@book{Koss2011,
  author    = {Koss, Michael},
  title     = {The politics of party funding},
  series = {Comparative politics},
  journal   = {Comparative politics},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-957275-5},
  pages     = {XIII, 261},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
  isbn      = {978-1-10-760936-5},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
  author    = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-35925-0},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DorschDoerfler2014,
  author    = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft},
  address   = {Weilerswist},
  issn      = {1438-8332},
  doi       = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8},
  pages     = {8 -- 31},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2015,
  author    = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {The United Nations Security Council},
  series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
  booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
  editor    = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-349-48504-8},
  doi       = {10.1057/9781137397607_8},
  pages     = {135 -- 152},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
  series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  journal   = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {22},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Bradford},
  issn      = {1742-0601},
  pages     = {25 -- 76},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {Conclusion},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  editor    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9},
  pages     = {211 -- 224},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 22},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
  title     = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2},
  pages     = {25 -- 46},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschLiese2016,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {The authority of international public administrations},
  series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research},
  journal   = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-1-349-94977-9},
  doi       = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5},
  pages     = {97 -- 122},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
  author    = {Weiß, Norman},
  title     = {Origin and Further Development},
  series = {The Council of Europe},
  journal   = {The Council of Europe},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-967252-3},
  pages     = {3 -- 22},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
  title     = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
  series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {International Journal of Public Administration},
  number    = {14},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Philadelphia},
  issn      = {0190-0692},
  doi       = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
  pages     = {1237 -- 1249},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine},
  title     = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance},
  series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
  volume    = {30},
  journal   = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1877-3435},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006},
  pages     = {1 -- 6},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {Coping, taming or solving},
  series = {Policy studies},
  volume    = {38},
  journal   = {Policy studies},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0144-2872},
  doi       = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543},
  pages     = {571 -- 588},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Borgnaes2017,
  author    = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
  title     = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?},
  series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1387-585X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0},
  pages     = {769 -- 790},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2017,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
  title     = {Patterns of accountability and representation},
  series = {Politics},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Politics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0263-3957},
  doi       = {10.1177/0263395717710566},
  pages     = {113 -- 130},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija},
  title     = {Mayors and administrative reforms},
  series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy},
  journal   = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-67410-0},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13},
  pages     = {387 -- 409},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{EsguerraBeckLidskog2017,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Beck, Silke and Lidskog, Rolf},
  title     = {Stakeholder Engagement in the Making},
  series = {Global environmental politics},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {Global environmental politics},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {1526-3800},
  doi       = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00390},
  pages     = {59 -- 76},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{GrossiReichardThomassonetal.2017,
  author    = {Grossi, Giuseppe and Reichard, Christoph and Thomasson, Anna and Vakkuri, Jarmo},
  title     = {Editorial},
  series = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0954-0962},
  doi       = {10.1080/09540962.2017.1344007},
  pages     = {379 -- 386},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
  author    = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
  title     = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
  series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  volume    = {29},
  journal   = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
  address   = {Durham},
  issn      = {1047-4552},
  doi       = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
  pages     = {55 -- 77},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
  author    = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
  title     = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
  series = {Public Policy and Administration},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Public Policy and Administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0952-0767},
  doi       = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
  pages     = {149 -- 169},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Nuesiri2018,
  author    = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.},
  title     = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs},
  series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
  journal   = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-60579-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8},
  pages     = {203 -- 225},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Hustedt2018,
  author    = {Hustedt, Thurid},
  title     = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles},
  series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)},
  journal   = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD},
  address   = {Cheltenham},
  isbn      = {978-1-78643-169-1},
  pages     = {72 -- 90},
  year      = {2018},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018,
  author    = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee},
  title     = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock},
  series = {Case Studies in the Environment},
  volume    = {2},
  journal   = {Case Studies in the Environment},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {University of California Press},
  address   = {Oakland},
  issn      = {2473-9510},
  doi       = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297},
  pages     = {1 -- 7},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Scheller2018,
  author    = {Scheller, Henrik},
  title     = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?},
  series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives},
  journal   = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives},
  publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press},
  address   = {Montreal},
  isbn      = {978-1-55339-535-5},
  pages     = {255 -- 279},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018,
  author    = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.},
  title     = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern},
  series = {Soil use and Management},
  volume    = {34},
  journal   = {Soil use and Management},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0266-0032},
  doi       = {10.1111/sum.12409},
  pages     = {28 -- 36},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{GrumGronau2018,
  author    = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert},
  title     = {Process modeling within augmented reality},
  series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018},
  volume    = {319},
  journal   = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-94214-8},
  issn      = {1865-1348},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7},
  pages     = {99 -- 115},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KerstingKuhlmann2018,
  author    = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany},
  series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts},
  journal   = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-64725-8},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5},
  pages     = {93 -- 118},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{BouckaertKuhlmann2018,
