}, number = {1}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {1865-7192}, doi = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13}, pages = {3 -- 23}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021, author = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian}, title = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view}, series = {The future of local self-government}, booktitle = {The future of local self-government}, editor = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9}, pages = {115 -- 130}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{Kuhlman2024, author = {Kuhlman, Sabine}, title = {Back to bureaucracy?}, series = {Journal of policy studies}, volume = {39}, journal = {Journal of policy studies}, number = {2}, publisher = {Graduate School of Public Administration}, address = {Seoul}, issn = {2799-9130}, doi = {10.52372/jps39202}, pages = {11 -- 44}, year = {2024}, abstract = {In this contribution, the emergence of the neo-Weberian state (NWS) is analyzed with regard to German public administration. Drawing on the concept of a governance space, which consists of a hierarchy, markets, and networks, we distinguish between four empirical manifestations of the NWS, namely, the NWS as (1) come back of the public/ re-municipalization; (2) re-hierarchization; (3) de-agencification; (4) de-escalation in performance management. These movements can, on the one hand, be interpreted as a (partial) reversal of New Public Management (NPM) approaches and a "swinging back of the pendulum" (see Kuhlmann \& Wollmann, 2019) toward public and classical Weberian principles (e.g., hierarchy, regulation, institutional re-aggregation). This reversal re-strengthened the hierarchy within the overall governance space to the detriment of, but without completely replacing, market mechanisms and networks. NPM's failure to deliver what it promised and its inappropriateness as a response to more recent challenges connected to crises and wicked problems have engendered a partial return of the public and a move away from the economization logic of NPM. On the other hand, post-NPM reversals and managerial de-escalation gave rise to hybrid models that merge NPM and classic Weberian administration. While some well-functioning combinations of NPM and Weberianism exist, the hybridization of "old" and "neo" elements has also provoked ambivalent and negative assessments regarding the actual functioning of the NWS in Germany. Our analysis suggests that the NWS is only partially suitable as a model for reform and future administrative modernization, largely depending on the context surrounding reform and implementation practices.}, language = {en} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {The voting potential of B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht}, series = {Political studies review}, journal = {Political studies review}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {London}, issn = {1478-9299}, doi = {10.1177/14789299241264975}, pages = {1 -- 9}, year = {2024}, abstract = {A new challenger seeks to enter the German party system: B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW). With her new party, former Die Linke politician Sahra Wagenknecht combines a left-authoritarian profile (economically left-leaning, but culturally conservative) with anti-US, pro-Russia and anti-elitist stances. This article provides the first large-n academic study of the voter potential of this new party by using a quasi-representative sample (n = 6,000) drawn from a Voting Advice Application-like dataset that comes from a website designed to explore the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht's positions. The results show that congruence with foreign policy positions and anti-elitism are strong predictors of the propensity to vote for the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht. In contrast, social/welfare and immigration policies are less predictive for assessing the party's potential. Among the different socio-demographic groups, the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht has a strong potential among baby boomers, the less educated and East Germans. Regarding party voters, the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht is favoured by supporters of some minor parties like dieBasis, Freie W{\"a}hler and Die PARTEI, but also non-voters. Among the established parties, the party's potential is high among Die Linke voters and, to a lesser extent, voters of the Social democrats (SPD) and Alternative for Germany (AfD). A potential below the average is reported for the supporters of the Liberals (FDP) and Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and most clearly for Green and Volt voters.