@article{Dittberner2009, author = {Dittberner, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Die Freien W{\"a}hler und die Krise der Parteiendemokratie}, series = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, journal = {B{\"u}rgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder}, publisher = {Koehler \& Amelang}, address = {Leipzig}, isbn = {978-3-7338-0368-1}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2009}, language = {de} } @book{Koss2011, author = {Koss, Michael}, title = {The politics of party funding}, series = {Comparative politics}, journal = {Comparative politics}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-957275-5}, pages = {XIII, 261}, year = {2011}, abstract = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{Kleger2011, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Moderne B{\"u}rgerreligion}, series = {Unerf{\"u}llte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor}, journal = {Unerf{\"u}llte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor}, publisher = {Suhrkamp}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-29618-9}, pages = {493 -- 528}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @article{Liese2013, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?}, isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5}, year = {2013}, language = {en} } @incollection{Borgnaes2013, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Jenseits des gr{\"u}nen Wachstumsparadigmas}, series = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, editor = {Kellermann, Christian and Meyer, Henning}, publisher = {Suhrkamp}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-12662-2}, pages = {280 -- 301}, year = {2013}, language = {de} } @article{BeisheimLiese2014, author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research}, isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{DorschDoerfler2014, author = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung}, number = {1-2}, publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft}, address = {Weilerswist}, issn = {1438-8332}, doi = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8}, pages = {8 -- 31}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2015, author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8}, doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8}, pages = {135 -- 152}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerGehring2015, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas}, title = {Wie internationale Organisationen durch die Strukturierung von Entscheidungsprozessen Autonomie gewinnen}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft. Sonderheft: Internationale Organisationen: Autonomie, Politisierung, interorganisationale Beziehungen und Wandel}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft. Sonderheft: Internationale Organisationen: Autonomie, Politisierung, interorganisationale Beziehungen und Wandel}, number = {49}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8452-4851-6}, doi = {10.5771/9783845248516-59}, pages = {54 -- 80}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{Edinger2015, author = {Edinger, Sebastian}, title = {Von der Gouvernementalit{\"a}t (Foucault) zur planetarischen Biopolitik (Kondylis)?}, series = {Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams}, journal = {Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Bade-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-2054-5}, pages = {325 -- 350}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @misc{Liese2015, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Transnationale Akteure/Nichtregierungsorganisationen}, series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch Internationale Politik}, journal = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch Internationale Politik}, editor = {Woyke, Wichard and Varwick, Johannes}, edition = {13. vollst. {\"u}berarb. u. aktual. Aufl.}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8252-4518-4}, doi = {10.36198/9783838545189}, pages = {480 -- 489}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{Leib2016, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding}, series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, number = {22}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Bradford}, issn = {1742-0601}, pages = {25 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9}, pages = {211 -- 224}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1}, pages = {1 -- 22}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2}, pages = {25 -- 46}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschLiese2016, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea}, title = {The authority of international public administrations}, series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9}, doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5}, pages = {97 -- 122}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.}, language = {en} } @article{Weiss2017, author = {Weiß, Norman}, title = {Origin and Further Development}, series = {The Council of Europe}, journal = {The Council of Europe}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-967252-3}, pages = {3 -- 22}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan}, title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union}, series = {International Journal of Public Administration}, volume = {40}, journal = {International Journal of Public Administration}, number = {14}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {Philadelphia}, issn = {0190-0692}, doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267}, pages = {1237 -- 1249}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.}, language = {en} } @misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine}, title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance}, series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, volume = {30}, journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1877-3435}, doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006}, pages = {1 -- 6}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.}, language = {en} } @article{Daviter2017, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {Coping, taming or solving}, series = {Policy studies}, volume = {38}, journal = {Policy studies}, number = {6}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0144-2872}, doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543}, pages = {571 -- 588}, year = {2017}, abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.}, language = {en} } @article{Borgnaes2017, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?}, series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, volume = {19}, journal = {Environment, Development and Sustainability}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1387-585X}, doi = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0}, pages = {769 -- 790}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2017, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Patterns of accountability and representation}, series = {Politics}, volume = {39}, journal = {Politics}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0263-3957}, doi = {10.1177/0263395717710566}, pages = {113 -- 130}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.