@incollection{HosliDoerfler2015, author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8}, doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8}, pages = {135 -- 152}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2020, author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.}, language = {en} } @book{Iro2009, author = {Iro, Andrea}, title = {The UN Peacebuilding Commission : lessons from Sierra Leone}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-940793-77-5}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-29599}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {109}, year = {2009}, abstract = {"The UN Peacebuilding Commission - Lessons from Sierra Leone" by political scientist Andrea Iro is an assessment of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) by analysing their performance over the last two years in Sierra Leone, one of the first PBC focus countries. The paper explores the key question of how the PBC/PBF's mandate has been translated into operational practice in the field. It concludes that though the overall impact has been mainly positive and welcomed by the country, translating the general mandate into concrete activities remains a real challenge at the country level.}, language = {en} } @book{Terhalle2015, author = {Terhalle, Maximilian}, title = {The transition of global order}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-137-38689-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XI, 267}, year = {2015}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Temmen2020, author = {Temmen, Jens}, title = {The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialism(s)}, series = {American Studies ; 308}, journal = {American Studies ; 308}, publisher = {Winter}, address = {Heidelberg}, isbn = {978-3-8253-4713-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 259}, year = {2020}, abstract = {'The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialisms' sets into relation U.S. imperial and Indigenous conceptions of territoriality as articulated in U.S. legal texts and Indigenous life writing in the 19th century. It analyzes the ways in which U.S. legal texts as "legal fictions" narratively press to affirm the United States' territorial sovereignty and coherence in spite of its reliance on a variety of imperial practices that flexibly disconnect and (re)connect U.S. sovereignty, jurisdiction and territory. At the same time, the book acknowledges Indigenous life writing as legal texts in their own right and with full juridical force, which aim to highlight the heterogeneity of U.S. national territory both from their individual perspectives and in conversation with these legal fictions. Through this, the book's analysis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the coloniality of U.S. legal fictions, while highlighting territoriality as a key concept in the fashioning of the narrative of U.S. imperialism.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Nasery2019, author = {Nasery, Mustafa}, title = {The success and failure of civil service reforms in Afghanistan}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-44473}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-444738}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {viii, 258}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The Government will create a motivated, merit-based, performance-driven, and professional civil service that is resistant to temptations of corruption and which provides efficient, effective and transparent public services that do not force customers to pay bribes. — (GoIRA, 2006, p. 106) We were in a black hole! We had an empty glass and had nothing from our side to fill it with! Thus, we accepted anything anybody offered; that is how our glass was filled; that is how we reformed our civil service. — (Former Advisor to IARCSC, personal communication, August 2015) How and under what conditions were the post-Taleban Civil Service Reforms of Afghanistan initiated? What were the main components of the reforms? What were their objectives and to which extent were they achieved? Who were the leading domestic and foreign actors involved in the process? Finally, what specific factors influenced the success and failure Afghanistan's Civil Service Reforms since 2002? Guided by such fundamental questions, this research studies the wicked process of reforming the Afghan civil service in an environment where a variety of contextual, programmatic, and external factors affected the design and implementation of reforms that were entirely funded and technically assisted by the international community. Focusing on the core components of reforms—recruitment, remuneration, and appraisal of civil servants—the qualitative study provides a detailed picture of the pre-reform civil service and its major human resources developments in the past. Following discussions on the content and purposes of the main reform programs, it will then analyze the extent of changes in policies and practices by examining the outputs and effects of these reforms. Moreover, the study defines the specific factors that led the reforms toward a situation where most of the intended objectives remain unachieved. Doing so, it explores and explains how an overwhelming influence of international actors with conflicting interests, large-scale corruption, political interference, networks of patronage, institutionalized nepotism, culturally accepted cronyism and widespread ethnic favoritism created a very complex environment and prevented the reforms from transforming Afghanistan's patrimonial civil service into a professional civil service, which is driven by performance and merit.}, language = {en} } @article{DuitLimSommerer2023, author = {Duit, Andreas and Lim, Sijeong and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {The state and the environment}, series = {Politics \& policy}, volume = {51}, journal = {Politics \& policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {1555-5623}, doi = {10.1111/polp.12561}, pages = {1046 -- 1068}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970-2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.