}, language = {en} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Die Macht der Sonntagsfrage}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20231222-111226-0}, pages = {7}, year = {2023}, abstract = {F{\"u}r das Jahr 2024 sind entscheidende Wahlen geplant - unter ihnen die US-Pr{\"a}sidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zum Europ{\"a}ischen Parlament. In Deutschland werden in Brandenburg, Sachsen und Th{\"u}ringen die Landtage gew{\"a}hlt. Wahlumfragen, insbesondere die Sonntagsfrage, sind zu einem integralen Bestandteil von Wahlk{\"a}mpfen geworden; gleichzeitig steht auch deren Zuverl{\"a}ssigkeit im Zentrum medialer Aufmerksamkeit. Eine Debatte {\"u}ber die Kommunikation und Darstellung von Meinungsumfragen ist in Deutschland dringend notwendig. Eine bindende Selbstverpflichtung der Umfrageinstitute und Medienh{\"a}user w{\"a}re eine vielversprechende L{\"o}sung.}, language = {de} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Blanz2024, author = {Blanz, Alkis}, title = {Essays on the macroeconomics of climate change and policy}, pages = {166}, year = {2024}, language = {en} } @misc{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung}, publisher = {bbp, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {19}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In welchem Verh{\"a}ltnis stehen Literatur und das Politische? F{\"o}rdert narrative politische Bildung Ambiguit{\"a}tstoleranz und Mehrstimmigkeit? Der Beitrag diskutiert aktuelle didaktische Theorien und Beispiele.}, language = {de} } @misc{Liese2022, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {The Power of Global Performance Indicators. Edited by Judith G. Kelley and Beth A. Simmons. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 450p. \$120.00 cloth.}, series = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, volume = {20}, journal = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-108-48720-7}, issn = {1537-5927}, doi = {10.1017/S1537592721003716}, pages = {380 -- 382}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Liese2024, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Norm research on conflictive norm relations how norms collide in times of complexity, contestation, and crisis}, series = {Contesting the world}, booktitle = {Contesting the world}, editor = {Orchard, Phil and Wiener, Antje}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-00-947917-2}, pages = {64 -- 84}, year = {2024}, language = {en} } @incollection{RothermelKellyJasser2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Kelly, Megan and Jasser, Greta}, title = {Of victims, mass murder, and "real men"}, series = {Male supremacism in the United States}, booktitle = {Male supremacism in the United States}, editor = {Carian, Emily K. and DiBranco, Alex and Ebin, Chelsea}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-16472-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003164722-9}, pages = {117 -- 141}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as "the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue." Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men's Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they "repudiat[e] and reif[y]" hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.}, language = {en} } @article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020, author = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte}, title = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics}, series = {Biological sciences}, volume = {375}, journal = {Biological sciences}, number = {1794}, publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing}, address = {London}, issn = {0962-8436}, doi = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-2}, pages = {11 -- 36}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @misc{NewmanDebreNayloretal.2022, author = {Newman, Abraham and Debre, Maria Josepha and Naylor, Tristen and Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo Regilme Jr. and Viola, Lora Anne}, title = {Lora Anne Viola. The closure of the international system: how institutions create political equalities and hierarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108482257 (hardback, \$99.99).}, series = {H-Diplo roundtable}, volume = {XXIII}, journal = {H-Diplo roundtable}, number = {49}, editor = {Labrosse, Diane and Szarejko, Andrew and Fujii, George}, publisher = {H-Net: Humanities \& Social Sciences Online}, address = {East Lansing, MI}, pages = {5 -- 8}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{Dannemann2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo}, title = {Antidemokratische Positionen und Einstellungen in Schulen}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Die Krisen der letzten Jahre machen antidemokratische Tendenzen in der Gesellschaft immer wieder sichtbar. Diskriminierende {\"A}ußerungen werden f{\"u}r Lehrkr{\"a}fte zu einer zunehmenden Herausforderung.