}, language = {en} } @misc{GrossiReichardThomassonetal.2017, author = {Grossi, Giuseppe and Reichard, Christoph and Thomasson, Anna and Vakkuri, Jarmo}, title = {Editorial}, series = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, volume = {37}, journal = {Public money \& management : integrating theory and practice in public management}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0954-0962}, doi = {10.1080/09540962.2017.1344007}, pages = {379 -- 386}, year = {2017}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija}, title = {Mayors and administrative reforms}, series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, journal = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-67410-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13}, pages = {387 -- 409}, year = {2017}, abstract = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-56182, title = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-39870-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6}, pages = {238}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{EsguerraBeckLidskog2017, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Beck, Silke and Lidskog, Rolf}, title = {Stakeholder Engagement in the Making}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00390}, pages = {59 -- 76}, year = {2017}, abstract = {A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2018, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Die Sanktionsaussch{\"u}sse zwischen Macht und Regeln}, series = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen}, volume = {66}, journal = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen}, number = {2}, publisher = {BWV}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0042-384X}, pages = {62 -- 66}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverd{\"a}chtiger Personen, werden fernab der {\"O}ffentlichkeit in Sanktionsaussch{\"u}ssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Aussch{\"u}sse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich ver{\"a}ndert.}, language = {de} } @article{Yilmaz2018, author = {Yilmaz, Zafer}, title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey}, series = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, volume = {29}, journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly}, number = {3}, publisher = {Duke Univ. Press}, address = {Durham}, issn = {1047-4552}, doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168}, pages = {55 -- 77}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.}, language = {en} } @article{Wenzel2018, author = {Wenzel, Bertolt}, title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?}, series = {Public Policy and Administration}, volume = {33}, journal = {Public Policy and Administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0952-0767}, doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764}, pages = {149 -- 169}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2018, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs}, series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8}, pages = {203 -- 225}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.}, language = {en} } @article{Hustedt2018, author = {Hustedt, Thurid}, title = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles}, series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, journal = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78643-169-1}, pages = {72 -- 90}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock}, series = {Case Studies in the Environment}, volume = {2}, journal = {Case Studies in the Environment}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland}, issn = {2473-9510}, doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2018}, abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.}, language = {en} } @article{Scheller2018, author = {Scheller, Henrik}, title = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?}, series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, journal = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives}, publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press}, address = {Montreal}, isbn = {978-1-55339-535-5}, pages = {255 -- 279}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.}, language = {en} } @article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018, author = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.}, title = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern}, series = {Soil use and Management}, volume = {34}, journal = {Soil use and Management}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0266-0032}, doi = {10.1111/sum.12409}, pages = {28 -- 36}, year = {2018}, abstract = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.}, language = {en} } @article{Reiners2018, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Kontroversen um die Reform der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane}, series = {Vereinte Nationen}, volume = {66}, journal = {Vereinte Nationen}, number = {6}, publisher = {BWV, Berliner Wiss.-Verl.}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0042-384X}, pages = {266 -- 271}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Das UN-Menschenrechtssystem steht unter gewaltigem Druck. In den aktuellen Diskussionen um die Reform der Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane offenbart sich eine Kluft zwischen Staaten in der Generalversammlung und Ausschussmitgliedern mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren.}, language = {de} } @misc{GrumGronau2018, author = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert}, title = {Process modeling within augmented reality}, series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, volume = {319}, journal = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-319-94214-8}, issn = {1865-1348}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7}, pages = {99 -- 115}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.}, language = {en} } @article{KerstingKuhlmann2018, author = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany}, series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, journal = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5}, pages = {93 -- 118}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.}, language = {en} } @misc{BouckaertKuhlmann2018, author = {Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Foreword}, series = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, journal = {Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, pages = {V -- VI}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumil2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg}, title = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments}, series = {International journal of public sector management}, volume = {31}, journal = {International journal of public sector management}, number = {4}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0951-3558}, doi = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004}, pages = {543 -- 562}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppner2019, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian}, title = {Faire Repr{\"a}sentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, volume = {13}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {1865-2646}, doi = {10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7}, pages = {375 -- 397}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.