@article{Rothermel2021, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Critical studies on terrorism}, volume = {15}, journal = {Critical studies on terrorism}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London [u.a.]}, issn = {1753-9153}, doi = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061}, pages = {533 -- 558}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Streck2021, author = {Streck, Charlotte}, title = {From laggards to leaders}, series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone}, editor = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n}, publisher = {Brill Nijhoff}, address = {Leiden}, isbn = {978-90-04-37287-0}, doi = {10.1163/9789004372887_004}, pages = {75 -- 105}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.}, language = {en} } @techreport{SchwabKrauseMassoud2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Schwab, Regine and Krause, Werner and Massoud, Samer}, title = {The bombing of hospitals and local violence dynamics in civil wars}, series = {HiCN Working paper}, volume = {403}, journal = {HiCN Working paper}, publisher = {Households in Conflict Network}, address = {Berlin}, pages = {89}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The impact of civilian harm on strategic outcomes in war has been the subject of persistent debate. However, the literature has primarily focused on civilian casualties, thereby overlooking the targeting of civilian infrastructure, which is a recurrent phenomenon during war. This study fills this gap by examining the targeting of healthcare, one of the most indispensable infrastructures during war and peace time. We contend that attacks on medical facilities are distinct from direct violence against civilians. Because they are typically unrelated to military dynamics, the targeting of hospitals is a highly visible form and powerful signal of civilian victimization. To assess its effects, we analyze newly collected data on such attacks by pro-government forces and event data on combat activities in Northwest Syria (2017-2020). Applying a new approach for panel data analysis that combines matching methods with a difference-in-differences estimation, we examine the causal effect of counterinsurgent bombings on subsequent violent events. Distinguishing between regime-initiated and insurgent-initiated combat activities and their associated fatalities, we find that the targeting of hospitals increases insurgent violence. We supplement the quantitative analysis with unique qualitative evidence derived from interviews, which demonstrates that hospital bombings induce rebels to resist more fiercely through two mechanisms: intrinsic motivations and civilian pressure. The results have important implications for the effects of state-led violence and the strength of legal norms that protect noncombatants.}, language = {en} } @misc{KrauseGahn2024, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {How powerful are polls in influencing election outcomes?}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens' vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world}, language = {en} } @misc{MatsunagaKrause2023, author = {Matsunaga, Miku and Krause, Werner}, title = {Right-wing violence and the persistence of far-right popularity}, series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, journal = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog}, publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research}, address = {Colchester}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Miku Matsunaga and Werner Krause reveal how voters who support radical-right parties are sticking by them, despite the current upsurge in right-wing violence. Their findings raise crucial concerns about the broader ramifications of growing far-right movements across the globe}, language = {en} } @incollection{Jann2020, author = {Jann, Werner}, title = {The modern state and administrative reform}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-59}, pages = {59 -- 72}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @incollection{Sprinz2021, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {Effectiveness}, series = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance}, booktitle = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance}, editor = {Morin, Jean-Fr{\´e}d{\´e}ric and Orsini, Amandine}, edition = {Second edition}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-0-367-41869-4}, doi = {10.4324/9780367816681-34}, pages = {80 -- 83}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @incollection{M’HamedSprinz2023, author = {M'Hamed, Sonia Chikh and Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The keys to the EU's climate neutrality goal}, series = {Making the European Green Deal work}, booktitle = {Making the European Green Deal work}, editor = {Dyrhauge, Helene and Kurze, Kristina}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-032-16070-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003246985-6}, pages = {60 -- 75}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The EU and its member countries have been laggards in using forest carbon to reduce EU emissions. The European Green Deal aims to change this. As part of its long-term emissions reductions, the EU aims to offset this by creating land-based carbon sinks, especially forest carbon sinks as well as carbon capture and storage. This chapter focuses on the role of forest carbon as part of the EU's climate policies towards achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. It furthermore examines the European Commission's proposed forest strategy and its proposal for a revised LULUCF Regulation. The chapter shows that the logic of appropriateness dominates the European Commission's forest policies. Finally, the chapter makes policy recommendations on how the EU could credibly use long-term carbon sinks to achieve climate neutrality.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Sprinz2023, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F.}, title = {The challenge of long-term environmental policy}, series = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, booktitle = {Routledge handbook of environmental policy}, editor = {J{\"o}rgens, Helge and Knill, Christoph and Steinebach, Yves}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-48992-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003043843-26}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Long-term environmental policy remains a vexing puzzle of environmental policy. Following its definition, the author reviews the methods suitable for the study of long-term environmental policy and develops a typology of policy instruments to cope with these challenges. The concluding section offers five central research challenges to advance the study of long-term environmental policy.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020, author = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-169}, pages = {169 -- 180}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Rechts nur noch die Wand?}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20230207-233109-0}, pages = {4}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Seyfried2021, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Bundesrechnungshof}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, editor = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard}, edition = {8., {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23665-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_20}, pages = {80 -- 82}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der Bundesrechnungshof schaut mittlerweile auf eine {\"u}ber 300 j{\"a}hrige Geschichte der Finanzkontrolle zur{\"u}ck (vgl. Engels 2014). Auch wenn Aufgaben und Organisation damaliger Rechenkammern bestenfalls rudiment{\"a}r mit den Einrichtungen moderner Finanzkontrolle vergleichbar sind, so legten sie doch einst deren Grundstein. Heute ist der Bundesrechnungshof eine oberste Bundesbeh{\"o}rde und pr{\"u}ft laut Artikel 114 Abs. 2 GG die „Rechnung sowie die Wirtschaftlichkeit und Ordnungsm{\"a}ßigkeit der Haushalts- und Wirtschaftsf{\"u}hrung des Bundes." Weitere Regelungen f{\"u}r den Bundesrechnungshof finden sich in der Bundeshaushaltsordnung (BHO, hier Teil V Rechnungspr{\"u}fung bis Teil VIII Entlastung, \S\S 88 bis 114) und im Bundesrechnungshofgesetz (BRHG vom 11.07.1985, mit letzter {\"A}nderung vom 05.02.2009).}, language = {de} } @incollection{DebielSondermann2024, author = {Debiel, Tobias and Sondermann, Elena}, title = {Entwicklung und internationale Politik}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_44}, pages = {1397 -- 1425}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Gut zwei Jahrzehnte nach dem Millenniumsgipfel der Vereinten Nationen bleiben berechtigte Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ). Ist das Politikfeld von den Realit{\"a}ten {\"u}berholt worden? Welchen Beitrag haben Entwicklungstheorien f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung von Entwicklungspolitik leisten k{\"o}nnen? Der Beitrag zieht eine Bilanz, die von der ersten Entwicklungsdekade in den 1960er-Jahren bis zu den Folgen der Covid-19-Pandemie reicht. Er pl{\"a}diert f{\"u}r eine herrschaftskritische Weiterentwicklung des Entwicklungsbegriffs und f{\"u}r eine St{\"a}rkung globaler Kooperation.}, language = {de} } @misc{GrossiReichardThomassonetal.2017, author = {Grossi, Giuseppe and Reichard, Christoph and Thomasson, Anna and Vakkuri, Jarmo}, title = {Editorial}, series = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, volume = {37}, journal = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0954-0962}, doi = {10.1080/09540962.2017.1344007}, pages = {379 -- 386}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @incollection{AngermannBinzKarawathetal.2022, author = {Angermann, Eric and Binz, Sarah and Karawath, Leonie and M{\"u}ller, Yves}, title = {Editorial: das Schicksal, Sisyphus zu sein}, series = {Schwerpunkt: Der Antifaschismus seit 1945}, booktitle = {Schwerpunkt: Der Antifaschismus seit 1945}, editor = {Daldrup, Maria and Uellenberg-van Dawen, Wolfgang and Maier, Martin G.