  author    = {Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Foreword},
  series = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier},
  journal   = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-64725-8},
  pages     = {V -- VI},
  year      = {2018},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannBogumil2018,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments},
  series = {International journal of public sector management},
  volume    = {31},
  journal   = {International journal of public sector management},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited},
  address   = {Bingley},
  issn      = {0951-3558},
  doi       = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004},
  pages     = {543 -- 562},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
  series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {1554-8597},
  doi       = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
  pages     = {6},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
  series = {Review of International Studies},
  volume    = {45},
  journal   = {Review of International Studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
  pages     = {120 -- 140},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Doerfler2019,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Security council sanctions governance},
  series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
  journal   = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-42944-232-2},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780429442322},
  pages     = {xiii, 239},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LieseReiners2019,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {The Eye of the Beholder?},
  series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
  journal   = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {0191879398},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021},
  pages     = {335 -- 343},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019,
  author    = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena},
  title     = {An organizational approach to public governance},
  series = {Public administration},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Public administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0033-3298},
  doi       = {10.1111/padm.12590},
  pages     = {483 -- 485},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Heucher2019,
  author    = {Heucher, Angela},
  title     = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance},
  series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1876-4517},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z},
  pages     = {555 -- 558},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedReith2019,
  author    = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian},
  title     = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research},
  series = {Quality in higher education},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Quality in higher education},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1353-8322},
  doi       = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943},
  pages     = {289 -- 303},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Mielke2019,
  author    = {Mielke, Jahel},
  title     = {Signals for 2 degrees C},
  series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {2043-0795},
  doi       = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809},
  pages     = {87 -- 115},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making},
  series = {Journal of international relations and development},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Journal of international relations and development},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  issn      = {1581-1980},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5},
  pages     = {107 -- 135},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
  series = {European Political Science},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {European Political Science},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1682-0983},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
  pages     = {336 -- 351},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
  series = {International feminist journal of politics},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {International feminist journal of politics},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1461-6742},
  doi       = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
  pages     = {720 -- 741},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Toward a theory of political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
  pages     = {9 -- 41},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
  pages     = {43 -- 75},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Pschichholz2020,
  author    = {Pschichholz, Christin},
  title     = {The First World Warasa Caesura?},
  series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
  journal   = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
  publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-428-18146-9},
  pages     = {7 -- 12},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?},
  series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
  journal   = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4},
  pages     = {77 -- 120},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer Nature},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5},
  pages     = {121 -- 162},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannElsaesser2020,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp},
  title     = {New alliances in global environmental governance},
  series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  volume    = {20},
  journal   = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1567-9764},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5},
  pages     = {459 -- 481},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Karolewski2020,
  author    = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
  title     = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland},
  series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  editor    = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London, New York},
  isbn      = {978-0-429-45481-3},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780429454813},
  pages     = {239 -- 256},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2020,
  author    = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {The United Nations Security Council},
  series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
  booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
  editor    = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-21603-0},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15},
  pages     = {299 -- 320},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020,
  author    = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Activating norm collisions},
  series = {Global constitutionalism},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Global constitutionalism},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {2045-3817},
  doi       = {10.1017/S2045381719000388},
  pages     = {290 -- 317},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Comparatice methods B},
  series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  journal   = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham},
  isbn      = {978-1-78990-347-8},
  pages     = {181 -- 196},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HolthausStockmann2020,
  author    = {Holthaus, Leonie and Stockmann, Nils},
  title     = {Who makes the world?},
  series = {New perspectives},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {New perspectives},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publications},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks, CA},
  issn      = {2336-825X},
  doi       = {10.1177/2336825X20935246},
  pages     = {413 -- 427},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Territorial administration in Germany},
  series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  editor    = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-59395-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15},
  pages     = {327 -- 352},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BindenagelŠehović2020,
  author    = {Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie},
  title     = {Towards a new definition of health security},
  series = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon, Oxfordshire},
  issn      = {1744-1692},
  doi       = {10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
  author    = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack},
  publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)},
  address   = {Den Haag},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Mind the gap?},
  series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1387-6988},
  doi       = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866},
  pages     = {230 -- 253},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-52169},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Jann2020,
  author    = {Jann, Werner},
  title     = {The modern state and administrative reform},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-59},
  pages     = {59 -- 72},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-169},
  pages     = {169 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
  author    = {Dieter, Heribert},
  title     = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis},
  series = {The viral world},
  booktitle = {The viral world},
  editor    = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia},
