@article{SeyfriedReith2019,
author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian},
title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research},
series = {Quality in higher education},
volume = {25},
journal = {Quality in higher education},
number = {3},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {1353-8322},
doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943},
pages = {289 -- 303},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Mielke2019,
author = {Mielke, Jahel},
title = {Signals for 2 degrees C},
series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
volume = {9},
journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
number = {2},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {2043-0795},
doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809},
pages = {87 -- 115},
year = {2019},
abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.},
language = {en}
}
@article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019,
author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making},
series = {Journal of international relations and development},
volume = {22},
journal = {Journal of international relations and development},
number = {1},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Basingstoke},
issn = {1581-1980},
doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5},
pages = {107 -- 135},
year = {2019},
abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.},
language = {en}
}
@masterthesis{Ihle2019,
type = {Bachelor Thesis},
author = {Ihle, Sebastian},
title = {Inwiefern wird der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgew{\"a}hlten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt?},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-59688},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-596884},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {63},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt wird. Um sich dieser Frage anzunähern, werden zun{\"a}chst die drei Grundsätze des Konsenses wiedergegeben: das Überwältigungsverbot, das Kontroversitätsgebot und die Sch{\"u}lerorientierung. Da der Konsens, auch wenn er von einem Großteil der Fachdidaktikerinnen und Fachdidaktiker geteilt wird, immer wieder Gegenstand von Diskussionen ist, werden in einem ersten Schritt Ansätze zur Aktualisierung bzw. Erweiterung dargestellt und anschließend aktuelle Streitpunkte aufgezeigt. In einem kurzen Zwischenfazit wird dann ein f{\"u}r die Schulbuchanalyse unabdingliches, eindeutiges Verständnis des Konsenses entwickelt. Im folgenden Schritt wird die Rolle von Schulb{\"u}chern als Lehr- und Lernmedien diskutiert. Dabei steht insbesondere die Frage im Zentrum, weshalb sich gerade Schulb{\"u}cher f{\"u}r eine Analyse im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit eignen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird das Konzept der Schulbuchanalyse vorgestellt. In diesem Rahmen werden der Untersuchungsschwerpunkt (Kontroversit{\"a}tsgebot) und der Untersuchungsgegenstand (Kontroverse um Migration und Integration) eingegrenzt. In der Folge wird das Schulbuch Politik und Co. 1 mithilfe des erarbeiteten Untersuchungsinstruments (Kodierleitfaden) analysiert. Zudem werden die Ergebnisse pointiert und die gew{\"a}hlte Vorgehensweise reflektiert.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Bruening2020,
author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
title = {Heterogenit{\"a}t},
series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
publisher = {Wochenschau},
address = {Frankfurt},
isbn = {978-3-7344-0953-0},
pages = {107 -- 110},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Einf{\"u}hrung},
series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1},
pages = {1 -- 5},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
pages = {122 -- 137},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Droll2020,
author = {Droll, Max},
title = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13},
pages = {171 -- 180},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.},
language = {de}
}
@article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020,
author = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit},
title = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
volume = {9},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
number = {2},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
issn = {2524-6976},
doi = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8},
pages = {443 -- 454},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.},
language = {de}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
series = {European Political Science},
volume = {19},
journal = {European Political Science},
number = {3},
issn = {1682-0983},
doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
pages = {336 -- 351},
year = {2020},
abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Die Manosphere},
series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
volume = {33},
journal = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
number = {2},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {2192-4848},
doi = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041},
pages = {491 -- 505},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
series = {International feminist journal of politics},
volume = {22},
journal = {International feminist journal of politics},
number = {5},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1461-6742},
doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
pages = {720 -- 741},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Toward a theory of political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
pages = {9 -- 41},
year = {2020},
abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
pages = {43 -- 75},
year = {2020},
abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg},
series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!},
journal = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!},
editor = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas},
publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
address = {Frankfurt},
isbn = {978-3-7344-1128-1},
pages = {88 -- 101},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{Pschichholz2020,
author = {Pschichholz, Christin},
title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?},
series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9},
pages = {7 -- 12},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?},
series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4},
pages = {77 -- 120},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer Nature},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5},
pages = {121 -- 162},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.},
language = {en}
}
@article{HickmannElsaesser2020,
author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp},
title = {New alliances in global environmental governance},
series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
volume = {20},
journal = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
number = {3},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Dordrecht [u.a.]},
issn = {1567-9764},
doi = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5},