}, publisher = {Metropol}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86331-675-4}, pages = {7 -- 25}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @incollection{HerschingerRenner2024, author = {Herschinger, Eva and Renner, Judith}, title = {Diskursforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen}, editor = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo}, edition = {3., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33952-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_15}, pages = {375 -- 399}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Diskursive Perspektiven auf internationale Politik haben in den vergangenen Jahren an Relevanz und Popularit{\"a}t gewonnen. Der vorliegende Beitrag gibt zun{\"a}chst einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber verschiedene Spielarten diskursiver Ans{\"a}tze in den Internationalen Beziehungen, um sich dann vor allem poststrukturalistisch inspirierten Diskursarbeiten zu widmen. Poststrukturalistische Ans{\"a}tze, so argumentieren wir, sind besonders interessant f{\"u}r die Disziplin der IB, da sie vier spezifische Gewinne bieten: Erstens erlauben sie eine kritische Perspektive auf Fragen internationaler Politik, zweitens hilft eine poststrukturalistische Perspektive dabei, den oft {\"u}bersehenen politischen Charakter sozialer Realit{\"a}t herauszustellen, drittens halten sie dazu an, die eigene Sichtweise des/der Forschenden zu reflektieren und viertens erlaubt es eine poststrukturalistische Vorgehensweise mit ihrem Fokus auf „Wie-m{\"o}glich-Fragen", eine alternative analytische Perspektive zu dominanten erkl{\"a}renden Ans{\"a}tzen einzunehmen.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Berg2023, author = {Berg, Carsten}, title = {Der Beitrag der europ{\"a}ischen B{\"u}rgerinitiative zur Demokratisierung der Europ{\"a}ischen Union}, pages = {387}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Der Untersuchungsgegenstand der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Praxis der Europ{\"a}ischen B{\"u}rgerinitiative (EBI) nach Art. 11 Abs. 4 EUV, dem weltweit ersten und einzigen Instrument transnationaler, partizipativer und digitaler Demokratie. Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung steht die Frage, welchen Beitrag die EBI zur weiteren Demokratisierung der EU leisten kann und auf welche Art und Weise insoweit noch weitere Verbesserungen erzielt werden k{\"o}nnen. Nach zehnj{\"a}hriger Anwendungspraxis von 2012 bis 2022 liegen inzwischen ausreichend empirische Daten vor, um den Forschungsgegenstand umfassend zu erforschen und das Instrument mit Blick auf seinen von den EU-Institutionen versprochenen Legitimations- und Demokratisierungsbeitrag bewerten zu k{\"o}nnen. Insbesondere wird das EBI-Verfahren in dieser Arbeit auf seine empirisch nachweisbare Nutzung, auf seine prozedurale Nutzerfreundlichkeit sowie auf seine politische wie rechtliche Wirkm{\"a}chtigkeit untersucht. Zum Zwecke der korrekten Kategorisierung, Bewertung sowie der nutzerfreundlichen Ausgestaltung des EBI-Verfahrens werden Vergleiche mit B{\"u}rger- und Volksinitiativverfahren in den EU-Mitgliedstaaten sowie mit B{\"u}rgerbeteiligungsverfahren auf EU-Ebene vorgenommen. Den empirischen und komparativen Analysen werden eine historische Analyse {\"u}ber die Genese der EBI seit dem EU-Verfassungskonvent sowie theoretisch-normative {\"U}berlegungen und praktische Untersuchungen zu unterschiedlichen beteiligungszentrierten Demokratiemodellen vorangestellt, um die EBI einzuordnen und die Steigerungsm{\"o}glichkeiten ihres Demokratisierungsbeitrags zu erschließen. Letzteres zielt schließlich auf die Frage nach der prozeduralen Kombination und Kompatibilit{\"a}t der EBI mit demokratischen Innovationen aus dem Bereich der deliberativen und direkten Demokratie ab. Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Ausblick und unterbreitet umfassende EBI-Reformoptionen sowohl auf der prim{\"a}r- und sekund{\"a}rrechtlichen als auch auf der informellen Ebene.}, language = {de} } @article{HeinzelLiese2021, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Managing performance and winning trust}, series = {The review of international organizations}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-744X}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4}, pages = {625 -- 653}, year = {2021}, abstract = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannFranzkePetersetal.2024, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Peters, Niklas and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul}, title = {Institutional designs and dynamics of crisis governance at the local level}, series = {Policy design and practice}, journal = {Policy design and practice}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {2574-1292}, doi = {10.1080/25741292.2024.2344784}, pages = {1 -- 21}, year = {2024}, abstract = {This article analyses the institutional design variants of local crisis governance responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and their entanglement with other locally impactful crises from a cross-country comparative perspective (France, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the UK/England). The pandemic offers an excellent empirical lens for scrutinizing the phenomenon of polycrises governance because it occurred while European countries were struggling with the impacts of several prior, ongoing, or newly arrived crises. Our major focus is on institutional design variants of crisis governance (dependent variable) and the influence of different administrative cultures on it (independent variable). Furthermore, we analyze the entanglement and interaction of institutional responses to other (previous or parallel) crises (polycrisis dynamics). Our findings reveal a huge variance of institutional designs, largely evoked by country-specific administrative cultures and profiles. The degree of de-/centralization and the intensity of coordination or decoupling across levels of government differs significantly by country. Simultaneously, all countries were affected by interrelated and entangled crises, resulting in various patterns of polycrisis dynamics. While policy failures and "fatal remedies" from previous crises have partially impaired the resilience and crisis preparedness of local governments, we have also found some learning effects from previous crises.}, language = {en} } @article{SchmidtWellenburg2022, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Democratization or politicization?}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158363-7}, pages = {106 -- 128}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{HartmannLang2022, author = {Hartmann, Eddy and Lang, Felix}, title = {The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158370-8}, pages = {104}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{ForlenzaTurner2022, author = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Roman Catholicism and democracy}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158363-10}, pages = {149 -- 164}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Schmidt2022, author = {Schmidt, Max Oliver}, title = {Church asylum as ultima ratio}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, doi = {10.4324/9781003158370-4}, pages = {36 -- 53}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Fuhr2022, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Development thinking and practice}, series = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, booktitle = {Handbook on global governance and regionalism}, editor = {R{\"u}land, J{\"u}rgen and Carrapatoso, Astrid}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-80037-755-4}, doi = {10.4337/9781800377561.00037}, pages = {365 -- 380}, year = {2022}, abstract = {After some seventy years of intensive debates, there is an increasingly strong consensus within the academic and practitioner communities that development is both an objective and a process towards improving the quality of people's lives in various societal dimensions - economic, social, environmental, cultural and political - and about how subjectively satisfied they are with it. Since 2015, the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations (UN) reflect such consensus. The sections behind this argument are based on a review of (i) three key theoretical contributions to development and different phases of development thinking; (ii) global and regional governance arrangements and institutions for development cooperation; (iii) upcoming challenges to development policy and practice stemming from a series of new global challenges; and, (iv) development policy as a long and steady, increasingly global and participatory learning process.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BotschKopke2022, author = {Botsch, Gideon and Kopke, Christoph}, title = {Erinnern an die Todesopfer rechter Gewalt}, series = {Dynamiken des Erinnerns}, booktitle = {Dynamiken des Erinnerns}, editor = {Kotowski, Elke-Vera and Jaglitz, Sarah}, publisher = {Hentrich \& Hentrich}, address = {Leipzig}, isbn = {978-3-95565-541-9}, pages = {101 -- 106}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Giesen2023, author = {Giesen, Michael}, title = {Framing gender-based violence in multi-level contexts}, series = {European journal of politics and gender}, volume = {6}, journal = {European journal of politics and gender}, number = {1}, publisher = {Bristol University Press}, address = {Bristol}, issn = {2515-1088}, doi = {10.1332/251510821X16693059192022}, pages = {76 -- 91}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International institutions are an essential driving force of contemporary policies to combat gender-based violence but remain toothless if political actors do not implement them in domestic policies. How can scholars conceptualise the transposition of international gender-based violence norms into domestic policies? I argue that discourse network analysis provides a powerful conceptual and methodological extension of critical frame analysis to understand how frames shape the meaning of gender-based violence norms in multi-level institutional contexts. Frames' normative and cognitive network structure invites combining discourse network and frame analysis techniques that locate frames' power in their ability to connect different institutional spheres temporally and spatially. I outline a multi-level research agenda that traces the framing processes of international norms and their domestic implementation through gender-based violence policies in the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention. This agenda includes avenues to study how complex transnational policy frameworks like the Istanbul Convention play out in domestic policy implementation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Offen f{\"u}r Gr{\"u}nde - Welcher demokratische Anspruch ist an politische Urteile zu stellen?