}, language = {en} } @article{SeyfriedReith2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian}, title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research}, series = {Quality in higher education}, volume = {25}, journal = {Quality in higher education}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-8322}, doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943}, pages = {289 -- 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.}, language = {en} } @article{Leib2019, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process}, series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, volume = {25}, journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy}, number = {4}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {1554-8597}, doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033}, pages = {6}, year = {2019}, abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018, author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock}, series = {Case Studies in the Environment}, volume = {2}, journal = {Case Studies in the Environment}, number = {1}, publisher = {University of California Press}, address = {Oakland}, issn = {2473-9510}, doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2018}, abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.}, language = {en} } @misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017, author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine}, title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance}, series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, volume = {30}, journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1877-3435}, doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006}, pages = {1 -- 6}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.}, language = {en} } @article{Fuhr2021, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions}, series = {Third world quarterly}, volume = {42}, journal = {Third world quarterly}, number = {11}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0143-6597}, doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901}, pages = {2724 -- 2746}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.}, language = {en} } @article{Jakupec2017, author = {Jakupec, Viktor}, title = {The Rise of Populism}, series = {Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda}, journal = {Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-72748-6}, issn = {2211-4548}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_1}, pages = {1 -- 18}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Drawing on the recent political developments in Europe and the USA, and the public discourse since 2016, an analysis of the rise of populism on the left and the right is articulated with the aim to provide an understanding of the contemporary populist political landscape. The Trump phenomenon and his form of populism is analysed within the context of foreign policy and development aid. This is contrasted with the neoliberal view couched in Fukuyama's 'End of History' theorem, and the current popular sentiment towards anti-establishment and anti-globalisation in Western democracies.}, language = {en} } @article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017, author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika}, title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks}, series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, volume = {97}, journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0016-3287}, doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004}, pages = {35 -- 46}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.}, language = {en} } @article{Liese2013, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?}, isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5}, year = {2013}, language = {en} } @article{Kaya2019, author = {Kaya, Muzaffer}, title = {The potentials and challenges of left populism in Turkey}, series = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies}, volume = {46}, journal = {British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies}, number = {5}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-0194}, doi = {10.1080/13530194.2019.1634398}, pages = {797 -- 812}, year = {2019}, abstract = {In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan's authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP's rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Schiller2016, author = {Schiller, Christof}, title = {The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany}, series = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, journal = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-315-62390-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {273}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @book{Koss2011, author = {Koss, Michael}, title = {The politics of party funding}, series = {Comparative politics}, journal = {Comparative politics}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {978-0-19-957275-5}, pages = {XIII, 261}, year = {2011}, abstract = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2022, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {The politics of administrative reforms}, series = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, booktitle = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, editor = {Ladner, Andreas and Sager, Fritz}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-83910-943-0}, doi = {10.4337/9781839109447.00018}, pages = {125 -- 137}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Administrative reforms refer to conscious decisions about institution building and institutional change that are taken at the end of political processes and can be conceived as the attempt by politico-administrative actors to change the institutional order (polity) within which they make and implement decisions. In this paper we proceed from the assumption that the role of politics, the constellation of political actors and arenas vary according to the scope and objectives of administrative reforms. Depending on whether they refer to changes between organizational units/levels/sectors ('external institutional