pages = {459 -- 481},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Karolewski2020,
author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland},
series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {London, New York},
isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3},
doi = {10.4324/9780429454813},
pages = {239 -- 256},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.},
language = {en}
}
@article{NeuhofGirnus2020,
author = {Neuhof, Julia and Girnus, Luisa},
title = {Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung - Ein unbespieltes Feld?},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9},
pages = {109 -- 121},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Der Diskurs {\"u}ber Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beitr{\"a}ge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und {\"u}bernehmen in der Regel Konzepte f{\"u}r den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse f{\"u}r eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Girnus2020,
author = {Girnus, Luisa},
title = {Wor{\"u}ber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizit{\"a}t von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Wiesbaden},
address = {Springer},
isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15},
pages = {195 -- 207},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine F{\"u}r- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure {\"a}ußern sich kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch - ebenso kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend - zu get{\"a}tigten {\"A}ußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensit{\"a}t ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimit{\"a}t anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu f{\"o}rdern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral daf{\"u}r ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2020,
author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {The United Nations Security Council},
series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15},
pages = {299 -- 320},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {„Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!"},
series = {Politisches Lernen},
volume = {38},
journal = {Politisches Lernen},
number = {1+2},
publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
address = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
issn = {0937-2946},
pages = {32 -- 35},
year = {2020},
abstract = {In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ern{\"u}chternden Res{\"u}mee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, - soweit er {\"u}berhaupt noch besteht -, m{\"u}sste aufgegeben werden." (S. 32) In Tudykas Einf{\"u}hrung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten." (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund k{\"o}nnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder {\"u}ber das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gek{\"u}rzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung" dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.},
language = {de}
}
@article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020,
author = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Activating norm collisions},
series = {Global constitutionalism},
volume = {9},
journal = {Global constitutionalism},
number = {2},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {2045-3817},
doi = {10.1017/S2045381719000388},
pages = {290 -- 317},
year = {2020},
abstract = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.},
language = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020,
author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus},
title = {Comparatice methods B},
series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
journal = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
address = {Cheltenham},
isbn = {978-1-78990-347-8},
pages = {181 -- 196},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung},
series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung},
journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung},
publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.},
address = {Bonn},
pages = {7},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".},
language = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung},
series = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?},
journal = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?},
publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.},
address = {Bonn},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holoz{\"a}n, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und {\"O}ffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropoz{\"a}n als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenw{\"a}rtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffssch{\"o}pfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel {\"a}ußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?},
language = {de}
}
@article{Liese2020,
author = {Liese, Andrea},
title = {Autorit{\"a}t in den internationalen Beziehungen},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen},
volume = {27},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen},
number = {1},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
issn = {0946-7165},
doi = {10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97},
pages = {97 -- 109},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Der Beitrag setzt sich w{\"u}rdigend und kritisch mit Michael Z{\"u}rns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorit{\"a}t auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autorit{\"a}tskonzept weist mehrere Vorz{\"u}ge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erkl{\"a}rung f{\"u}r ein Paradox. Warum sollten souver{\"a}ne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschl{\"a}ge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autorit{\"a}tsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualit{\"a}ten der Autorit{\"a}t zu pr{\"u}fen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimit{\"a}t und Autorit{\"a}t, ohne die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit von Autorit{\"a}t zu opfern. Dies anerkennend pl{\"a}diert der Beitrag aber daf{\"u}r, die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit internationaler Autorit{\"a}t nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die {\"u}berzeugende begr{\"u}ndungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorit{\"a}t sollte zudem nicht dazu verf{\"u}hren, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu {\"u}bersehen, zumal deren Legitimit{\"a}t kritisch hinterfragbar ist.},
language = {de}
}
@article{PoensgenSteinitz2020,
author = {Poensgen, Daniel and Steinitz, Benjamin},
title = {Alltagspr{\"a}gende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen},
series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute},
journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute},
edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte},
publisher = {Olms},
address = {Hildesheim},
isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9},
pages = {173 -- 197},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-48220,
title = {Politik und Sprache},
series = {Politische Bildung},
journal = {Politische Bildung},