}, series = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest}, editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-33076-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_9}, pages = {147 -- 163}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Demokratie und politische Bildung stehen in einem sich zugewandten Verh{\"a}ltnis. Doch folgt daraus, dass politische Urteile stets demokratisch sein m{\"u}ssen? Der Beitrag diskutiert diese Frage vor dem Hintergrund der derzeitigen Debatte um antidemokratische Bewegungen in der Gesellschaft, der Rolle politischer Bildung als F{\"o}rderin von Demokratie und der individuellen Herausforderung f{\"u}r Lehrpersonen in der Unterrichtspraxis.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse}, series = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik}, booktitle = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik}, editor = {Weißeno, Georg and Ziegler, B{\´e}atrice}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-29673-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-29673-5_28-1}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse dient als Auswertungsinstrument f{\"u}r Textmaterial, kann aber auch f{\"u}r die Analyse von Ton- und Bildmaterial genutzt werden. Anders als die quantitative Inhaltsanalyse zielt sie darauf ab, dem Material auch Informationen zu entnehmen, auf die ausschließlich interpretativ geschlossen werden kann. Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse kn{\"u}pft an die hermeneutische Tradition des Verstehens an. Der Verstehensprozess wird jedoch in einen vordefinierten, theorie- und regelgeleiteten Forschungsablauf gebettet, um dem wissenschaftlichen Anspruch an Systematik und Intersubjektivit{\"a}t nachzukommen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Girnus2021, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Europabildung als Dialog {\"u}ber politische Werte}, series = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren}, booktitle = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren}, editor = {Vetter, Eva and Lange, Dirk and Wegner, Anke}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt/M.}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1278-3}, pages = {34 -- 54}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{DoerflerHeinzel2022, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Greening global governance}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {18}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-022-09462-4}, pages = {117 -- 143}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The last decades have seen a remarkable expansion in the number of International Organizations (IOs) that have mainstreamed environmental issues into their policy scope—in many cases due to the pressure of civil society. We hypothesize that International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs), whose headquarters are in proximity to the headquarters of IOs, are more likely to affect IOs' expansion into the environmental domain. We test this explanation by utilizing a novel dataset on the strength of environmental global civil society in proximity to the headquarters of 76 IOs between 1950 and 2017. Three findings stand out. First, the more environmental INGOs have their secretariat in proximity to the headquarter of an IO, the more likely the IO mainstreams environmental policy. Second, proximate INGOs' contribution increases when they can rely on domestically focused NGOs in member states. Third, a pathway case reveals that proximate INGOs played an essential role in inside lobbying, outside lobbying and information provision during the campaign to mainstream environmental issues at the World Bank. However, their efforts relied to a substantial extent on the work of local NGOs on the ground.}, language = {en} } @article{DijkstraDebreHeinkelmannWild2023, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha and Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim}, title = {Governance abhors a vacuum}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-1481}, doi = {10.1177/13691481231202642}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our analysis of 26 major terminated international organisations reveals legal-institutional and asset continuity in 21 cases. To further illustrate this point, the article zooms in on the afterlife of the International Institute of Agriculture in the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Refugee Organization in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the Western European Union in the European Union. In these three cases, international organisation afterlife inspired and structured the design of their successor institutions. While specific international organisations might be terminated, international cooperation therefore often lives on in other institutions.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Hundert Jahre Erziehung zu Gewalt und Hass}, series = {Jugendarbeit, Polizei und rechte Jugendliche in den 1990er Jahren}, booktitle = {Jugendarbeit, Polizei und rechte Jugendliche in den 1990er Jahren}, editor = {Bock, Vero and J{\"a}nicke, Christin and Kopke, Christoph and Lehnert, Esther and Mildenberger, Helene}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Beltz Juventa}, address = {Weinheim ; Basel}, isbn = {978-3-7799-7294-5}, pages = {106 -- 117}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{HeinzelKoenigArchibugi2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias}, title = {Harmful side effects}, series = {British journal of political science}, volume = {53}, journal = {British journal of political science}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0007-1234}, doi = {10.1017/S0007123422000564}, pages = {1293 -- 1310}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Governments have increasingly adopted laws restricting the activities of international non-governmental organizations INGOs within their borders. Such laws are often intended to curb the ability of critical INGOs to discover and communicate government failures and abuses to domestic and international audiences. They can also have the unintended effect of reducing the presence and activities of INGOs working on health issues, and depriving local health workers and organizations of access to resources, knowledge and other forms of support. This study assesses whether legislative restrictions on INGOs are associated with fewer health INGOs in a wide range of countries and with the ability of those countries to mitigate disability-adjusted life years lost because of twenty-one disease categories between 1993 and 2017. The findings indicate that restrictive legislation hampered efforts by civil society to lighten the global burden of disease and had adverse side effects on the health of citizens worldwide.}, language = {en} } @article{Debre2021, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {Clubs of autocrats}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {17}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y}, pages = {485 -- 511}, year = {2021}, abstract = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{DebreDijkstra2023, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke}, title = {Are international organisations in decline?}, series = {Global policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13170}, pages = {16 -- 30}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Many international organisations (IOs) are currently challenged, yet are they also in decline? Despite much debate on the crisis of liberal international order, con-testation, loss of legitimacy, gridlock, pathologies and exiting member states, there is little research on IO decline. This article seeks to clarify this concept and argues that decline can be considered in absolute and relative terms. Absolute decline involves a decrease in the number of IOs and their authority, member-ship and output, whereas relative decline concerns a decrease in the centrality of IOs in international relations. Reviewing a wide range of indicators, this article argues that, whereas there is limited decline in absolute terms since 1945, there may well be important decline in relative terms. Relative decline is more difficult to measure, but to probe its significance this article presents data from speeches during the United Nations General Assembly General Debate. It shows that IOs were most often mentioned in 1996 and that there has been a decline since. These findings indicate that, whereas IOs might survive as institutions, they are decreasingly central to international relations.}, language = {en} } @misc{Dieter2023, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Die doppelte Krise der chinesischen Planwirtschaft.}, series = {Wirtschaftswoche}, journal = {Wirtschaftswoche}, number = {5}, publisher = {D{\"u}sseldorf}, address = {Handelsblatt GmbH}, issn = {0042-8582}, pages = {41 -- 41}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Dieter2022, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Deutschland und die neue Geo{\"o}konomie}, series = {Politikum}, volume = {8}, journal = {Politikum}, number = {3}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt, M.