}, language = {de} } @article{Leib2019, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process}, series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, volume = {25}, journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, number = {4}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {1554-8597}, doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033}, pages = {6}, year = {2019}, abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices}, series = {Review of International Studies}, volume = {45}, journal = {Review of International Studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0260-2105}, doi = {10.1017/S0260210518000268}, pages = {120 -- 140}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).}, language = {en} } @book{Doerfler2019, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Security council sanctions governance}, series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, journal = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-42944-232-2}, doi = {10.4324/9780429442322}, pages = {xiii, 239}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.}, language = {en} } @article{LieseReiners2019, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina}, title = {The Eye of the Beholder?}, series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {0191879398}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021}, pages = {335 -- 343}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019, author = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena}, title = {An organizational approach to public governance}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {97}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12590}, pages = {483 -- 485}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).}, language = {en} } @misc{Heucher2019, author = {Heucher, Angela}, title = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance}, series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, volume = {11}, journal = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer Netherlands}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {1876-4517}, doi = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z}, pages = {555 -- 558}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{SeyfriedReith2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian}, title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research}, series = {Quality in higher education}, volume = {25}, journal = {Quality in higher education}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-8322}, doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943}, pages = {289 -- 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.}, language = {en} } @article{Mielke2019, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Signals for 2 degrees C}, series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, volume = {9}, journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2043-0795}, doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809}, pages = {87 -- 115}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making}, series = {Journal of international relations and development}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of international relations and development}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1581-1980}, doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5}, pages = {107 -- 135}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.}, language = {en} } @masterthesis{Ihle2019, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Inwiefern wird der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgew{\"a}hlten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt?}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-59688}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-596884}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {63}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt wird. Um sich dieser Frage anzunähern, werden zun{\"a}chst die drei Grundsätze des Konsenses wiedergegeben: das Überwältigungsverbot, das Kontroversitätsgebot und die Sch{\"u}lerorientierung. Da der Konsens, auch wenn er von einem Großteil der Fachdidaktikerinnen und Fachdidaktiker geteilt wird, immer wieder Gegenstand von Diskussionen ist, werden in einem ersten Schritt Ansätze zur Aktualisierung bzw. Erweiterung dargestellt und anschließend aktuelle Streitpunkte aufgezeigt. In einem kurzen Zwischenfazit wird dann ein f{\"u}r die Schulbuchanalyse unabdingliches, eindeutiges Verständnis des Konsenses entwickelt. Im folgenden Schritt wird die Rolle von Schulb{\"u}chern als Lehr- und Lernmedien diskutiert. Dabei steht insbesondere die Frage im Zentrum, weshalb sich gerade Schulb{\"u}cher f{\"u}r eine Analyse im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit eignen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird das Konzept der Schulbuchanalyse vorgestellt. In diesem Rahmen werden der Untersuchungsschwerpunkt (Kontroversit{\"a}tsgebot) und der Untersuchungsgegenstand (Kontroverse um Migration und Integration) eingegrenzt. In der Folge wird das Schulbuch Politik und Co. 1 mithilfe des erarbeiteten Untersuchungsinstruments (Kodierleitfaden) analysiert. Zudem werden die Ergebnisse pointiert und die gew{\"a}hlte Vorgehensweise reflektiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Bruening2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina}, title = {Heterogenit{\"a}t}, series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, publisher = {Wochenschau}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0953-0}, pages = {107 -- 110}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Einf{\"u}hrung}, series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1}, pages = {1 -- 5}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1}, pages = {122 -- 137}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Droll2020, author = {Droll, Max}, title = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13}, pages = {171 -- 180}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.}, language = {de} } @article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020, author = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit}, title = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung}, number = {2}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {2524-6976}, doi = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8}, pages = {443 -- 454}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.}, language = {de} } @article{LeibRuppel2020, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms}, series = {European Political Science}, volume = {19}, journal = {European Political Science}, number = {3}, issn = {1682-0983}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3}, pages = {336 -- 351}, year = {2020}, abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Die Manosphere}, series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, volume = {33}, journal = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, number = {2}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2192-4848}, doi = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041}, pages = {491 -- 505}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.