editor = {Juchler, Ingo},
publisher = {Wiesbaden},
address = {Springer},
isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4},
issn = {2570-2114},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
pages = {VIII, 237},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Sprache spielt im Hinblick auf politisches Handeln eine sehr bedeutsame Rolle. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Politik und Sprache erscheint umso notwendiger, als dieses Verh{\"a}ltnis in der gegenw{\"a}rtigen politischen Bildung ein Schattendasein fristet. Der schulischen politischen Bildung kommt die Aufgabe zu, Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler zu einem Umgang mit der politischen Sprache zu bef{\"a}higen, der ihnen eine reflektierte Auseinandersetzung mit den in der Debatte stehenden politischen Gegenst{\"a}nden erm{\"o}glicht - auch und gerade vor dem Hintergrund der Zunahme populistischer Darstellungen, „alternativer Fakten" und L{\"u}gen in der Politik. Mit der vorliegenden Publikation liegt ein erster Aufschlag vor, der das Spektrum des Verh{\"a}ltnisses von Politik und Sprache im Kontext der Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung umreißt.},
language = {de}
}
@article{HolthausStockmann2020,
author = {Holthaus, Leonie and Stockmann, Nils},
title = {Who makes the world?},
series = {New perspectives},
volume = {28},
journal = {New perspectives},
number = {3},
publisher = {Sage Publications},
address = {Thousand Oaks, CA},
issn = {2336-825X},
doi = {10.1177/2336825X20935246},
pages = {413 -- 427},
year = {2020},
abstract = {In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Theater und politische Bildung},
series = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung},
booktitle = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung},
editor = {Gloe, Markus and Oeftering, Tonio},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
isbn = {978-3-8487-5484-7},
doi = {10.5771/9783845296708-59},
pages = {59 -- 74},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Wie {\"a}sthetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn f{\"u}r Sch{\"u}ler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters f{\"u}r politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsf{\"a}higkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel f{\"u}r den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind" von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren k{\"o}nnen.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Politische Urteilsbildung},
series = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung},
booktitle = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung},
editor = {Oeftering, Tonio and Meints-Stender, Waltraud and Lange, Dirk},
publisher = {Springer VS},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30675-5},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30676-2_3},
pages = {41 -- 58},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Die F{\"a}higkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbem{\"u}hungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufkl{\"a}rung. Immanuel Kants Ausf{\"u}hrungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von Aufkl{\"a}rung und M{\"u}ndigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl{\"a}rung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage f{\"u}r die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit M{\"u}ndigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der K{\"o}nigsberger Philosoph erkl{\"a}rte hierin eingangs: „Aufkl{\"a}rung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unm{\"u}ndigkeit. Unm{\"u}ndigkeit ist das Unverm{\"o}gen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unm{\"u}ndigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufkl{\"a}rung."},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Bruening2020,
author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
title = {Holocaust Education},
series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
booktitle = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
editor = {Achour, Sabine and Busch, Matthias and Massing, Peter and Meyer-Heidemann, Christian},
publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
address = {Frankfurt am Main},
isbn = {978-3-7344-0954-7},
pages = {112 -- 114},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{BrueningGrewe2020,
author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina and Grewe, Stefan},
title = {Historisches Lernen als eigen-sinnige Aneignung vergangener Wirklichkeiten},
series = {Theorien!},
booktitle = {Theorien!},
editor = {Harant, Martin and Thomas, Philipp and K{\"u}chler, Uwe},
publisher = {T{\"u}bingen University Press},
address = {T{\"u}bingen},
isbn = {978-3-947251-19-3},
doi = {10.15496/publikation-45627},
pages = {309 -- 322},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
title = {Integrationsverwaltung im F{\"o}deralismus},
series = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat},
booktitle = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat},
editor = {Kn{\"u}pling, Felix and K{\"o}lling, Mario and Kropp, Sabine and Scheller, Henrik},
publisher = {Springer VS},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-31236-7},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-31237-4_25},
pages = {459 -- 483},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Im vorliegenden Beitrag steht das Zusammenspiel von institutioneller Kompetenzverteilung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem und Funktionsf{\"a}higkeit der Verwaltung im Bereich der Integrationspolitik im Zentrum. Dieser Verwaltungsbereich gewinnt zunehmend an Bedeutung, da sich f{\"u}r den Personenkreis der ca. 983.000 anerkannten Fl{\"u}chtlinge, die l{\"a}nger oder dauerhaft in Deutschland bleiben werden, inzwischen neue Problemlagen ergeben, welche vor allem Fragen der Arbeitsmarktintegration, Aus- und Weiterbildung und berufsbezogenen Sprachf{\"o}rderung betreffen. Es wird der Leitfrage nachgegangen, welche institutionellen Strukturen und Aufgabenprofile sich im Bereich der Integrationsverwaltung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem herausgebildet haben und inwieweit diese sich als funktional und leistungsf{\"a}hig oder als reformbed{\"u}rftig erwiesen haben. Dabei wird auf Aspekte der Zentralisierung, Dezentralisierung und Verwaltungsverflechtung als wesentliche Institutionalisierungsoptionen eingegangen und aufgezeigt, dass in einigen Bereichen mehr Entflechtung in Form von Dezentralisierung und Aufgabenabschichtung „nach unten" sinnvoll erscheint, w{\"a}hrend in anderen Handlungsfeldern verst{\"a}rkte B{\"u}ndelung und (besser funktionierende) Verwaltungsverflechtung angebracht w{\"a}ren.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
title = {Territorial administration in Germany},
series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
editor = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-59395-7},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15},
pages = {327 -- 352},
year = {2020},
abstract = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Kuhlmann2020,
author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