}, issn = {2364-4737}, doi = {10.46499/1838.2481}, pages = {30 -- 37}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{DijkstraDebre2022, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {The death of major international organizations}, series = {Global studies quarterly}, volume = {2}, journal = {Global studies quarterly}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2634-3797}, doi = {10.1093/isagsq/ksac048}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Major international organizations (IOs) are heavily contested, but they are rarely dissolved. Scholars have focused on their longevity, making institutional arguments about replacement costs and institutional assets as well as IO agency to adapt and resist challenges. This article analyzes the limits of institutional stickiness by focusing on outlier cases. While major IOs are dissolved at considerably lower rates than minor IOs, the article nevertheless identifies twenty-one cases where major IOs have died since 1815. These are tough cases as they do not conform to our institutionalist expectations. To better understand these rare but important events, the article provides case illustrations from the League of Nations and International Refugee Organization, which were dissolved due to their perceived underperformance and a disappearing demand for cooperation. These cases show the limits of the institutional theories of IO stickiness: sometimes member states find high replacement costs justified or consider assets as sunk costs, and IOs may lack agency to strategically respond. This article refines theories of institutional stickiness and contributes to the institutional theory of the life and death of IOs. Les principales organisations internationales (OI) sont fortement contest{\´e}es, mais rarement dissoutes. Pour expliquer leur long{\´e}vit{\´e}, les chercheurs ont avanc{\´e} des arguments institutionnels concernant les co{\^u}ts de remplacement et les actifs de l'institution, mais aussi la capacit{\´e} des OI {\`a} s'adapter et {\`a} r{\´e}sister aux d{\´e}fis. Cet article analyse les limites de la persistance des institutions en se concentrant sur des cas particuliers. Tandis que les principales OI sont dissoutes bien moins fr{\´e}quemment que des OI moins importantes, cet article identifie n{\´e}anmoins 21 cas de disparition d'OI principales depuis 1815. Ces derniers sont particuli{\`e}rement difficiles, car ils ne correspondent pas {\`a} nos attentes en termes d'institutions. Afin de mieux comprendre ces {\´e}v{\´e}nements rares, mais non moins importants, l'article propose comme illustrations de cas la Soci{\´e}t{\´e} des Nations et l'Organisation internationale pour les r{\´e}fugi{\´e}s, qui ont {\´e}t{\´e} dissoutes {\`a} cause de leur manque apparent de r{\´e}sultats et de la disparition de la demande de coop{\´e}ration. Ces cas mettent en {\´e}vidence les limites des th{\´e}ories institutionnelles de persistance des OI : parfois, les {\´E}tats membres consid{\`e}rent les co{\^u}ts de remplacement {\´e}lev{\´e}s justifi{\´e}s ou les actifs comme des co{\^u}ts irr{\´e}cup{\´e}rables, et les OI n'ont peut-{\^e}tre pas la capacit{\´e} de leur r{\´e}pondre de mani{\`e}re strat{\´e}gique. Le pr{\´e}sent article affine les th{\´e}ories de persistance institutionnelle et contribue {\`a} la th{\´e}orie institutionnelle de vie et de mort des OI. Las organizaciones internacionales (OI) m{\´a}s importantes son muy cuestionadas, pero rara vez se disuelven. Los investigadores se han centrado en la longevidad de las IO, formulando argumentos institucionales sobre los costes de sustituci{\´o}n y los activos institucionales, as{\´i} como sobre la capacidad de adaptaci{\´o}n y resistencia de las organizaciones internacionales. Este art{\´i}culo analiza los l{\´i}mites de la rigidez institucional centr{\´a}ndose en casos at{\´i}picos. Aunque las OI m{\´a}s importantes se disuelven en proporciones considerablemente menores que las OI de menor importancia, el art{\´i}culo identifica 21 casos en los que OI m{\´a}s importantes desaparecieron desde 1815. Se trata de casos dif{\´i}ciles, ya que no se ajustan a nuestras expectativas institucionalistas. Para comprender mejor estos raros pero importantes acontecimientos, el art{\´i}culo ofrece ejemplos de casos de la Sociedad de Naciones y de la, Organizaci{\´o}n Internacional para los Refugiados que se disolvieron debido a su bajo desempe{\~n}o percibido y a la desaparici{\´o}n de la demanda de cooperaci{\´o}n. Estos casos muestran los l{\´i}mites de las teor{\´i}as institucionales sobre la rigidez de las OI: En ocasiones, los Estados miembros consideran justificados los elevados costes de sustituci{\´o}n o consideran que los activos son costes irrecuperables, y las OI pueden no disponer de capacidad de respuesta estrat{\´e}gica. Este art{\´i}culo profundiza en las teor{\´i}as de la rigidez institucional y contribuye a la teor{\´i}a institucional de la vida y la muerte de las organizaciones internacionales.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis}, series = {The viral world}, booktitle = {The viral world}, editor = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia}, publisher = {Observer Research Foundation}, address = {New Delhi, India}, isbn = {978-93-90159-27-7}, pages = {50 -- 55}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany as a leading power}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-73}, pages = {73 -- 84}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Feil, author = {Feil, Hauke}, title = {God, bad, or ugly: Does it really matter?}, address = {Potsdam}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XII, 224}, abstract = {Each year, donor countries spend billions of Euros on development cooperation. Not surprisingly, a large strand of research has emerged which examines the impact of development cooperation. A sub-discipline within this strand of the literature deals with the question of whether the impact or effectiveness of development cooperation depends on the quality of the recipient country's policy and institutional environment. Over hundreds of studies have assessed this question at the macro level. In so doing, most of these studies test whether a potential effect of aid on the growth of a recipient country's gross domestic product (GDP) is conditional on the country's policy and institutional environment. However, even after decades of research and hundreds of studies, no conclusive result has been found. One of the main reasons for the inconclusive state of the literature is that most macro-level studies have to deal with a high risk of endogeneity, treat aid as nothing but a pure income transfer, and rely on low-quality GDP data. To solve these three methodical issues, some authors have started to change the analytical focus from the macro to the micro level. Thus, these authors assess the determinants for the performance of individual development projects instead of the determinants for an effect of aid on GDP. Yet, even though the number of studies focusing on the micro level has increased steadily over the last few years, the state of the literature on the determinants for the performance of development projects still contains multiple highly relevant research gaps. The present thesis seeks to address three of these research gaps. The first research gap addressed by this thesis is related to the specific type of development cooperation. So far, nearly all existing studies focus on projects by Multilateral Development Banks. Research on the determinants for the performance of bilateral development projects is still rare. Thus, even though donors pledge to implement effective development projects, there are hardly any micro-level studies on bilateral projects. So far, only three studies use a sample which includes bilateral projects. Yet, none of the three studies assess the determinants for the performance of bilateral technical development projects. The first paper in the present thesis (GIZ paper) seeks to address this research gap by assessing the determinants for the performance of projects by the Deutsche Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), a bilateral state-owned aid agency active in the area of technical cooperation. The results of the paper indicate that some but not all of the existing theoretical arguments can be extended to bilateral technical projects as well.. For example, the level of market interventions in the recipient county only affects the performance of financial development projects, while the recipient country's government capacity affects both technical and financial development projects. The paper also indicates that effects of determinants may vary among project sectors. The paper also highlights a dilemma of technical development cooperation. The countries with low government capacity are usually the ones most in need of technical cooperation projects. But, at the same time, they are also the countries in which these projects have the poorest performance The second research gap addressed by this thesis is related to one specific factor in the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries, namely corruption. This determinant is often cited as essential for project performance but has gained surprisingly little coverage in empirical studies. The few existing studies on the effect of corruption on project performance are inconclusive. Some find a statistically significant correlation, while others do not. Furthermore, so far, all existing studies use corruption perception indices as a measurement for corruption, despite the fact that these indices have well-known deficits when it comes to this research topic. One of these deficits is that such indices do not distinguish between different forms of corruption, even though it is likely that the effect of corruption will vary depending on the type of development project and form of corruption. The second paper in this thesis (Corruption paper) seeks to address this inconclusive state of the research while focusing on one specific form of corruption, namely bribery between private firms and public officials. The paper finds a small but statistically significant correlation between the corruption level and the performance of World Bank projects. The systematic effect of corruption on project performance confirms the need to consider the risk of corruption in the design and during the implementation of projects. Nonetheless, the relatively small effect of corruption and the low pseudo R-squareds advise not to overestimate the relevance of corruption for project performance. At least for the project level, the paper finds no indication that