policy') or to an internal reorganization ('internal institutional policy'), different actor strategies, patterns of conflict and power constellations can be expected. As external administrative reforms are aimed at changing functional and/or territorial jurisdictions and thus always involve external actors, larger resistance, heavier political conflicts and generally more politicization are likely to occur than in the case of internal administrative reforms. Yet, for internal reforms, too, actor coalitions which support or block institutional changes, promotors, leaders, and moderators have revealed to shape processes and outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the influence of politics on various types of administrative reforms making a distinction between external and internal institutional policies. We analyse the role of politico-administrative actors, their strategies and influence on the formulation, trajectories and outcomes of administrative reforms. Our major focus will be on reforms in the multi-level system on the one hand and on (Post-) NPM reforms on the other as two major international trends. Drawing on reform experiences in different European countries, the chapter will reveal to what extent actors' interests and influences have triggered and shaped administrative reforms and which difference these have made for the reform outcome.}, language = {en} } @misc{Daviter2015, author = {Daviter, Falk}, title = {The political use of knowledge in the policy process}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {123}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43548}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435481}, pages = {491 -- 505}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The role of knowledge in the policy process remains a central theoretical puzzle in policy analysis and political science. This article argues that an important yet missing piece of this puzzle is the systematic exploration of the political use of policy knowledge. While much of the recent debate has focused on the question of how the substantive use of knowledge can improve the quality of policy choices, our understanding of the political use of knowledge and its effects in the policy process has remained deficient in key respects. A revised conceptualization of the political use of knowledge is introduced that emphasizes how conflicting knowledge can be used to contest given structures of policy authority. This allows the analysis to differentiate between knowledge creep and knowledge shifts as two distinct types of knowledge effects in the policy process. While knowledge creep is associated with incremental policy change within existing policy structures, knowledge shifts are linked to more fundamental policy change in situations when the structures of policy authority undergo some level of transformation. The article concludes by identifying characteristics of the administrative structure of policy systems or sectors that make knowledge shifts more or less likely.}, language = {en} } @misc{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators}, doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1193160}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96342}, pages = {1 -- 20}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.}, language = {en} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hagen2022, author = {Hagen, Anne Julia}, title = {The North Atlantic Treaty Organization and cross-cultural competence}, isbn = {978-3-86956-527-9}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-53446}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-534463}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xxxii, 202}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This paper examines the function that cross-cultural competence (3C) has for NATO in a military context while focusing on two member states and their armed forces: the United States and Germany. Three dimensions were established to analyze 3C internally and externally: dimension A, dealing with 3C within the military organization; dimension B, focusing on 3C in a coalition environment/multicultural NATO contingent, for example while on a mission/training exercise abroad; and dimension C, covering 3C and NATO missions abroad with regard to interaction with the local population. When developing the research design, the cultural studies-based theory of hegemony constructed by Antonio Gramsci was applied to a comprehensive document analysis of 3C coursework and regulations as well as official documents in order to establish a typification for cross-cultural competence. As the result, 3C could be categorized as Type I - Ethical 3C, Type II - Hegemonic 3C, and Type III - Dominant 3C. Attributes were assigned according to each type. To validate the established typification, qualitative surveys were conducted with NATO (ACT), the U.S. Armed Forces (USCENTCOM), and the German Armed Forces (BMVg). These interviews validated the typification and revealed a varied approach to 3C in the established dimensions. It became evident that dimensions A and B indicated a prevalence of Type III, which greatly impacts the work atmosphere and effectiveness for NATO (ACT). In contrast, dimension C revealed the use of postcolonial mechanisms by NATO forces, such as applying one's value systems to other cultures and having the appearance of an occupying force when 3C is not applied (Type I-II). In general, the function of each 3C type in the various dimensions could be determined. In addition, a comparative study of the document analysis and the qualitative surveys resulted in a canon for culture-general skills. Regarding the determined lack of coherence in 3C correlating with a demonstrably negative impact on effectiveness and efficiency as well as interoperability, a NATO standard in the form of a standardization agreement (STANAG) was suggested based on the aforementioned findings, with a focus on: empathy, cross-cultural awareness, communication skills (including active listening), flexibility and adaptability, and interest. Moreover, tolerance of ambiguity and teachability, patience, observation skills, and perspective-taking could be considered significant. Suspending judgment and respect are also relevant skills here. At the same time, the document analysis also revealed a lack of coherency and consistency in 3C education and interorganizational alignment. In particular, the documents examined for the U.S. Forces indicated divergent approaches. Furthermore, the interview analysis disclosed a large discrepancy in part between doctrine and actual implementation with regard to the NATO Forces.