title = {Rezension zu: Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England / Hrsg.: Andrej Christian Lindholst, Morten Balle Hansen. - Cham : Springer, 2020. - XXII, 345 p. - ISBN 978-3-030-32478-0},
series = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England},
journal = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-32478-0},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@misc{Botsch2020,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Frei, Norbert, Franka Maubach, Christina Morina, und Maik T{\"a}ndler (2019): Zur rechten Zeit. Wider die R{\"u}ckkehr des Nationalismus. Berlin: Ullstein. 253 Seiten. 20,00 €},
series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
volume = {61},
journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
number = {1},
publisher = {Springer VS},
address = {Wiesbaden},
issn = {0032-3470},
doi = {10.1007/s11615-020-00221-x},
pages = {199 -- 201},
year = {2020},
abstract = {„Zur rechten Zeit" ist ein fl{\"u}ssig geschriebenes, gut lesbares und an ein breites Publikum gerichtetes Sachbuch. Es will die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik „unter dem Eindruck der gegenw{\"a}rtigen rechten Konjunktur anders denn als g{\"a}ngige Erfolgsgeschichte" (S. 10) erz{\"a}hlen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren sind nicht bestrebt, das Erfolgsnarrativ radikal zu dekonstruieren und damit den Forschungsertrag der Zeitgeschichtsschreibung zu ignorieren, wohl aber rekonstruieren sie Abschattungen und Br{\"u}che, die zeigen, dass der Prozess weniger geradlinig war als h{\"a}ufig angenommen - und dass seine Ergebnisse nicht irreversibel sind.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2020,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {"Am Anfang stand die {\"U}berw{\"a}ltigung"},
series = {Erasmus von Rotterdam},
booktitle = {Erasmus von Rotterdam},
editor = {Sch{\"o}ppner, Ralf},
publisher = {Alibri Verlag},
address = {Aschaffenburg},
isbn = {978-3-86569-212-2},
pages = {19 -- 36},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2020,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {"Wann I' denk wie's fr{\"u}her war."},
series = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik},
booktitle = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik},
editor = {von Appen, Ralf and Hindrichs, Thorsten},
publisher = {transcript},
address = {Bielefeld},
isbn = {9783837655810},
doi = {10.14361/9783839455814},
pages = {15 -- 29},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The successful Austrian pop-musician Andreas Gabalier has devoted several of his songs to his Styrian homeland. Gabalier's work and performance has often been per-ceived as nationalist. When analyzing some of his lyrics, an astonishing observation can be made: Most references to the »homeland« are backward-looking. This article argues that the remarkable lack of a national »future« in Gabalier's work is charac-teristic for contemporary nationalist manifestations, not only in popular culture, but also in ideologies and politics. The article introduces a new typology of nationalist movements. With regard to the character of the related nation-state, three types are discussed: »constructive nationalism« whereby the nationalist movement strives for a future sovereign nation state; »maintaining nationalism« wherein a nation state already exists; and »reconstructive nationalism« where nationalists believe that the nation state has lost its independence, sovereignty, and freedom in the course of globalization and hope for a reconstruction. However, these types are defined here as »ideal types« in a Weberian sense and will hardly be found in their »pure« forms in history or social reality.},
language = {de}
}
@article{BindenagelŠehović2020,
author = {Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie},
title = {Towards a new definition of health security},
series = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
volume = {15},
journal = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
number = {1},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon, Oxfordshire},
issn = {1744-1692},
doi = {10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119},
pages = {1 -- 12},
year = {2020},
abstract = {In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack},
publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)},
address = {Den Haag},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
author = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Frauenfeind, aber kein Incel},
series = {Belltower.News},
journal = {Belltower.News},
publisher = {Amadeu Antonio Stiftung},
address = {Berlin},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Der Attentater von Hanau war, das verr{\"a}t sein Manifest, ein Frauenfeind - aber kein Incel. Warum die Einsch{\"a}tzung als Incel bequem und gef{\"a}hrlich ist, erl{\"a}utert dieser Gastbeitrag der Wissenschaftlerinnen Megan Kelly, Ann-Kathrin Rothermel und Greta Jasser, Fellows am Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS).},
language = {de}
}
@article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Mind the gap?},
series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
volume = {24},
journal = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
number = {3},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1387-6988},
doi = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866},
pages = {230 -- 253},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees},
language = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Urteilskompetenz},
series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
publisher = {Wochenschau},
address = {Frankfurt},
isbn = {978-3-7344-0954-7},
pages = {232 -- 235},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {Birds of a feather?},
series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
number = {5},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-52169},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690},
pages = {27},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Jann2020,
author = {Jann, Werner},
title = {The modern state and administrative reform},
series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-59},
pages = {59 -- 72},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020,
author = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus},
title = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation},
series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-169},
pages = {169 -- 180},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
author = {Dieter, Heribert},
title = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis},
series = {The viral world},
booktitle = {The viral world},
editor = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia},
publisher = {Observer Research Foundation},
address = {New Delhi, India},
isbn = {978-93-90159-27-7},
pages = {50 -- 55},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
author = {Dieter, Heribert},
title = {Germany as a leading power},
series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
edition = {1. Auflage},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-73},
pages = {73 -- 84},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Birds of a feather?},
series = {Review of international political economy},
volume = {28},
journal = {Review of international political economy},