corruption is a primary obstacle to aid effectiveness. The third research gap addressed by this thesis is related to one specific sample, namely recipient countries of the International Development Association (IDA). The question of whether the policy and institutional environment affects project performance is of particular relevance for these countries, given that the World Bank's ratings on a country's policy and institutional environment decide how much IDA resources it receives. One core justification of such an allocation system is that it helps to steer more resources to places where they are most effective. However, so far, there is no conclusive empirical evidence for this statement. The only study specifically focusing on this topic, a study by the Independent Evaluation Group of the World Bank from 2010, has essential methodological limitations. The third paper of this thesis (CPR paper) seeks to address this research gap by testing whether a more refined analysis confirms the assumption of previous studies that the policy and institutional environment of IDA-recipient countries, measured by the Country Policy and Institutional Assessment ratings, has an effect on the performance of World Bank projects. Overall, neither the main regression models nor any of the robustness tests indicate a substantial correlation between the policy and institutional environment and project performance. Only for Investments Loans is the coefficient large enough to assume some effect. The overall results not only contradict the results of previous studies, but also raise strong doubts around one of the core justifications for the allocation system of the IDA. All three papers rely on a statistical large-N analysis of the performance ratings of individual development projects. These ratings are usually assigned based on the final evaluation of a project and indicate the merit or worth of an activity. The merit or worth of an activity itself is measured by criteria like relevance, effectiveness, and efficiency. In the case of the two papers on World Bank projects, the needed data stem from different databases of the World Bank. The relevant data for the GIZ paper are gathered from internal evaluation reports of the GIZ. Logistic regressions are applied as the main analytical tool. Overall, the three papers show that the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries matters for project performance, but only to a small degree and under certain circumstances. This result highlights that many researchers and practitioners tend to overestimate the role that the policy and institutional environment of recipient countries plays in project performance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that authors of future studies should consider possible interactions between project- and country-level determinants whenever possible, both in their theoretical arguments and statistical models. Otherwise, the debate on the determinants for project performance is at risk of degenerating into a statistics tournament without any connection to reality.}, language = {en} } @article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Review of international political economy}, volume = {28}, journal = {Review of international political economy}, number = {5}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0969-2290}, doi = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711}, pages = {1249 -- 1273}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Land Brandenburg}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland}, editor = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-23665-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_72}, pages = {518 -- 525}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Das {\"u}ber 860 Jahre alte deutsche Land BB liegt im Nordosten Ds zwischen Elbe und Oder. Es umschließt die Bundeshauptstadt BE, die als Einheitsgemeinde zugleich ein eigenes Land bildet. Potsdam als Landeshauptstadt ist mit 176.000 E. die gr{\"o}ßte Stadt in BB. Mit 29.482 qkm (8,3 \% von D) z{\"a}hlt die Mark zu den fl{\"a}chenreichsten Bundesl{\"a}ndern.}, language = {de} } @article{Franzke2020, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.}, series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, volume = {14}, journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, issn = {1899-6256}, doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21}, pages = {325 -- 342}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{LieseHeinzel2022, author = {Liese, Andrea and Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Reputation and influence}, series = {International public administrations in global public policy}, booktitle = {International public administrations in global public policy}, editor = {Knill, Christoph and Steinebach, Yves}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-032-34673-1}, doi = {10.4324/9781003323297-5}, pages = {52 -- 81}, year = {2022}, abstract = {International public administrations (IPAs) are collective bodies within international organizations (IOs) made up of international civil servants that support the intergovernmental bodies and member states. Over the last decade, research on these bodies has "gained substantial momentum". Comparative assessments of IPAs reputation among stakeholders are rare. The literature on the sociological legitimacy of IOs is most advanced in this respect. A comparative agenda on IPAs reputation for expertise or neutrality is still in its infancy. Research has shown that different stakeholders view the same IPA quite differently. Reputation is a crucial concept in political science and IR research and has been widely used to predict states' future behavior, notably regarding cooperation and conflict. IPAs seem to vary substantially in their reputation for expertise among critical interlocutors. In financial policy, several prominent IPAs are seen as experts, including the European Central Bank and the IMF.}, language = {en} } @techreport{DebreSommerer2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {Weathering the storm?}, series = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, journal = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations}, publisher = {UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation}, address = {La Jolla, CA}, pages = {38}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Democratization scholars are currently debating if we are indeed witnessing a third wave of autocratization. While this has led to an extensive debate about the future of the liberal international order, we still know relatively little about the consequences of autocratization for international organizations (IOs). In this article, we explore to what extent autocratization has led to changes in the composition of IO membership. We propose three different ways of conceptualizing autocratization of IO membership. We argue that we should move away from a dichotomous understanding of regime type and regime change, but rather focus on composition of subregime types to understand current developments. We build on updated membership data for 73 IOs through 2020 to map membership configurations based on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index. Contrary to current debates on the crisis of the liberal order, we find that many IOs are not (yet) affected by broad autocratization of their membership that would endanger democratic majorities or overall democratic densities. However, we also observe the disappearance of formerly homogenous democratic clubs due to democratic backsliding in a number of European and Latin American IO member states, as well as a return of autocratic clubs in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. These findings have important implications for the broader research agenda on international democracy promotion and human right protection as well as the study of legitimacy and the effectiveness of international organizations.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2022, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {German local authorities in the COVID-19 pandemic}, series = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, booktitle = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic}, editor = {Nunes Silva, Carlos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-91111-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-91112-6_6}, pages = {131 -- 154}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This study evaluates the challenges, institutional impacts and responses of German local authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic from a political science point of view. The main research question is how they have contributed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent the strengths and weaknesses of the German model of municipal autonomy have influenced their policy. It analyses the adaptation strategies of German local authorities and assesses the effectiveness of their actions up to now. Their implementation is then evaluated in five selected issues, e.g. adjustment organization and staff, challenges for local finances, local politics and citizen's participation. This analysis is reflecting the scientific debate in Germany since the beginning of 2020, based on the available analyses of political science, law, economics, sociology and geography until end of March 2021.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-56182, title = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-39870-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6}, pages = {238}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic}, series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire}, publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur}, address = {Antony}, isbn = {9782281134964}, pages = {257 -- 272}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021, author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias}, title = {The social construction of global health priorities}, series = {International studies quarterly}, volume = {66}, journal = {International studies quarterly}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0020-8833}, doi = {10.1093/isq/sqab092}, pages = {15}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.