}, language = {en} } @article{CoeruetCoeruet2021, author = {C{\"o}r{\"u}t, G{\"o}zde Yaz{\i}c{\i} and C{\"o}r{\"u}t, İlker}, title = {The neo-liberal conception of empowerment and its limits}, series = {Central Asian survey}, volume = {41}, journal = {Central Asian survey}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0263-4937}, doi = {10.1080/02634937.2021.1969897}, pages = {118 -- 137}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees.}, language = {en} } @incollection{SchoenigerReschKleinschmittetal.2022, author = {Sch{\"o}niger, Franziska and Resch, Gustav and Kleinschmitt, Christoph and Franke, Katja and Thonig, Richard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {The need for dispatchable RES}, series = {Renewable energy based solutions}, volume = {87}, booktitle = {Renewable energy based solutions}, editor = {Uyar, Tanay S{\i}dk{\i} and Javani, Nader}, publisher = {Springer International Publishing}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-05124-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-05125-8_8}, pages = {219 -- 239}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) offers flexible and decarbonised power generation and is one of the few switchable renewable technologies that can generate renewable power on demand. Today (2018), CSP only contributes 5 TWh to European electricity generation but has the potential to become an important generation asset for decarbonising the electricity sector within Europe as well as globally. This chapter examines how factors and key political decisions lead to different futures and the associated CSP use in Europe in the years up to 2050. In a second step, we characterise the scenarios with the associated system costs and the costs of the support policy. We show that the role of CSP in Europe depends crucially on political decisions and the success or failure of policies outside of renewable energies. In particular, the introduction of CSP depends on the general ambitions for decarbonisation, the level of cross-border trade in electricity from renewable sources and is made possible by the existence of a strong grid connection between the southern and northern European Member States and by future growth in electricity demand. The presence of other baseload technologies, particularly nuclear energy in France, diminishes the role and need for CSP. Assuming a favourable technological development, we find a strong role for CSP in Europe in all modelled scenarios: Contribution of 100 TWh to 300 TWh of electricity to a future European electricity system. The current European CSP fleet would have to be increased by a factor of 20 to 60 over the next 30 years. To achieve this, stable financial support for CSP would be required. Depending on framework conditions and assumptions, the amount of support ranges at the EU level from € 0.4 to 2 billion per year, which represents only a small proportion of the total support requirement for the energy system transformation. Cooperation between the Member States could further help reduce these costs.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Molinengo2022, author = {Molinengo, Giulia}, title = {The micropolitics of collaborative governance}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57712}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577123}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 128}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors - be they conveners, facilitators, or participants - to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts - from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) - to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.}, language = {en} } @article{Demmke2022, author = {Demmke, Christoph}, title = {The Legitimacy of civil services in the 21 st century}, series = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, journal = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-19-762812-6}, pages = {928 -- 944}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{LeibRuppel2020, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms}, series = {European Political Science}, volume = {19}, journal = {European Political Science}, number = {3}, issn = {1682-0983}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3}, pages = {336 -- 351}, year = {2020}, abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.}, language = {en} } @misc{ArniCaliendoKuennetal.2014, author = {Arni, Patrick and Caliendo, Marco and K{\"u}nn, Steffen and Zimmermann, Klaus F.}, title = {The IZA evaluation dataset survey}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {122}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43520}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435204}, pages = {22}, year = {2014}, abstract = {This reference paper describes the sampling and contents of the IZA Evaluation Dataset Survey and outlines its vast potential for research in labor economics. The data have been part of a unique IZA project to connect administrative data from the German Federal Employment Agency with innovative survey data to study the out-mobility of individuals to work. This study makes the survey available to the research community as a Scientific Use File by explaining the development, structure, and access to the data. Furthermore, it also summarizes previous findings with the survey data.}, language = {en} } @article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021, author = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof}, title = {The heart of bureaucratic power}, series = {Review of international studies : RIS}, volume = {47}, journal = {Review of international studies : RIS}, number = {3}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0260-2105}, doi = {10.1017/S026021052100005X}, pages = {353 -- 376}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.