number = {5},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0969-2290},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711},
pages = {1249 -- 1273},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2020,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.},
series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej},
volume = {14},
journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej},
publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu},
address = {Poznań},
issn = {1899-6256},
doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21},
pages = {325 -- 342},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020,
author = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte},
title = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics},
series = {Biological sciences},
volume = {375},
journal = {Biological sciences},
number = {1794},
publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing},
address = {London},
issn = {0962-8436},
doi = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126},
pages = {1 -- 11},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.},
language = {en}
}
@inproceedings{Botsch2020,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Rechtsextremer Antisemitismus in Brandenburg},
series = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
booktitle = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
publisher = {F. C. Flick Stiftung},
address = {Potsdam},
pages = {14 -- 19},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin},
series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View},
booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View},
editor = {Jungwirth, Martin},
publisher = {WTM-Verlag},
address = {M{\"u}nster},
isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5},
doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0},
pages = {155 -- 160},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-50023,
title = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
journal = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
editor = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50979-8},
issn = {2523-8256},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
pages = {XXV, 350},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
pages = {1 -- 9},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
pages = {107 -- 121},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
pages = {311 -- 333},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
pages = {335 -- 344},
year = {2021},
abstract = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
title = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
series = {European journal of international relations},
volume = {27},
journal = {European journal of international relations},
number = {3},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {1354-0661},
doi = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
pages = {753 -- 778},
year = {2021},
abstract = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
author = {Reiners, Nina},
title = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
volume = {43},
journal = {Human Rights Quarterly},
number = {2},
publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
address = {New York},
issn = {1085-794X},
doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
pages = {329 -- 343},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
author = {Fuhr, Harald},
title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
series = {Third world quarterly},
volume = {42},
journal = {Third world quarterly},
number = {11},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0143-6597},
doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
pages = {2724 -- 2746},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
language = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
volume = {87},
journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
issn = {0020-8523},
doi = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
pages = {775 -- 793},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Knobloch2021,
author = {Knobloch, J{\"o}rn},
title = {Rezension zu: Manow, Philip: (Ent‑)Demokratisierung der Demokratie. - Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2020. - 215 S. - ISBN: 978-3-518-76552-4},
series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
volume = {62},
journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
number = {1},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {978-3-518-12753-7},
issn = {0032-3470},
doi = {10.1007/s11615-020-00292-w},
pages = {171 -- 173},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
author = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
title = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
series = {Public Management Review},
volume = {24},
journal = {Public Management Review},
number = {8},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
issn = {1470-1065},
doi = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
pages = {1208 -- 1225},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
language = {en}
}
@article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021,
author = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof},
title = {The heart of bureaucratic power},
series = {Review of international studies : RIS},
volume = {47},
journal = {Review of international studies : RIS},
number = {3},
publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {0260-2105},
doi = {10.1017/S026021052100005X},
pages = {353 -- 376},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Arnold2021,
type = {Master Thesis},
author = {Arnold, Maren},
title = {"Der Fall Collini" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-51285},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-512851},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {75},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht besch{\"a}ftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die M{\"o}glichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance f{\"u}r politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman gef{\"o}rderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn m{\"o}glichen f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Bez{\"u}ge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk besch{\"a}ftigen sich die Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schw{\"a}chen. Zudem f{\"o}rdert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivit{\"a}t und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verkn{\"u}pft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifende Bez{\"u}ge mit den F{\"a}chern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden k{\"o}nnen. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und f{\"o}rdert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich f{\"u}r die unterrichtliche Besch{\"a}ftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.},
language = {de}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2021,
author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
title = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations},
series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
volume = {12},
journal = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
number = {4},
publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