}, language = {en} } @article{Heinzel2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko}, title = {Divided loyalties?}, series = {Governance}, volume = {35}, journal = {Governance}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12650}, pages = {1183 -- 1203}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Many operational International Organizations (IOs) rely on national staff when implementing projects in member states. However, fears persist that the loyalties of national IO staff may be divided when working in their home countries. The article studies differences in more than 50,000 procurement decisions taken in 1729 projects overseen by World Bank staff working as expatriates or in their home countries. The empirical results show that when staff work in their home countries, national suppliers' probability of winning procurement contracts increases. However, these increases are not driven by restricted procurement processes—that exclude competition—which are often seen as red flags for corruption. Instead, restricted procurement processes seem to be less likely when staff work in their home countries. These findings imply that national IO staff use their country-specific knowledge to increase the development effectiveness of procurement in line with the mandate of the World Bank.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Haenel2021, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Epistemic injustice and recognition theory: what we owe to refugees}, series = {Migration, recognition and critical theory}, volume = {21}, booktitle = {Migration, recognition and critical theory}, editor = {Schweiger, Gottfried}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-72731-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_12}, pages = {257 -- 282}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Germany's silence: testimonial injustice in the NSU investigation and willful ignorance in the NSU trial}, series = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, journal = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1351-0487}, doi = {10.1111/1467-8675.12703}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @incollection{IhleCarl2024, author = {Ihle, Sebastian and Carl, Kea}, title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im (Politik-) Unterricht}, series = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, booktitle = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-42652-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8_5}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich weniger als Fachbeitrag, sondern vielmehr als Erfahrungsbericht aus der Praxis versteht, berichtet von unterschiedlichen Versuchen, die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in den schulischen Kontext einzubringen und somit der unzureichenden Beachtung der Thematik entgegenzuwirken. Nachdem {\"u}berblicksartig die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik herausgestellt und auf diese Weise die Notwendigkeit einer unterrichtlichen Besch{\"a}ftigung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Menschen und anderen Tieren begr{\"u}ndet wird, wird zun{\"a}chst von einem ersten Versuch berichtet, (angehende) Lehrkr{\"a}fte im Rahmen eines Workshops am Studienseminar Potsdam f{\"u}r die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik zu sensibilisieren sowie {\"u}ber eine m{\"o}gliche Umsetzung in den verschiedenen Unterrichtsf{\"a}chern zu informieren. Anschließend werden - exemplarisch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht - zwei Unterrichtsstunden, die die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung auf verschiedene Weise in den Politikunterricht einbeziehen, sowie die im Rahmen der Durchf{\"u}hrung gesammelten Erfahrungen vorgestellt.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Taten statt Worte}, series = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, booktitle = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, editor = {Sabrow, Martin}, publisher = {AVA Akademische Verlagsanstalt GmbH}, address = {[Leipzig]}, isbn = {978-3-946281-15-3}, pages = {141 -- 162}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{RuppelLeib2022, author = {Ruppel, Samantha and Leib, Julia}, title = {Same but different}, series = {Peacebuilding}, volume = {10}, journal = {Peacebuilding}, number = {4}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London}, issn = {2164-7259}, doi = {10.1080/21647259.2022.2027152}, pages = {470 -- 505}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The peace processes in Liberia and Sierra Leone share similar contexts and have an interrelated history. They are also often portrayed as successful cases of peacebuilding. This conclusion seems valid, as war has not returned, and political power was handed over peacefully; however, both cases differ with regard to the inclusiveness of the peace processes and the role of local leaders. This article aims to add to the critical peacebuilding debate by focusing on local perceptions about the position of local leaders in these two peace processes. We conducted a public opinion survey in five regions in Sierra Leone and Liberia and expert interviews with peacebuilding actors to examine changing perceptions about the roles of local leaders in both countries. This article speaks to the broader peacebuilding debate by highlighting the importance of including local voices in the peace process and by discussing challenges of inclusive peacebuilding.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BloiseIhle2024, author = {Bloise, Jennifer and Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Speziesismus in den (sozialen) Medien}, series = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, booktitle = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung}, editor = {Hoiß, Christian and Schluchter, Jan-Ren{\´e}}, publisher = {kopaed}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, isbn = {978-3-96848-108-1}, pages = {15 -- 31}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @article{OllierMetzNunezJimenezetal.2022, author = {Ollier, Lana and Metz, Florence and Nu{\~n}ez-Jimenez, Alejandro and Sp{\"a}th, Leonhard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {The European 2030 climate and energy package}, series = {Policy sciences}, volume = {55}, journal = {Policy sciences}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer Science+Business Media LLC}, address = {New York}, issn = {0032-2687}, doi = {10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5}, pages = {161 -- 184}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The European Union's 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.}, language = {en} } @article{WeaverHeinzelJorgensenetal.2022, author = {Weaver, Catherine and Heinzel, Mirko and Jorgensen, Samantha and Flores, Joseph}, title = {Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank}, series = {Global perspectives}, volume = {3}, journal = {Global perspectives}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland, CA}, issn = {2575-7350}, doi = {10.1525/gp.2022.39684}, pages = {18}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions' technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Behinderung als soziale Kategorie im Kontext epistemischer Ungerechtigkeiten, Ignoranz und Abh{\"a}ngigkeit}, series = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, booktitle = {Bedeutung und Implikationen epistemischer Ungerechtigkeit}, editor = {Schleidgen, Sebastian and Friedrich, Orsolya and Wolkenstein, Andreas}, publisher = {Tectum}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8288-4660-9}, doi = {10.5771/9783828877368-153}, pages = {153 -- 182}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten zwischen Medizin und Technik}, series = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, volume = {5}, booktitle = {Medizin - Technik - Ethik}, editor = {Loh, Janina and Grote, Thomas}, publisher = {J.B. Metzler}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-662-65867-3}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-662-65868-0_5}, pages = {87 -- 106}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Nicht erst seit Covid-19 sind die Wissens- und Kommunikationsl{\"u}cken sowie die Hierarchie zwischen {\"A}rzt*innen und Patient*innen offensichtlich. Zus{\"a}tzlich befinden sich kranke Menschen sowohl aufgrund ihrer Krankheit als auch aufgrund ihrer Abh{\"a}ngigkeit vom Gesundheitswesen in einer besonders verletzlichen Lage; Patient*innen sind ein paradigmatisches Beispiel f{\"u}r fragile epistemische Subjekte. Im vorliegenden Text wird zun{\"a}chst skizziert inwieweit Patient*innen fragile epistemische Subjekte sind und welche Formen testimonialer und hermeneutischer Ungerechtigkeit im Gesundheitswesen besonders zum Tragen kommen. Danach wird ein besonderes Augenmerk auf die Idee gelegt, dass sogenannte „pathozentrische epistemische Ungerechtigkeiten" durch bestimmte theoretische Vorstellungen von Gesundheit untermauert und reproduziert werden. Hierbei soll schlussendlich untersucht werden, inwieweit dieses Problem durch technische Mittel in der Medizin verst{\"a}rkt oder geschw{\"a}cht werden kann; so reproduzieren Algorithmen beispielsweise die vorhandenen Vorstellungen und Praktiken.}, language = {de} } @book{KuhlmannDumasHeuberger2022, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heuberger, Moritz}, title = {The capacity of local governments in Europe}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-07961-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-07962-7}, pages = {7 -- 55}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This book compares local self-government in Europe. It examines local institutional structures, autonomy, and capacities in six selected countries - France, Italy, Sweden, Hungary, Poland, and the United Kingdom - each of which represents a typical model of European local government. Within Europe, an overall trend towards more local government capacities and autonomy can be identified, but there are also some counter tendencies to this trend and major differences regarding local politico-administrative settings, functional responsibilities, and resources. The book demonstrates that a certain degree of local financial autonomy and fiscal discretion is necessary for effective service provision. Furthermore, a robust local organization, viable territorial structures, a professional public service, strong local leadership, and well-functioning tools of democratic participation are key aspects for local governments to effectively fulfill their tasks and ensure political accountability. The book will appeal to students and scholars of Public Administration and Public Management, as well as practitioners and policy-makers at different levels of government, in public enterprises, and in NGOs.