}, language = {de} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism}, series = {International feminist journal of politics}, volume = {22}, journal = {International feminist journal of politics}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1461-6742}, doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967}, pages = {720 -- 741}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3}, pages = {43 -- 75}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg}, series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, journal = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1128-1}, pages = {88 -- 101}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Pschichholz2020, author = {Pschichholz, Christin}, title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?}, series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9}, pages = {7 -- 12}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?}, series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4}, pages = {77 -- 120}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer Nature}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5}, pages = {121 -- 162}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannElsaesser2020, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {New alliances in global environmental governance}, series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, volume = {20}, journal = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht [u.a.]}, issn = {1567-9764}, doi = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5}, pages = {459 -- 481}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} } @article{NeuhofGirnus2020, author = {Neuhof, Julia and Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung - Ein unbespieltes Feld?}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9}, pages = {109 -- 121}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Diskurs {\"u}ber Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beitr{\"a}ge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und {\"u}bernehmen in der Regel Konzepte f{\"u}r den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse f{\"u}r eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.}, language = {de} } @article{Girnus2020, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Wor{\"u}ber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizit{\"a}t von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Wiesbaden}, address = {Springer}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15}, pages = {195 -- 207}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine F{\"u}r- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure {\"a}ußern sich kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch - ebenso kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend - zu get{\"a}tigten {\"A}ußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensit{\"a}t ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimit{\"a}t anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu f{\"o}rdern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral daf{\"u}r ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden.}, language = {de} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2020, author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.}, language = {en} } @article{BindenagelŠehović2020, author = {Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie}, title = {Towards a new definition of health security}, series = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice}, volume = {15}, journal = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon, Oxfordshire}, issn = {1744-1692}, doi = {10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {„Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!"}, series = {Politisches Lernen}, volume = {38}, journal = {Politisches Lernen}, number = {1+2}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {0937-2946}, pages = {32 -- 35}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ern{\"u}chternden Res{\"u}mee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, - soweit er {\"u}berhaupt noch besteht -, m{\"u}sste aufgegeben werden." (S. 32) In Tudykas Einf{\"u}hrung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten." (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund k{\"o}nnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder {\"u}ber das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gek{\"u}rzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung" dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.}, language = {de} } @article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020, author = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Activating norm collisions}, series = {Global constitutionalism}, volume = {9}, journal = {Global constitutionalism}, number = {2}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {2045-3817}, doi = {10.1017/S2045381719000388}, pages = {290 -- 317}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Comparatice methods B}, series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, journal = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham}, isbn = {978-1-78990-347-8}, pages = {181 -- 196}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung}, series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, journal = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holoz{\"a}n, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und {\"O}ffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropoz{\"a}n als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenw{\"a}rtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffssch{\"o}pfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel {\"a}ußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?}, language = {de} } @article{Liese2020, author = {Liese, Andrea}, title = {Autorit{\"a}t in den internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, volume = {27}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen}, number = {1}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0946-7165}, doi = {10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97}, pages = {97 -- 109}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Beitrag setzt sich w{\"u}rdigend und kritisch mit Michael Z{\"u}rns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorit{\"a}t auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autorit{\"a}tskonzept weist mehrere Vorz{\"u}ge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erkl{\"a}rung f{\"u}r ein Paradox. Warum sollten souver{\"a}ne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschl{\"a}ge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autorit{\"a}tsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualit{\"a}ten der Autorit{\"a}t zu pr{\"u}fen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimit{\"a}t und Autorit{\"a}t, ohne die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit von Autorit{\"a}t zu opfern. Dies anerkennend pl{\"a}diert der Beitrag aber daf{\"u}r, die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit internationaler Autorit{\"a}t nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die {\"u}berzeugende begr{\"u}ndungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorit{\"a}t sollte zudem nicht dazu verf{\"u}hren, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu {\"u}bersehen, zumal deren Legitimit{\"a}t kritisch hinterfragbar ist.