address = {Oxford [u.a.]},
issn = {1758-5880},
doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975},
pages = {443 -- 454},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Ihle2021,
type = {Master Thesis},
author = {Ihle, Sebastian},
title = {Das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck "Gott" von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-51576},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515768},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {66},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Der rechtliche, moralisch-ethische und auch politische Gehalt des Theaterst{\"u}cks „Gott" wirft aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive u. a. die Frage auf, inwiefern sich das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck Gott von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht eignet. Diese Frage stellt sich v. a. vor dem Hintergrund, dass der Politikdidaktiker Ingo Juchler im Rahmen des von ihm begr{\"u}ndeten narrativen Ansatzes der politischen Bildung den Einsatz von Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung explizit vorschl{\"a}gt. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus l{\"a}sst sich die Narration auch thematisch dem Politikunterricht zuordnen. Denn, dass Recht „Teil der Politischen Bildung ist und im Unterricht eine Rolle spielen sollte" (Goll 2017: 592), gilt in der fachdidaktischen Literatur zum rechtlichen Lernen gemeinhin als unstrittig. Die Arbeit ist gedanklich in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil wird zun{\"a}chst eine wissenschaftlich bzw. fachdidaktisch fundierte Grundlage geschaffen. In einem ersten Schritt werden deshalb der narrative Ansatz der politischen Bildung und in diesem Zusammenhang insbesondere die Vorz{\"u}ge des Einsatzes von Narrationen im Politikunterricht vorgestellt. Anschließend werden Recht und Rechtserziehung in den Kontext von Schule und Politikunterricht eingeordnet. Aus beiden Abschnitten werden folglich Kriterien abgeleitet, anhand derer im Allgemeinen die Eignung einer Narration f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 2) und im Besonderen die Eignung einer Narration als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 3) bestimmt werden kann. Diese Kriterien werden in einem Kriterienkatalog (Abschnitt 4) geb{\"u}ndelt, mit dessen Hilfe im zweiten Teil das Textbuch zu dem Theaterst{\"u}ck „Gott" hinsichtlich seiner Eignung als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht {\"u}berpr{\"u}ft wird. Abschließend werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse pointiert dargelegt und das Vorgehen reflektiert.},
language = {de}
}
@misc{Carl2021,
type = {Master Thesis},
author = {Carl, Kea},
title = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-51512},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {127},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.},
language = {de}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK},
series = {West European politics},
journal = {West European politics},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0140-2382},
doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630},
pages = {1258 -- 1282},
year = {2021},
abstract = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Mackert2021,
author = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen},
title = {Introduction},
series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7},
pages = {1 -- 13},
year = {2021},
language = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2021,
author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
title = {The dance of peace and justice},
series = {International peacekeeping},
journal = {International peacekeeping},
number = {5},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1353-3312},
doi = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726},
pages = {783 -- 812},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.},
language = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
author = {Ganghof, Steffen},
title = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {978-0-19-289714-5},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
pages = {1 -- 199},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
language = {en}
}
@techreport{KuhlmannFranzkeDumasetal.2021,
author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heine, Moreen},
title = {Daten als Grundlage f{\"u}r wissenschaftliche Politikberatung},
publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
address = {Potsdam},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-51968},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-519683},
pages = {67},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung f{\"u}r die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabw{\"a}gung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verst{\"a}ndnis f{\"u}r die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzusch{\"a}tzen. Die Studie hat dar{\"u}ber hinaus vielf{\"a}ltige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verf{\"u}gbarkeit, Qualit{\"a}t, Zug{\"a}nglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbest{\"a}nde f{\"u}r eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefensch{\"a}rfe und Differenziertheit des verf{\"u}gbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. f{\"u}r sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder f{\"u}r kleinr{\"a}umige Daten {\"u}ber Belastungs- und Kapazit{\"a}tsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheits{\"a}mtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bez{\"u}glich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Pr{\"a}vention, aber auch h{\"a}usliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eind{\"a}mmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietsk{\"o}rperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualit{\"a}t, Verkn{\"u}pfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr m{\"u}ssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Pr{\"a}gungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es m{\"u}ssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das K{\"o}nnen (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu st{\"a}rken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten f{\"u}r Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) St{\"a}rkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilit{\"a}t und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repr{\"a}sentativen Datensatzes, (8) F{\"o}rderung der europ{\"a}ischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2021,
author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
title = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective},
series = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
editor = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John},
publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
address = {Cheltenham, UK},
isbn = {978-1-83910-663-7},
doi = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013},
pages = {111 -- 132},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Mundus vult decipi},
series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
editor = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