}, language = {en} } @misc{CaliendoHogenacker2012, author = {Caliendo, Marco and Hogenacker, Jens}, title = {The German labor market after the Great Recession}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {129}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43519}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435195}, pages = {26}, year = {2012}, abstract = {The reaction of the German labor market to the Great Recession 2008/09 was relatively mild - especially compared to other countries. The reason lies not only in the specific type of the recession - which was favorable for the German economy structure - but also in a series of labor market reforms initiated between 2002 and 2005 altering, inter alia, labor supply incentives. However, irrespective of the mild response to the Great Recession, there are a number of substantial future challenges the German labor market will soon have to face. Female labor supply still lies well below that of other countries and a massive demographic change over the next 50 years will have substantial effects on labor supply as well as the pension system. In addition, due to a skill-biased technological change over the next decades, firms will face problems of finding employees with adequate skills. The aim of this paper is threefold. First, we outline why the German labor market reacted in such a mild fashion, describe current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveal some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, the paper analyzes recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the paper gives a brief overview of strategies to combat adequately the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future.}, language = {en} } @misc{Hoffmann2017, author = {Hoffmann, Dierk}, title = {The GDR's Westpolitik and everyday anticommunism in West Germany}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, number = {167}, issn = {1866-8380}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43518}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435184}, pages = {17}, year = {2017}, abstract = {West German anticommunism and the SED's Westarbeit were to some extentinterrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise itsown social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim tosole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmentalaction on both sides. Anticommunism inWest Germany re-developed under theconditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason ofstate and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, theSED branded the West German State as'revanchist'and instrumentalised itsanticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Bothphenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-40766, title = {The future of local government in Europe}, series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, journal = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors}, editor = {Schwab, Christian and Bouckaert, Geert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407661}, pages = {129}, year = {2017}, abstract = {kein abstract vorhanden}, language = {en} } @article{Pschichholz2020, author = {Pschichholz, Christin}, title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?}, series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9}, pages = {7 -- 12}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannVeit2021, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Veit, Sylvia}, title = {The Federal Ministerial Bureaucracy, the Legislative Process and Better Regulation}, series = {Public Administration in Germany}, journal = {Public Administration in Germany}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-53696-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_20}, pages = {357 -- 373}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Over the last decades, Better Regulation has become a major reform topic at the federal and—in some cases—also at the L{\"a}nder level. Although the debate about improving regulatory quality and reducing unnecessary burdens created by bureaucracy and red tape date back to the 1960s and 1970s, the introduction by law in 2006 of a new independent institutionalised body for regulatory control at the federal level of government has brought a new quality to the discourse and practice of Better Regulation in Germany. This chapter introduces the basic features of the legislative process at the federal level in Germany, addresses the issue of Better Regulation and outlines the role of the National Regulatory Control Council (Nationaler Normenkontrollrat—NKR) as a 'watchdog' for compliance costs, red tape and regulatory impacts.}, language = {en} } @article{LieseReiners2019, author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina}, title = {The Eye of the Beholder?}, series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {0191879398}, doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021}, pages = {335 -- 343}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{OllierMetzNunezJimenezetal.2022, author = {Ollier, Lana and Metz, Florence and Nu{\~n}ez-Jimenez, Alejandro and Sp{\"a}th, Leonhard and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {The European 2030 climate and energy package}, series = {Policy sciences}, volume = {55}, journal = {Policy sciences}, number = {1}, publisher = {Springer Science+Business Media LLC}, address = {New York}, issn = {0032-2687}, doi = {10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5}, pages = {161 -- 184}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The European Union's 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.