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0.17}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{PoensgenSteinitz2020, author = {Poensgen, Daniel and Steinitz, Benjamin}, title = {Alltagspr{\"a}gende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen}, series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {173 -- 197}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-48220, title = {Politik und Sprache}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo}, publisher = {Wiesbaden}, address = {Springer}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, issn = {2570-2114}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1}, pages = {VIII, 237}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Sprache spielt im Hinblick auf politisches Handeln eine sehr bedeutsame Rolle. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Politik und Sprache erscheint umso notwendiger, als dieses Verh{\"a}ltnis in der gegenw{\"a}rtigen politischen Bildung ein Schattendasein fristet. Der schulischen politischen Bildung kommt die Aufgabe zu, Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler zu einem Umgang mit der politischen Sprache zu bef{\"a}higen, der ihnen eine reflektierte Auseinandersetzung mit den in der Debatte stehenden politischen Gegenst{\"a}nden erm{\"o}glicht - auch und gerade vor dem Hintergrund der Zunahme populistischer Darstellungen, „alternativer Fakten" und L{\"u}gen in der Politik. Mit der vorliegenden Publikation liegt ein erster Aufschlag vor, der das Spektrum des Verh{\"a}ltnisses von Politik und Sprache im Kontext der Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung umreißt.}, language = {de} } @article{HolthausStockmann2020, author = {Holthaus, Leonie and Stockmann, Nils}, title = {Who makes the world?}, series = {New perspectives}, volume = {28}, journal = {New perspectives}, number = {3}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {Thousand Oaks, CA}, issn = {2336-825X}, doi = {10.1177/2336825X20935246}, pages = {413 -- 427}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Theater und politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, editor = {Gloe, Markus and Oeftering, Tonio}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5484-7}, doi = {10.5771/9783845296708-59}, pages = {59 -- 74}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Wie {\"a}sthetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn f{\"u}r Sch{\"u}ler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters f{\"u}r politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsf{\"a}higkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel f{\"u}r den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind" von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Politische Urteilsbildung}, series = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, booktitle = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, editor = {Oeftering, Tonio and Meints-Stender, Waltraud and Lange, Dirk}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30675-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30676-2_3}, pages = {41 -- 58}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die F{\"a}higkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbem{\"u}hungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufkl{\"a}rung. Immanuel Kants Ausf{\"u}hrungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von Aufkl{\"a}rung und M{\"u}ndigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl{\"a}rung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage f{\"u}r die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit M{\"u}ndigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der K{\"o}nigsberger Philosoph erkl{\"a}rte hierin eingangs: „Aufkl{\"a}rung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unm{\"u}ndigkeit. Unm{\"u}ndigkeit ist das Unverm{\"o}gen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unm{\"u}ndigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufkl{\"a}rung."}, language = {de} } @incollection{Bruening2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina}, title = {Holocaust Education}, series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, booktitle = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Busch, Matthias and Massing, Peter and Meyer-Heidemann, Christian}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0954-7}, pages = {112 -- 114}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{BrueningGrewe2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina and Grewe, Stefan}, title = {Historisches Lernen als eigen-sinnige Aneignung vergangener Wirklichkeiten}, series = {Theorien!}, booktitle = {Theorien!}, editor = {Harant, Martin and Thomas, Philipp and K{\"u}chler, Uwe}, publisher = {T{\"u}bingen University Press}, address = {T{\"u}bingen}, isbn = {978-3-947251-19-3}, doi = {10.15496/publikation-45627}, pages = {309 -- 322}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Integrationsverwaltung im F{\"o}deralismus}, series = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat}, booktitle = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat}, editor = {Kn{\"u}pling, Felix and K{\"o}lling, Mario and Kropp, Sabine and Scheller, Henrik}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-31236-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-31237-4_25}, pages = {459 -- 483}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Im vorliegenden Beitrag steht das Zusammenspiel von institutioneller Kompetenzverteilung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem und Funktionsf{\"a}higkeit der Verwaltung im Bereich der Integrationspolitik im Zentrum. Dieser Verwaltungsbereich gewinnt zunehmend an Bedeutung, da sich f{\"u}r den Personenkreis der ca. 983.000 anerkannten Fl{\"u}chtlinge, die l{\"a}nger oder dauerhaft in Deutschland bleiben werden, inzwischen neue Problemlagen ergeben, welche vor allem Fragen der Arbeitsmarktintegration, Aus- und Weiterbildung und berufsbezogenen Sprachf{\"o}rderung betreffen. Es wird der Leitfrage nachgegangen, welche institutionellen Strukturen und Aufgabenprofile sich im Bereich der Integrationsverwaltung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem herausgebildet haben und inwieweit diese sich als funktional und leistungsf{\"a}hig oder als reformbed{\"u}rftig erwiesen haben. Dabei wird auf Aspekte der Zentralisierung, Dezentralisierung und Verwaltungsverflechtung als wesentliche Institutionalisierungsoptionen eingegangen und aufgezeigt, dass in einigen Bereichen mehr Entflechtung in Form von Dezentralisierung und Aufgabenabschichtung „nach unten" sinnvoll erscheint, w{\"a}hrend in anderen Handlungsfeldern verst{\"a}rkte B{\"u}ndelung und (besser funktionierende) Verwaltungsverflechtung angebracht w{\"a}ren.