publisher = {Springer VS},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-33076-7},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_13},
pages = {229 -- 247},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Die Menschen glauben, was sie glauben wollen. Betonung auf wollen. (…) Nein, der Glaube der Menschen h{\"a}ngt nicht von Fakten ab, nicht von Beweisen. Schlimmer noch - und das ist fast so etwas wie der zweite Teil der Erleuchtung, eine Steigerung: Man kann ihnen Fakten liefern, man kann sie widerlegen, es hilft nichts. Im Gegenteil, wer etwas glauben will, findet einen Weg! Er wird sich durch den winzigen Spalt quetschen, den die Wahrheit im l{\"a}sst. Wird die Dinge so lange so drehen und wenden, bis sie wieder in seinen Glauben hineinpassen, und seine ganze Klugheit wird ihn nicht etwa daran hindern, sondern ihm noch dabei behilflich sein. Eugen Ruge, Metropol Toren sind, die alles loben und lieben, was im Nebel verdrehter Worte dunkel daherkommt; Toren, die f{\"u}r wahr halten, was ihnen eingef{\"a}rbt durch wohlt{\"o}nende Phrasen, reizvoll die Ohren kitzelt. Lukrez, {\"U}ber die Natur der Dinge},
language = {de}
}
@book{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Ein Volkskanzler},
publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung},
address = {Bonn},
isbn = {978-3-8389-7228-2},
pages = {20},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Wie Grundrechte unter den Augen aller ausgeh{\"o}hlt und umgebaut werden, wie kurz der Weg von der Demokratie zur Diktatur ist, zeigt Maximilian Steinbeis' Gedankenexperiment »Ein Volkskanzler« in sechs Schritten. Auf der Grundlage seines Essays hat er ein Theaterst{\"u}ck verfasst, das bereits auf vielen B{\"u}hnen gespielt und nun auch als Kammerspiel verfilmt wurde. Die didaktische Handreichung unterst{\"u}tzt Lehrerinnen und Lehrer bei der Einbettung des Theaterst{\"u}cks oder der Verfilmung von »Ein Volkskanzler« im Unterricht.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Aporien des Rechts},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
volume = {15},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
number = {2},
publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
address = {Frankfurt am Main},
isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3},
issn = {1864-6492},
pages = {196 -- 206},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@book{KuhlmannHeubergerDumas2021,
author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
title = {Kommunale Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich. Autonomie, Aufgaben und Reformen},
series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
volume = {48},
journal = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
number = {1},
editor = {Fleischer, Julia and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
isbn = {978-3-7489-2330-5},
issn = {0945-1072},
doi = {10.5771/9783748923305},
pages = {9 -- 124},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Angesichts neuer globaler Herausforderungen geh{\"o}rt eine starke kommunale Ebene zu den Grundvoraussetzungen gesellschaftlicher Probleml{\"o}sungsf{\"a}higkeit. Die St{\"a}rkung kommunaler Selbstverwaltung ist daher ein wichtiges institutionen- und verwaltungspolitisches Zukunftsthema, zu welchem die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag leisten m{\"o}chte.},
language = {de}
}
@misc{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Rezension zu: Pelluchon, Corine: Manifest f{\"u}r die Tiere. - M{\"u}nchen: C.H. Beck Verlag, 2020. - 125 S. - ISBN: 978-3-406-75709-9},
series = {Forum Politikunterricht},
journal = {Forum Politikunterricht},
number = {1-2},
publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Bildung, Landesverband Bayern},
address = {M{\"u}nchen},
issn = {0941-5874},
pages = {2},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
title = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
year = {2021},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Bruening2021,
author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
title = {Wider den Missbrauch von Beutelsbach},
series = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
booktitle = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
editor = {Drerup, Johannes and Zulaica y Mugica, Miguel and Yacek, Douglas},
edition = {1. Auflage},
publisher = {Verlag W. Kohlhammer},
address = {Stuttgart},
isbn = {978-3-17-039884-9},
doi = {10.17433/978-3-17-039883-2},
pages = {173 -- 187},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Taking nativism to the streets},
series = {Moving the social},
volume = {66},
journal = {Moving the social},
publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
address = {Bochum},
isbn = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
issn = {2197-0386},
doi = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
pages = {43 -- 62},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Ein nach rechts verzerrtes Bild?},
series = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
volume = {33},
journal = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
number = {4},
publisher = {Nomos},
address = {Baden-Baden},
issn = {0934-9200},
doi = {10.5771/0934-9200-2021-4-456},
pages = {456 -- 473},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Dannemann2021,
author = {Dannemann, Udo},
title = {Neoliberale Subjektivierung verstehen},
series = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
booktitle = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
editor = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg},
publisher = {Springer Fachmedien},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-32909-9},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-32910-5_10},
pages = {241 -- 262},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft - Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verst{\"a}ndnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage f{\"u}r die sozio{\"o}konomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erkl{\"a}rungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalit{\"a}t erl{\"a}utert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schl{\"u}sselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen" (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel einer M{\"u}ndigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{BotschSchulze2021,
author = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
title = {Vorwort},
series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {9783947686476},
pages = {7 -- 21},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Deutsche B{\"u}rger},
series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
editor = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {9783947686476},
pages = {187 -- 216},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater},
series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
editor = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars},
publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {978-3-95410-282-2},
pages = {45 -- 55},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung},
series = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
booktitle = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
editor = {Goll, Thomas and Friedrichs, Werner},