}, language = {en} } @article{DanielsenFleischer2022, author = {Danielsen, Ole Andreas and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {The effects of political design and organizational dynamics on structural disaggregation and integration in Norway 1947-2019}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1468-0491}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12669}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In countries with long-standing agency traditions, the creation of new agencies rarely comes as a large-scale reform but rather as one structural choice of many possible, most notably a ministerial division. In order to make sense of these choices, the article discusses the role of political design-focusing on the role of political motivations, such as ideological turnover, replacement risks and ideological stands toward administrative efficiency-and organizational dynamics-focusing on the role of administrative legacies and existing organizational palettes. The article utilizes data on organizational creations in the Norwegian central state between 1947 and 2019, in order to explore how political design and organizational dynamics help us understand the creation of agencies relative to ministry divisions over time. We find that political motives matter a great deal for the structural choices made by consecutive Norwegian governments, but that structural path dependencies may also be at play.}, language = {en} } @misc{Ceballos2020, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ceballos, Juan Camilo}, title = {The effect of political finance on corruption risk in Colombia}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-48758}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-487586}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {viii, 95}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Conventional wisdom holds that large sums of money poured into election campaigns are the gateway to corruption. Allegations of the corrupting influence of money in politics and policy are widespread on the national level. Yet, little empirical evidence has advanced the understanding of such a link on the local level, coupled with blurred corruption measures. This master's thesis tests the effect of campaign finance on public procurement corruption risks in Colombian municipalities, focusing on donations, small donations, and financial disclosure. To that end, I seized publicly disclosed contribution-level data from the 2015 municipal elections and a novel index of institutionalized public procurement corruption risks based upon contract-level data from the near population of local governments. The analysis shows that donations are negatively associated with overall corruption risk, yet they affect specific corruption risks differently. By contrast, small donations seem to correlate positively with direct awarding for a sub-sample of medium-sized municipalities, whereas in their large-sized counterparts the effect of the former on institutionalized corruption is adverse. Finally, financial misreporting is positively linked with market competition restrictions and direct awarding. In the conclusion, I discuss the implications of these findings for future research and outline a series of policy recommendations.}, language = {en} } @article{Doerfler2022, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The effect of expert recommendations on intergovernmental decision-making}, series = {International relations : the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies}, volume = {36}, journal = {International relations : the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0047-1178}, doi = {10.1177/00471178211033941}, pages = {237 -- 261}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The article explores whether and to what extent expert recommendations affect decision-making within the Security Council and its North Korea and Iran sanctions regimes. The article first develops a rationalist theoretical argument to show why making many second-stage decisions, such as determining lists of items under export restrictions, subjects Security Council members to repeating coordination situations. Expert recommendations may provide focal point solutions to coordination problems, even when interests diverge and preferences remain stable. Empirically, the article first explores whether expert recommendations affected decision-making on commodity sanctions imposed on North Korea. Council members heavily relied on recommended export trigger lists as focal points, solving a divisive conflict among great powers. Second, the article explores whether expert recommendations affected the designation of sanctions violators in the Iran sanctions regime. Council members designated individuals and entities following expert recommendations as focal points, despite conflicting interests among great powers. The article concludes that expert recommendations are an additional means of influence in Security Council decision-making and seem relevant for second-stage decision-making among great powers in other international organisations.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Heinemann2017, author = {Heinemann, Maik}, title = {The economic situation in the euro area and some remarks on fiscal and monetary policy}, series = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, booktitle = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-62-0}, pages = {47 -- 63}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Jantz2015, author = {Jantz, Bastian}, title = {The dynamics of accountability in public sector reforms}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-78131}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {182}, year = {2015}, abstract = {This PhD thesis is essentially a collection of six sequential articles on dynamics of accountability in the reformed employment and welfare administration in different countries. The first article examines how recent changes in the governance of employment services in three European countries (Denmark, Germany and Norway) have influenced accountability relationships from a very wide-ranging perspective. It starts from the overall assumption in the literature that accountability relationships are becoming more numerous and complex, and that these changes may lead to multiple accountability disorder. The article explores these assumptions by analyzing the different actors involved and the information requested in