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Poerschke2024, author = {P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Koalitionsbildung und Gesetzgebung im Semi-Parlamentarismus}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63449}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-634498}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xvi, 265}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der Semi-Parlamentarismus beschreibt das Regierungssystem, in dem die Regierung von einem Teil des Parlaments gew{\"a}hlt wird und abberufen werden kann, von einem anderen Teil des Parlaments aber unabh{\"a}ngig ist. Beide Kammern m{\"u}ssen dabei der Gesetzgebung zustimmen. Dieses von Steffen Ganghof klassifizierte System erg{\"a}nzt g{\"a}ngige Regierungssystemtypologien, wie sie beispielsweise von David Samuels und Matthew Shugart genutzt werden. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus ist der logische Gegenpart zum Semi-Pr{\"a}sidentialismus, bei dem nur ein Teil der Exekutive von der Legislative abh{\"a}ngt, w{\"a}hrend im Semi-Parlamentarismus die Exekutive von nur einem Teil der Legislative abh{\"a}ngt. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus verk{\"o}rpert so ein System der Gewaltenteilung ohne einen exekutiven Personalismus, wie er durch die Direktwahl und Unabh{\"a}ngigkeit der Regierungchef:in im Pr{\"a}sidentialismus hervorgerufen wird. Dadurch ist der Semi-Parlamentarismus geeignet, Unterschiede zwischen Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus auf den separaten Einfluss der Gewaltenteilung und des exekutiven Personalismus zur{\"u}ckzuf{\"u}hren. Die Untersuchung des Semi-Parlamentarismus ist daher f{\"u}r die Regierungssystemliteratur insgesamt von Bedeutung. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus ist dabei kein rein theoretisches Konstrukt, sondern existiert im australischen Bundesstaat, den australischen Substaaten und Japan. Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht erstmals umfassend die Gesetzgebung der semi-parlamentarischen Staaten als solchen. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf den zweiten Kammern, da diese durch die Unabh{\"a}ngigkeit von der Regierung der eigentliche Ort der Gesetzgebung sind. Die Gesetzgebung in Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus unterscheidet sich insbesondere in der Geschlossenheit der Parteien, der Koalitionsbildung und dem legislativen Erfolg der Regierungen. Diese Punkte sind daher auch von besonderem Interesse bei der Analyse des Semi-Parlamentarismus. Die semi-parlamentarischen Staaten unterscheiden sich auch untereinander teilweise erheblich in der institutionellen Ausgestaltung wie den Wahlsystemen oder den verf{\"u}gbaren Mitteln zur {\"U}berwindung von Blockadesituationen. Die Darstellung und die Analyse der Auswirkungen dieser Unterschiede auf die Gesetzgebung ist neben dem Vergleich des Semi-Parlamentarismus mit anderen Systemen das zweite wesentliche Ziel dieser Arbeit. Als Fundament der Analyse habe ich einen umfangreichen Datensatz erhoben, der alle Legislaturperioden der australischen Staaten zwischen 1997 und 2019 umfasst. Wesentliche Bestandteile des Datensatzes sind alle namentlichen Abstimmungen beider Kammern, alle eingebrachten und verabschiedeten Gesetzen der Regierung sowie die mit Hilfe eines Expert-Surveys erhobenen Parteipositionen in den relevanten Politikfeldern auf substaatlicher Ebene. Haupts{\"a}chlich mit der Hilfe von Mixed-Effects- und Fractional-Response-Analysen kann ich so zeigen, dass der Semi-Parlamentarismus in vielen Aspekten eher parlamentarischen als pr{\"a}sidentiellen Systemen gleicht. Nur die Koalitionsbildung erfolgt deutlich flexibler und unterscheidet sich daher von der typischen parlamentarischen Koalitionsbildung. Die Analysen legen nahe, dass wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus eher auf den exekutiven Personalismus als auf die Gewaltenteilung zur{\"u}ckzuf{\"u}hren sind. Zwischen den semi-parlamentarischen Staaten scheinen vor allem die Kontrolle des Medians beider Parlamentskammern durch die Regierung und die M{\"o}glichkeit der Regierung, die zweite Kammer mitaufzul{\"o}sen, zu entscheidenden Unterschieden in der Gesetzgebung zu f{\"u}hren. Die Kontrolle des Medians erm{\"o}glicht eine flexible Koalitionsbildung und f{\"u}hrt zu h{\"o}heren legislativen Erfolgsraten. Ebenso f{\"u}hrt eine m{\"o}glichst leichte Aufl{\"o}sungsm{\"o}glichkeit der zweiten Kammern zu h{\"o}heren legislativen Erfolgsraten. Die Parteigeschlossenheit ist unabh{\"a}ngig von diesen Aspekten in beiden Kammern der semi-parlamentarischen Parlamente sehr hoch.