  publisher = {Observer Research Foundation},
  address   = {New Delhi, India},
  isbn      = {978-93-90159-27-7},
  pages     = {50 -- 55},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
  author    = {Dieter, Heribert},
  title     = {Germany as a leading power},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-73},
  pages     = {73 -- 84},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Review of international political economy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Review of international political economy},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0969-2290},
  doi       = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711},
  pages     = {1249 -- 1273},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020,
  author    = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics},
  series = {Biological sciences},
  volume    = {375},
  journal   = {Biological sciences},
  number    = {1794},
  publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0962-8436},
  doi       = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126},
  pages     = {1 -- 11},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-50023,
  title     = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  journal   = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  editor    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50979-8},
  issn      = {2523-8256},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
  pages     = {XXV, 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
  author    = {Reiners, Nina},
  title     = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
  series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Human Rights Quarterly},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1085-794X},
  doi       = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
  pages     = {329 -- 343},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
  series = {Third world quarterly},
  volume    = {42},
  journal   = {Third world quarterly},
  number    = {11},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0143-6597},
  doi       = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
  pages     = {2724 -- 2746},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
  pages     = {775 -- 793},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
  title     = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
  series = {Public Management Review},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Public Management Review},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1470-1065},
  doi       = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
  pages     = {1208 -- 1225},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof},
  title     = {The heart of bureaucratic power},
  series = {Review of international studies : RIS},
  volume    = {47},
  journal   = {Review of international studies : RIS},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S026021052100005X},
  pages     = {353 -- 376},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations},
  series = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1758-5880},
  doi       = {10.1111/1758-5899.12975},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK},
  series = {West European politics},
  journal   = {West European politics},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0140-2382},
  doi       = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630},
  pages     = {1258 -- 1282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Mackert2021,
  author    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74538-7},
  pages     = {1 -- 13},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2021,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The dance of peace and justice},
  series = {International peacekeeping},
  journal   = {International peacekeeping},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1353-3312},
  doi       = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726},
  pages     = {783 -- 812},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
  pages     = {1 -- 199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective},
  series = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  editor    = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-83910-663-7},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013},
  pages     = {111 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Taking nativism to the streets},
  series = {Moving the social},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Moving the social},
  publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
  address   = {Bochum},
  isbn      = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
  issn      = {2197-0386},
  doi       = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
  pages     = {43 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021,
  author    = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus},
  title     = {Decision-making in international organizations},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x},
  pages     = {815 -- 845},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HaenelBratu2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Bratu, Christine},
  title     = {Varieties of hermeneutical injustice},
  series = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  volume    = {8},
  journal   = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {2194-5616},
  doi       = {10.1515/mopp-2020-0007},
  pages     = {331 -- 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Immune to COVID?},
  publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science},
  address   = {London},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dumas2021,
  author    = {Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Reforms of school supervision in the German L{\"a}nder},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19},
  pages     = {257 -- 273},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannHellstromRambergetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstrom, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate},
  title     = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320979359},
  pages     = {556 -- 575},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2021,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender at the crossroads},
  series = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1753-9153},
  doi       = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061},
  pages     = {533 -- 558},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {From laggards to leaders},
  series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  editor    = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n},
  publisher = {Brill Nijhoff},
  address   = {Leiden},
  isbn      = {978-90-04-37287-0},
  doi       = {10.1163/9789004372887_004},
  pages     = {75 -- 105},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Sprinz2021,
  author    = {Sprinz, Detlef F.},
  title     = {Effectiveness},
  series = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  booktitle = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  editor    = {Morin, Jean-Fr{\´e}d{\´e}ric and Orsini, Amandine},
  edition   = {Second edition},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-41869-4},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780367816681-34},
  pages     = {80 -- 83},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Debre2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha},
  title     = {Clubs of autocrats},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y},
  pages     = {485 -- 511},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic},
  series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur},
  address   = {Antony},
  isbn      = {9782281134964},
  pages     = {257 -- 272},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021,
  author    = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  title     = {The social construction of global health priorities},
  series = {International studies quarterly},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {International studies quarterly},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0020-8833},
  doi       = {10.1093/isq/sqab092},
  pages     = {15},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Haenel2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.},
  title     = {Epistemic injustice and recognition theory: what we owe to refugees},
  series = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  volume    = {21},
  booktitle = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  editor    = {Schweiger, Gottfried},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-72731-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_12},
  pages     = {257 -- 282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Managing performance and winning trust},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-744X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4},
  pages     = {625 -- 653},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021,
  author    = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector},
  series = {Der moderne Staat},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Der moderne Staat},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13},
  pages     = {3 -- 23},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian},
  title     = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9},
  pages     = {115 -- 130},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Schmidt2022,
  author    = {Schmidt, Max Oliver},
  title     = {Church asylum as ultima ratio},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74536-3},
  pages     = {36 -- 53},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}