the new governance arrangements in all three countries. It concludes that the considerable changes in organizational arrangements and more managerial information demanded and provided have led to more shared forms of accountability. Nevertheless, a clear development towards less political or administrative accountability could not be observed. The second article analyzes how the structure and development of reform processes affect accountability relationships and via what mechanisms. It is distinguished between an instrumental perspective and an institutional perspective and each of these perspectives takes a different view on the link between reforms and concrete action and results. By taking the welfare reforms in Norway and Germany as an example, it is shown that the reform outcomes in both countries are the result of a complex process of powering, puzzling and institutional constraints where different situational interpretations of problems, interests and administrative legacies had to be balanced. Accountability thus results not from a single process of environmental necessity or strategic choice, but from a dynamic interplay between different actors and institutional spheres. The third article then covers a specific instrument of public sector reforms, i.e. the increasing use of performance management. The article discusses the challenges and ambiguities between performance management and different forms of accountability based on the cases of the reformed welfare administration in Norway and Germany. The findings are that the introduction of performance management creates new accountability structures which influence service delivery, but not necessarily in the direction expected by reform agents. Observed unintended consequences include target fixation, the displacement of political accountability and the predominance of control aspects of accountability. The fourth article analyzes the accountability implications of the increasingly marketized models of welfare governance. It has often been argued that relocating powers and discretion to private contractors involve a trade-off between democratic accountability and efficiency. However, there is limited empirical evidence of how contracting out shapes accountability or is shaped by alternative democratic or administrative forms of accountability. Along these lines the article examines employment service accountability in the era of contracting out in Germany, Denmark and Great Britain. It is found that market accountability instruments are complementary instruments, not substitutes. The findings highlight the importance of administrative and political instruments in legitimizing marketized service provision and shed light on the processes that lead to the development of a hybrid accountability model. The fifth and sixth articles focus on the diagonal accountability relationships between public agencies, supreme audit institutions (SAI) and parental ministry or parliament. The fifth article examines the evolving role of SAIs in Denmark, Germany and Norway focusing particularly on their contribution to public accountability and their ambivalent relationship with some aspects of public sector reform in the welfare sector. The article analyzes how SAIs assess New Public Management inspired reforms in the welfare sector in the three countries. The analysis shows that all three SAIs have taken on an evaluative role when judging New Public Management instruments. At the same time their emphasis on legality and compliance can be at odds with some of the operating principles introduced by New Public Management reforms. The sixth article focuses on the auditing activities of the German SAI in the field of labor market administration as a single in-depth case study. The purpose is to analyze how SAIs gain impact in diagonal accountability settings. The results show that the direct relationship between auditor and auditee based on cooperation and trust is of outstanding importance for SAIs to give effect to their recommendations. However, if an SAI has to rely on actors of diagonal accountability, it is in a vulnerable position as it might lose control over the interpretation of its results.}, language = {en} } @book{Tragl2005, author = {Tragl, Stefanie}, title = {The Development of Polish Telecommunications Administration (1989 - 2003)}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3607}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2005}, abstract = {The development of the Polish telecommunications administration in the years 1989/90 to 2003 is marked by the processes of liberalisation and privatisation the telecommunications sector underwent during that period. The gradual liberalisation of the Polish telecommunications sector started as early as 1992. In the beginning, national strategies were pursued. The most important of these was the creation of a bipolar market structure in the local area networks. In the second half of the 1990ies the approaching EU membership accelerated the process of liberalisation and consequently the development of a framework of regulations. EU standards are more directed towards setting out a legal framework for regulation than prescribing concrete details of administrative organisation. Nevertheless, the independent regulatory agencies typical for Western Europe served as a model for the introduction of a new regulatory body responsible for the telecommunications sector in Poland. The growing influence of EU legislation changed telecommunications policy as well as administrative practices. There has been a shift of responsibilities from the ministry to the regulatory agency, but the question remains, if the agency gained enough power to fulfil its regulatory function. In the following the legislative framework created by the EU in telecommunications policy will be described and the model of independent regulatory agencies, as it is typical for most EU countries, will be introduced. Some categories for the analysis of the Polish regulatory system will be deduced from the discussion on the regulations of telecommunication in the established EU-Nations (see B{\"o}llhoff 2002 and 2003, Thatcher 2002a and 2002b, Thatcher/Stone Sweet 2002). Subsequently the basic features of Polish telecommunication policies in the 1990ies and its effects on the telecommunications sector will be outlined. In the third chapter the development of organisational structures on the ministerial level and within the regulatory agency will be examined. In the forth chapter I will look at the distribution of power and the coordination of the various authorities responsible for telecommunication regulations. The focus of this chapter is on the Polish regulatory agency and its relationships with the ministry, with the anti-monopoly office and with the Broadcasting and Television Council. In a conclusion, the main findings will be summed up.