}, language = {en} } @article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021, author = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen}, title = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector}, series = {Der moderne Staat}, volume = {14}, journal = {Der moderne Staat}, number = {1}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {1865-7192}, doi = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13}, pages = {3 -- 23}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021, author = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian}, title = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view}, series = {The future of local self-government}, booktitle = {The future of local self-government}, editor = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-56058-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9}, pages = {115 -- 130}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @article{Kuhlman2024, author = {Kuhlman, Sabine}, title = {Back to bureaucracy?}, series = {Journal of policy studies}, volume = {39}, journal = {Journal of policy studies}, number = {2}, publisher = {Graduate School of Public Administration}, address = {Seoul}, issn = {2799-9130}, doi = {10.52372/jps39202}, pages = {11 -- 44}, year = {2024}, abstract = {In this contribution, the emergence of the neo-Weberian state (NWS) is analyzed with regard to German public administration. Drawing on the concept of a governance space, which consists of a hierarchy, markets, and networks, we distinguish between four empirical manifestations of the NWS, namely, the NWS as (1) come back of the public/ re-municipalization; (2) re-hierarchization; (3) de-agencification; (4) de-escalation in performance management. These movements can, on the one hand, be interpreted as a (partial) reversal of New Public Management (NPM) approaches and a "swinging back of the pendulum" (see Kuhlmann \& Wollmann, 2019) toward public and classical Weberian principles (e.g., hierarchy, regulation, institutional re-aggregation). This reversal re-strengthened the hierarchy within the overall governance space to the detriment of, but without completely replacing, market mechanisms and networks. NPM's failure to deliver what it promised and its inappropriateness as a response to more recent challenges connected to crises and wicked problems have engendered a partial return of the public and a move away from the economization logic of NPM. On the other hand, post-NPM reversals and managerial de-escalation gave rise to hybrid models that merge NPM and classic Weberian administration. While some well-functioning combinations of NPM and Weberianism exist, the hybridization of "old" and "neo" elements has also provoked ambivalent and negative assessments regarding the actual functioning of the NWS in Germany. Our analysis suggests that the NWS is only partially suitable as a model for reform and future administrative modernization, largely depending on the context surrounding reform and implementation practices.}, language = {en} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {The voting potential of B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht}, series = {Political studies review}, journal = {Political studies review}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {London}, issn = {1478-9299}, doi = {10.1177/14789299241264975}, pages = {1 -- 9}, year = {2024}, abstract = {A new challenger seeks to enter the German party system: B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW). With her new party, former Die Linke politician Sahra Wagenknecht combines a left-authoritarian profile (economically left-leaning, but culturally conservative) with anti-US, pro-Russia and anti-elitist stances. This article provides the first large-n academic study of the voter potential of this new party by using a quasi-representative sample (n = 6,000) drawn from a Voting Advice Application-like dataset that comes from a website designed to explore the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht's positions. The results show that congruence with foreign policy positions and anti-elitism are strong predictors of the propensity to vote for the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht. In contrast, social/welfare and immigration policies are less predictive for assessing the party's potential. Among the different socio-demographic groups, the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht has a strong potential among baby boomers, the less educated and East Germans. Regarding party voters, the B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht is favoured by supporters of some minor parties like dieBasis, Freie W{\"a}hler and Die PARTEI, but also non-voters. Among the established parties, the party's potential is high among Die Linke voters and, to a lesser extent, voters of the Social democrats (SPD) and Alternative for Germany (AfD). A potential below the average is reported for the supporters of the Liberals (FDP) and Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and most clearly for Green and Volt voters.}, language = {en} } @misc{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Werner}, title = {Die Macht der Sonntagsfrage}, series = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, journal = {Verfassungsblog : on matters constitutional}, publisher = {Max Steinbeis Verfassungsblog gGmbH}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2366-7044}, doi = {10.17176/20231222-111226-0}, pages = {7}, year = {2023}, abstract = {F{\"u}r das Jahr 2024 sind entscheidende Wahlen geplant - unter ihnen die US-Pr{\"a}sidentschaftswahl und die Wahlen zum Europ{\"a}ischen Parlament. In Deutschland werden in Brandenburg, Sachsen und Th{\"u}ringen die Landtage gew{\"a}hlt. Wahlumfragen, insbesondere die Sonntagsfrage, sind zu einem integralen Bestandteil von Wahlk{\"a}mpfen geworden; gleichzeitig steht auch deren Zuverl{\"a}ssigkeit im Zentrum medialer Aufmerksamkeit. Eine Debatte {\"u}ber die Kommunikation und Darstellung von Meinungsumfragen ist in Deutschland dringend notwendig. Eine bindende Selbstverpflichtung der Umfrageinstitute und Medienh{\"a}user w{\"a}re eine vielversprechende L{\"o}sung.}, language = {de} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Blanz2024, author = {Blanz, Alkis}, title = {Essays on the macroeconomics of climate change and policy}, pages = {166}, year = {2024}, language = {en} } @misc{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung}, publisher = {bbp, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {19}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In welchem Verh{\"a}ltnis stehen Literatur und das Politische? F{\"o}rdert narrative politische Bildung Ambiguit{\"a}tstoleranz und Mehrstimmigkeit? Der Beitrag diskutiert aktuelle didaktische Theorien und Beispiele.}, language = {de} } @misc{Liese2022, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {The Power of Global Performance Indicators. Edited by Judith G. Kelley and Beth A. Simmons. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 450p. \$120.00 cloth.}, series = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, volume = {20}, journal = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-108-48720-7}, issn = {1537-5927}, doi = {10.1017/S1537592721003716}, pages = {380 -- 382}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @incollection{Liese2024, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Norm research on conflictive norm relations how norms collide in times of complexity, contestation, and crisis}, series = {Contesting the world}, booktitle = {Contesting the world}, editor = {Orchard, Phil and Wiener, Antje}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-00-947917-2}, pages = {64 -- 84}, year = {2024}, language = {en} } @incollection{RothermelKellyJasser2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Kelly, Megan and Jasser, Greta}, title = {Of victims, mass murder, and "real men"}, series = {Male supremacism in the United States}, booktitle = {Male supremacism in the United States}, editor = {Carian, Emily K. and DiBranco, Alex and Ebin, Chelsea}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-16472-2}, doi = {10.4324/9781003164722-9}, pages = {117 -- 141}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as "the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue." Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men's Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they "repudiat[e] and reif[y]" hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.}, language = {en} } @article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020, author = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte}, title = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics}, series = {Biological sciences}, volume = {375}, journal = {Biological sciences}, number = {1794}, publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing}, address = {London}, issn = {0962-8436}, doi = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender at the crossroads}, series = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, booktitle = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266-2}, pages = {11 -- 36}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.}, language = {en} } @misc{NewmanDebreNayloretal.2022, author = {Newman, Abraham and Debre, Maria Josepha and Naylor, Tristen and Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo Regilme Jr. and Viola, Lora Anne}, title = {Lora Anne Viola. The closure of the international system: how institutions create political equalities and hierarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108482257 (hardback, \$99.99).