}, language = {de} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Territorial administration in Germany}, series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, editor = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-59395-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15}, pages = {327 -- 352}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.}, language = {en} } @article{Kuhlmann2020, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Rezension zu: Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England / Hrsg.: Andrej Christian Lindholst, Morten Balle Hansen. - Cham : Springer, 2020. - XXII, 345 p. - ISBN 978-3-030-32478-0}, series = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England}, journal = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-32478-0}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020, author = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte}, title = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics}, series = {Biological sciences}, volume = {375}, journal = {Biological sciences}, number = {1794}, publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing}, address = {London}, issn = {0080-4622}, doi = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Rechtsextremer Antisemitismus in Brandenburg}, series = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, booktitle = {Mit der Verfassung gegen Antisemitismus : Dokumentation des Fach-Symposiums an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, publisher = {F. C. Flick Stiftung}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {14 -- 19}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @misc{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Frei, Norbert, Franka Maubach, Christina Morina, und Maik T{\"a}ndler (2019): Zur rechten Zeit. Wider die R{\"u}ckkehr des Nationalismus. Berlin: Ullstein. 253 Seiten. 20,00 €}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, volume = {61}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-020-00221-x}, pages = {199 -- 201}, year = {2020}, abstract = {„Zur rechten Zeit" ist ein fl{\"u}ssig geschriebenes, gut lesbares und an ein breites Publikum gerichtetes Sachbuch. Es will die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik „unter dem Eindruck der gegenw{\"a}rtigen rechten Konjunktur anders denn als g{\"a}ngige Erfolgsgeschichte" (S. 10) erz{\"a}hlen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren sind nicht bestrebt, das Erfolgsnarrativ radikal zu dekonstruieren und damit den Forschungsertrag der Zeitgeschichtsschreibung zu ignorieren, wohl aber rekonstruieren sie Abschattungen und Br{\"u}che, die zeigen, dass der Prozess weniger geradlinig war als h{\"a}ufig angenommen - und dass seine Ergebnisse nicht irreversibel sind.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {"Am Anfang stand die {\"U}berw{\"a}ltigung"}, series = {Erasmus von Rotterdam}, booktitle = {Erasmus von Rotterdam}, editor = {Sch{\"o}ppner, Ralf}, publisher = {Alibri Verlag}, address = {Aschaffenburg}, isbn = {978-3-86569-212-2}, pages = {19 -- 36}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2020, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {"Wann I' denk wie's fr{\"u}her war."}, series = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik}, booktitle = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik}, editor = {von Appen, Ralf and Hindrichs, Thorsten}, publisher = {transcript}, address = {Bielefeld}, isbn = {9783837655810}, doi = {10.14361/9783839455814}, pages = {15 -- 29}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The successful Austrian pop-musician Andreas Gabalier has devoted several of his songs to his Styrian homeland. Gabalier's work and performance has often been per-ceived as nationalist. When analyzing some of his lyrics, an astonishing observation can be made: Most references to the »homeland« are backward-looking. This article argues that the remarkable lack of a national »future« in Gabalier's work is charac-teristic for contemporary nationalist manifestations, not only in popular culture, but also in ideologies and politics. The article introduces a new typology of nationalist movements. With regard to the character of the related nation-state, three types are discussed: »constructive nationalism« whereby the nationalist movement strives for a future sovereign nation state; »maintaining nationalism« wherein a nation state already exists; and »reconstructive nationalism« where nationalists believe that the nation state has lost its independence, sovereignty, and freedom in the course of globalization and hope for a reconstruction. However, these types are defined here as »ideal types« in a Weberian sense and will hardly be found in their »pure« forms in history or social reality.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis}, series = {The viral world}, booktitle = {The viral world}, editor = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia}, publisher = {Observer Research Foundation}, address = {New Delhi, India}, isbn = {978-93-90159-27-7}, pages = {50 -- 55}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Dieter2020, author = {Dieter, Heribert}, title = {Germany as a leading power}, series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, edition = {1. Auflage}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5249-2}, doi = {10.5771/9783845294292-73}, pages = {73 -- 84}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Review of international political economy}, volume = {28}, journal = {Review of international political economy}, number = {5}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0969-2290}, doi = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711}, pages = {1249 -- 1273}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} } @article{Franzke2020, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.}, series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, volume = {14}, journal = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej}, publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu}, address = {Poznań}, issn = {1899-6256}, doi = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21}, pages = {325 -- 342}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {5}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52169}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690}, pages = {27}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Mind the gap?}, series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice}, volume = {24}, journal = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice}, number = {3}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1387-6988}, doi = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866}, pages = {230 -- 253}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Urteilskompetenz}, series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, publisher = {Wochenschau}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0954-7}, pages = {232 -- 235}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-50023, title = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy}, series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance}, journal = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-50979-8}, issn = {2523-8256}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8}, pages = {XXV, 350}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.}, language = {en} }