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63889, title = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266}, pages = {xi, 291}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism. Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation. Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism. The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.}, language = {en} } @article{DannemannGuertler2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo and G{\"u}rtler, Friedemann}, title = {Meine Krise, deine Krise - unsere Krise(n)?}, series = {POLIS}, volume = {28}, journal = {POLIS}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt, M.}, issn = {2749-4861}, doi = {10.46499/2377.3002}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @incollection{Schuppert2022, author = {Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Gemeinwohl und soziale Gleichheit}, series = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, booktitle = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, editor = {Hiebaum, Christian}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-21086-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-21086-1_24-1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Das Verh{\"a}ltnis von Gemeinwohl und Gleichheit ist kein spannungsfreies. Soziale Gleichheit ist ein Grundwert liberal-demokratischer Gemeinwesen. Um diese Gleichheit zu bewahren, entwickelten sich im 20. Jahrhundert Konzeptionen von Gemeinwohl, die versuchten, das Gemeinwohl eher prozedural und pluralistisch zu verstehen. Eine zu spezifische, vorher festgelegte Definition des Gemeinwohls sei letzten Endes undemokratisch und ideologisch und somit der sozialen Gleichheit abtr{\"a}glich. In den letzten Jahren haben sich unter dem Oberbegriff des sozialen Egalitarismus jedoch auch die Vorstellungen der sozialen Gleichheit ver{\"a}ndert, hin zu einem substanzielleren Verst{\"a}ndnis, was die Frage aufwirft, ob prozedurale Gemeinwohlverst{\"a}ndnisse ihrer Rolle als W{\"a}chter der Gleichheit immer noch gerecht werden k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z}, pages = {18}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63402, title = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg}, series = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, volume = {2}, journal = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-94768-647-6}, issn = {2628-4081}, pages = {350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Brandenburg ist das einzige ostdeutsche Bundesland, in dem die SPD seit 1990 durchg{\"a}ngig die Regierung f{\"u}hrt. Dennoch hat Brandenburg den h{\"o}chsten Anteil rechts motivierter Gewalttaten - und immer wieder feiern hier rechte Parteien bemerkenswerte Erfolge. In vier von sieben Legislaturperioden bildeten sie sogar Fraktionen im Landtag. Renommierte Fachleute aus Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften analysieren in diesem Band die politische Kultur des Bundeslands und die Landschaft der Rechtaußenparteien in den Jahren 1990 bis 2020 und stellen dabei Kontinuit{\"a}ten wie Br{\"u}che heraus. Gegenstand der Betrachtung sind neonazistische Kleinparteien, nicht mehr bestehende Parteien wie die DVU, fr{\"u}he populistische Experimente wie die Schill-Partei, aber auch die j{\"u}ngste Rechtsaußenpartei, die AfD, die zugleich auch die bisher erfolgreichste ist. Biographische Informationen Gideon Botsch, Prof. Dr. phil., geboren 1970, ist Politikwissenschaftler und leitet die Emil Julius Gumbel Forschungsstelle Antisemitismus und Rechtsextremismus an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Seit 2018 ist er Außerplanm{\"a}ßiger Professor an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Christoph Schulze, Dr., geboren 1979, studierte Publizistik und Kommunikationswissenschaft, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie in Berlin. Er ist am Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum Potsdam in der Rechtsextremismusforschung t{\"a}tig.}, language = {de} } @inproceedings{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Rechtsextremer Antisemitismus in Brandenburg}, series = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, booktitle = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, publisher = {F. C. Flick Stiftung}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {14 -- 19}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63541, title = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1}, pages = {VI, 296}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} }