publisher = {Springer VS},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-33763-6},
issn = {2570-2114},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33763-6_3},
pages = {35 -- 49},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Ingo Juchler setzt sich am Beispiel des Romans „Am k{\"u}rzeren Ende der Sonnenallee" (1999) von Thomas Brussig mit „Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung" auseinander. Nach der Einf{\"u}hrung in den Roman er{\"o}rtert er dessen politischen Sinngehalt, den er in der Auseinandersetzung mit den literarischen Leitfiguren des Romans, Friedrich Schiller und Jean-Paul Sartre, im besonderen Wert der Freiheit findet. Den Toten der Berliner Mauer, die davon Zeugnis geben, setzt Juchler im abschließenden Kapitel ein Denkmal.},
language = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Schweiger2021,
author = {Schweiger, Stefan},
title = {Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende - Sozialwissenschaftliche Erz{\"a}hlforschung als Methodik nachhaltigkeitsorientierter Politikwissenschaft},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {261},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Die Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende: Erz{\"a}hlungen beherrschen die Interpretation des politischen Geschehens mehr als formal und methodisch strenge Argumentationsketten. Dies gilt insbesondere f{\"u}r Demokratien. In Demokratien gilt es zu {\"u}berzeugen und auch zu {\"u}berreden, um Macht zu erhalten, Macht zu sichern oder Akzeptanz f{\"u}r bestimmte politische Vorhaben zu generieren. Diese simple Feststellung l{\"a}sst zwei Schl{\"u}sse f{\"u}r eine transformativ ausgerichtete Politikwissenschaft zu. Erstens k{\"o}nnen transformative Narrative produziert werden, die das Auftreten von {\"o}kologisch, sozial, {\"o}konomisch und kulturell nachhaltigem wahrscheinlicher machen, Zweitens k{\"o}nnen die Narrative von nachhaltiger wie nicht-nachhaltiger Transformation analysiert werden. Beiden Aufgaben widmet sich die Dissertationsschrift. Dabei werden f{\"u}r den transformativen Teil ethnografisch erhobene Daten zu f{\"u}nf transformativen Narrativen verdichtet, die Vorw{\"a}rts- und Vorbildcharakter haben. In den f{\"u}nf Aufs{\"a}tzen wurde auf Diversit{\"a}t zwischen den beschriebenen Protagonisten geachtet, sodass eine breite Leser*innenschaft angesprochen wird. Im analytischen Part wird in einem Aufsatz {\"u}ber diese Vorgehen reflektiert und die Form beschrieben durch die transformative Narrative Wirksamkeit entfalten. Dabei gilt immer, dass die Wissenschaft keine Narrative selbst setzt, sondern mittels nachvollziehbarer Methoden Daten zum Sprechen bringt. Dies ist unter review-Bedingungen gelungen. Neben eines Einsatz von Narrativen in Fragen der Gestaltung der neu entstandenen und weiter entstehenden Energielandschaften behandelt diese Dissertationsschrift a, diskursstrangorientierte als auch institutionsorientierte Erz{\"a}hlungen {\"u}ber die Energiewende. Dabei wurden diskursstrangorientiert die unterschiedlichen Erz{\"a}hlungen der und {\"u}ber energieintensive Unternehmen bez{\"u}glich der EEG-Umlage untersucht und kategorisiert und die Metaphern der Energiewende im Magazin DER SPIEGEL erhoben und analysiert. Institutionsorientiert wurde die Energiewendeerz{\"a}hlung der Partei `Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland´, die Bildsprache des Wirtschaftsministeriums an Hand eines Beispiels sowie die Nachhaltigkeitserz{\"a}hlungen der Zukunftsinstitut GmbH. Schließlich wird nach messbaren Folgen des Nachhaltigkeitsnarrativs in drei Regionen des Rhein-Maas-Gebiets gefragt, was die Arbeit abrunden soll.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Schuppert2021,
author = {Schuppert, Fabian},
title = {Zur Auferlegung systemischer Finanzrisiken},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
volume = {12},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
number = {1},
publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
address = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
issn = {1869-3016},
doi = {10.3224/zpth.v12i1.05},
pages = {67 -- 83},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Obwohl seit der Finanzkrise 2008 systemische Finanzrisiken das Objekt zahlreicher wissenschaftlicher Studien waren, hat die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen und Umst{\"a}nden die Auferlegung eines systemischen Finanzrisikos moralisch unzul{\"a}ssig ist, bisher kaum Beachtung gefunden. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es, eine Reihe von normativen Kriterien f{\"u}r die Einsch{\"a}tzung der moralischen Unzul{\"a}ssigkeit von systemischen Risiken zu entwickeln. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus wird argumentiert, dass staatliche und andere relevante Institutionen zwei zentrale Pflichten hinsichtlich des Umgangs mit systemischen Finanzrisiken haben: eine Schutzpflicht gegen{\"u}ber allen B{\"u}rger*innen und eine Sorgfaltspflicht, um die diesen Institutionen obliegenden Kontroll- und Aufsichtsfunktionen verantwortungsvoll auszu{\"u}ben.},
language = {de}
}
@article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021,
author = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus},
title = {Decision-making in international organizations},
series = {The review of international organizations},
volume = {17},
journal = {The review of international organizations},
number = {4},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Boston},
issn = {1559-7431},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x},
pages = {815 -- 845},
year = {2021},
abstract = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{GirnusNaumannDannemannetal.2021,
author = {Girnus, Luisa and Naumann, Rosemarie and Dannemann, Udo and Droll, Max and Brandenburg, DVPB},
title = {Politische Bildung als Herausforderung - 30 Jahre Partnerschaft der DVPB-Landesverb{\"a}nde in Brandenburg und NRW},
series = {Politisches Lernen},
volume = {39},
journal = {Politisches Lernen},
number = {3-4},
publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
address = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
issn = {0937-2946},
pages = {61 -- 61},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
author = {Ganghof, Steffen},
title = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
isbn = {978-0-19-289714-5},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
pages = {199},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
author = {Botsch, Gideon},
title = {Der rekonstruktive Nationalismus und die Demokratie},
series = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
booktitle = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
editor = {Jansen, Christian and Zepp, Marianne},
publisher = {wbg Academic},
address = {Darmstadt},
isbn = {978-3-534-40501-5},
pages = {87 -- 116},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{HaenelBratu2021,
author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Bratu, Christine},
title = {Varieties of hermeneutical injustice},
series = {Moral philosophy and politics},
volume = {8},
journal = {Moral philosophy and politics},
number = {2},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {2194-5616},
doi = {10.1515/mopp-2020-0007},
pages = {331 -- 350},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.},
language = {en}
}