}, series = {H-Diplo roundtable}, volume = {XXIII}, journal = {H-Diplo roundtable}, number = {49}, editor = {Labrosse, Diane and Szarejko, Andrew and Fujii, George}, publisher = {H-Net: Humanities \& Social Sciences Online}, address = {East Lansing, MI}, pages = {5 -- 8}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @misc{Dannemann2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo}, title = {Antidemokratische Positionen und Einstellungen in Schulen}, publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Die Krisen der letzten Jahre machen antidemokratische Tendenzen in der Gesellschaft immer wieder sichtbar. Diskriminierende {\"A}ußerungen werden f{\"u}r Lehrkr{\"a}fte zu einer zunehmenden Herausforderung.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Poerschke2024, author = {P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Koalitionsbildung und Gesetzgebung im Semi-Parlamentarismus}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-63449}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-634498}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xvi, 265}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Der Semi-Parlamentarismus beschreibt das Regierungssystem, in dem die Regierung von einem Teil des Parlaments gew{\"a}hlt wird und abberufen werden kann, von einem anderen Teil des Parlaments aber unabh{\"a}ngig ist. Beide Kammern m{\"u}ssen dabei der Gesetzgebung zustimmen. Dieses von Steffen Ganghof klassifizierte System erg{\"a}nzt g{\"a}ngige Regierungssystemtypologien, wie sie beispielsweise von David Samuels und Matthew Shugart genutzt werden. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus ist der logische Gegenpart zum Semi-Pr{\"a}sidentialismus, bei dem nur ein Teil der Exekutive von der Legislative abh{\"a}ngt, w{\"a}hrend im Semi-Parlamentarismus die Exekutive von nur einem Teil der Legislative abh{\"a}ngt. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus verk{\"o}rpert so ein System der Gewaltenteilung ohne einen exekutiven Personalismus, wie er durch die Direktwahl und Unabh{\"a}ngigkeit der Regierungchef:in im Pr{\"a}sidentialismus hervorgerufen wird. Dadurch ist der Semi-Parlamentarismus geeignet, Unterschiede zwischen Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus auf den separaten Einfluss der Gewaltenteilung und des exekutiven Personalismus zur{\"u}ckzuf{\"u}hren. Die Untersuchung des Semi-Parlamentarismus ist daher f{\"u}r die Regierungssystemliteratur insgesamt von Bedeutung. Der Semi-Parlamentarismus ist dabei kein rein theoretisches Konstrukt, sondern existiert im australischen Bundesstaat, den australischen Substaaten und Japan. Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht erstmals umfassend die Gesetzgebung der semi-parlamentarischen Staaten als solchen. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf den zweiten Kammern, da diese durch die Unabh{\"a}ngigkeit von der Regierung der eigentliche Ort der Gesetzgebung sind. Die Gesetzgebung in Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus unterscheidet sich insbesondere in der Geschlossenheit der Parteien, der Koalitionsbildung und dem legislativen Erfolg der Regierungen. Diese Punkte sind daher auch von besonderem Interesse bei der Analyse des Semi-Parlamentarismus. Die semi-parlamentarischen Staaten unterscheiden sich auch untereinander teilweise erheblich in der institutionellen Ausgestaltung wie den Wahlsystemen oder den verf{\"u}gbaren Mitteln zur {\"U}berwindung von Blockadesituationen. Die Darstellung und die Analyse der Auswirkungen dieser Unterschiede auf die Gesetzgebung ist neben dem Vergleich des Semi-Parlamentarismus mit anderen Systemen das zweite wesentliche Ziel dieser Arbeit. Als Fundament der Analyse habe ich einen umfangreichen Datensatz erhoben, der alle Legislaturperioden der australischen Staaten zwischen 1997 und 2019 umfasst. Wesentliche Bestandteile des Datensatzes sind alle namentlichen Abstimmungen beider Kammern, alle eingebrachten und verabschiedeten Gesetzen der Regierung sowie die mit Hilfe eines Expert-Surveys erhobenen Parteipositionen in den relevanten Politikfeldern auf substaatlicher Ebene. Haupts{\"a}chlich mit der Hilfe von Mixed-Effects- und Fractional-Response-Analysen kann ich so zeigen, dass der Semi-Parlamentarismus in vielen Aspekten eher parlamentarischen als pr{\"a}sidentiellen Systemen gleicht. Nur die Koalitionsbildung erfolgt deutlich flexibler und unterscheidet sich daher von der typischen parlamentarischen Koalitionsbildung. Die Analysen legen nahe, dass wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen Parlamentarismus und Pr{\"a}sidentialismus eher auf den exekutiven Personalismus als auf die Gewaltenteilung zur{\"u}ckzuf{\"u}hren sind. Zwischen den semi-parlamentarischen Staaten scheinen vor allem die Kontrolle des Medians beider Parlamentskammern durch die Regierung und die M{\"o}glichkeit der Regierung, die zweite Kammer mitaufzul{\"o}sen, zu entscheidenden Unterschieden in der Gesetzgebung zu f{\"u}hren. Die Kontrolle des Medians erm{\"o}glicht eine flexible Koalitionsbildung und f{\"u}hrt zu h{\"o}heren legislativen Erfolgsraten. Ebenso f{\"u}hrt eine m{\"o}glichst leichte Aufl{\"o}sungsm{\"o}glichkeit der zweiten Kammern zu h{\"o}heren legislativen Erfolgsraten. Die Parteigeschlossenheit ist unabh{\"a}ngig von diesen Aspekten in beiden Kammern der semi-parlamentarischen Parlamente sehr hoch.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63889, title = {Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism}, editor = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-003-38126-6}, doi = {10.4324/9781003381266}, pages = {xi, 291}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism. Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation. Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism. The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.}, language = {en} } @article{DannemannGuertler2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo and G{\"u}rtler, Friedemann}, title = {Meine Krise, deine Krise - unsere Krise(n)?}, series = {POLIS}, volume = {28}, journal = {POLIS}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt, M.}, issn = {2749-4861}, doi = {10.46499/2377.3002}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @incollection{Schuppert2022, author = {Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Gemeinwohl und soziale Gleichheit}, series = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, booktitle = {Handbuch Gemeinwohl}, editor = {Hiebaum, Christian}, publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-21086-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-21086-1_24-1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Das Verh{\"a}ltnis von Gemeinwohl und Gleichheit ist kein spannungsfreies. Soziale Gleichheit ist ein Grundwert liberal-demokratischer Gemeinwesen. Um diese Gleichheit zu bewahren, entwickelten sich im 20. Jahrhundert Konzeptionen von Gemeinwohl, die versuchten, das Gemeinwohl eher prozedural und pluralistisch zu verstehen. Eine zu spezifische, vorher festgelegte Definition des Gemeinwohls sei letzten Endes undemokratisch und ideologisch und somit der sozialen Gleichheit abtr{\"a}glich. In den letzten Jahren haben sich unter dem Oberbegriff des sozialen Egalitarismus jedoch auch die Vorstellungen der sozialen Gleichheit ver{\"a}ndert, hin zu einem substanzielleren Verst{\"a}ndnis, was die Frage aufwirft, ob prozedurale Gemeinwohlverst{\"a}ndnisse ihrer Rolle als W{\"a}chter der Gleichheit immer noch gerecht werden k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z}, pages = {18}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63402, title = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg}, series = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, volume = {2}, journal = {Potsdamer Beitraege zur Antisemitismus- und Rechtsextremismusforschung}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph}, publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-94768-647-6}, issn = {2628-4081}, pages = {350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Brandenburg ist das einzige ostdeutsche Bundesland, in dem die SPD seit 1990 durchg{\"a}ngig die Regierung f{\"u}hrt. Dennoch hat Brandenburg den h{\"o}chsten Anteil rechts motivierter Gewalttaten - und immer wieder feiern hier rechte Parteien bemerkenswerte Erfolge. In vier von sieben Legislaturperioden bildeten sie sogar Fraktionen im Landtag. Renommierte Fachleute aus Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften analysieren in diesem Band die politische Kultur des Bundeslands und die Landschaft der Rechtaußenparteien in den Jahren 1990 bis 2020 und stellen dabei Kontinuit{\"a}ten wie Br{\"u}che heraus. Gegenstand der Betrachtung sind neonazistische Kleinparteien, nicht mehr bestehende Parteien wie die DVU, fr{\"u}he populistische Experimente wie die Schill-Partei, aber auch die j{\"u}ngste Rechtsaußenpartei, die AfD, die zugleich auch die bisher erfolgreichste ist. Biographische Informationen Gideon Botsch, Prof. Dr. phil., geboren 1970, ist Politikwissenschaftler und leitet die Emil Julius Gumbel Forschungsstelle Antisemitismus und Rechtsextremismus an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Seit 2018 ist er Außerplanm{\"a}ßiger Professor an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam. Christoph Schulze, Dr., geboren 1979, studierte Publizistik und Kommunikationswissenschaft, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie in Berlin. Er ist am Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum Potsdam in der Rechtsextremismusforschung t{\"a}tig.}, language = {de} } @inproceedings{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Rechtsextremer Antisemitismus in Brandenburg}, series = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, booktitle = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, publisher = {F. C. Flick Stiftung}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {14 -- 19}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-63541, title = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1}, pages = {VI, 296}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} }