}, language = {en} } @article{DijkstraDebre2022, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha}, title = {The death of major international organizations}, series = {Global studies quarterly}, volume = {2}, journal = {Global studies quarterly}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2634-3797}, doi = {10.1093/isagsq/ksac048}, pages = {1 -- 13}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Major international organizations (IOs) are heavily contested, but they are rarely dissolved. Scholars have focused on their longevity, making institutional arguments about replacement costs and institutional assets as well as IO agency to adapt and resist challenges. This article analyzes the limits of institutional stickiness by focusing on outlier cases. While major IOs are dissolved at considerably lower rates than minor IOs, the article nevertheless identifies twenty-one cases where major IOs have died since 1815. These are tough cases as they do not conform to our institutionalist expectations. To better understand these rare but important events, the article provides case illustrations from the League of Nations and International Refugee Organization, which were dissolved due to their perceived underperformance and a disappearing demand for cooperation. These cases show the limits of the institutional theories of IO stickiness: sometimes member states find high replacement costs justified or consider assets as sunk costs, and IOs may lack agency to strategically respond. This article refines theories of institutional stickiness and contributes to the institutional theory of the life and death of IOs. Les principales organisations internationales (OI) sont fortement contest{\´e}es, mais rarement dissoutes. Pour expliquer leur long{\´e}vit{\´e}, les chercheurs ont avanc{\´e} des arguments institutionnels concernant les co{\^u}ts de remplacement et les actifs de l'institution, mais aussi la capacit{\´e} des OI {\`a} s'adapter et {\`a} r{\´e}sister aux d{\´e}fis. Cet article analyse les limites de la persistance des institutions en se concentrant sur des cas particuliers. Tandis que les principales OI sont dissoutes bien moins fr{\´e}quemment que des OI moins importantes, cet article identifie n{\´e}anmoins 21 cas de disparition d'OI principales depuis 1815. Ces derniers sont particuli{\`e}rement difficiles, car ils ne correspondent pas {\`a} nos attentes en termes d'institutions. Afin de mieux comprendre ces {\´e}v{\´e}nements rares, mais non moins importants, l'article propose comme illustrations de cas la Soci{\´e}t{\´e} des Nations et l'Organisation internationale pour les r{\´e}fugi{\´e}s, qui ont {\´e}t{\´e} dissoutes {\`a} cause de leur manque apparent de r{\´e}sultats et de la disparition de la demande de coop{\´e}ration. Ces cas mettent en {\´e}vidence les limites des th{\´e}ories institutionnelles de persistance des OI : parfois, les {\´E}tats membres consid{\`e}rent les co{\^u}ts de remplacement {\´e}lev{\´e}s justifi{\´e}s ou les actifs comme des co{\^u}ts irr{\´e}cup{\´e}rables, et les OI n'ont peut-{\^e}tre pas la capacit{\´e} de leur r{\´e}pondre de mani{\`e}re strat{\´e}gique. Le pr{\´e}sent article affine les th{\´e}ories de persistance institutionnelle et contribue {\`a} la th{\´e}orie institutionnelle de vie et de mort des OI. Las organizaciones internacionales (OI) m{\´a}s importantes son muy cuestionadas, pero rara vez se disuelven. Los investigadores se han centrado en la longevidad de las IO, formulando argumentos institucionales sobre los costes de sustituci{\´o}n y los activos institucionales, as{\´i} como sobre la capacidad de adaptaci{\´o}n y resistencia de las organizaciones internacionales. Este art{\´i}culo analiza los l{\´i}mites de la rigidez institucional centr{\´a}ndose en casos at{\´i}picos. Aunque las OI m{\´a}s importantes se disuelven en proporciones considerablemente menores que las OI de menor importancia, el art{\´i}culo identifica 21 casos en los que OI m{\´a}s importantes desaparecieron desde 1815. Se trata de casos dif{\´i}ciles, ya que no se ajustan a nuestras expectativas institucionalistas. Para comprender mejor estos raros pero importantes acontecimientos, el art{\´i}culo ofrece ejemplos de casos de la Sociedad de Naciones y de la, Organizaci{\´o}n Internacional para los Refugiados que se disolvieron debido a su bajo desempe{\~n}o percibido y a la desaparici{\´o}n de la demanda de cooperaci{\´o}n. Estos casos muestran los l{\´i}mites de las teor{\´i}as institucionales sobre la rigidez de las OI: En ocasiones, los Estados miembros consideran justificados los elevados costes de sustituci{\´o}n o consideran que los activos son costes irrecuperables, y las OI pueden no disponer de capacidad de respuesta estrat{\´e}gica. Este art{\´i}culo profundiza en las teor{\´i}as de la rigidez institucional y contribuye a la teor{\´i}a institucional de la vida y la muerte de las organizaciones internacionales.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Buss2021, author = {Buss, Martin}, title = {The dark side of visionary leadership}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{LeibRuppel2021, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The dance of peace and justice}, series = {International peacekeeping}, journal = {International peacekeeping}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1353-3312}, doi = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726}, pages = {783 -- 812}, year = {2021}, abstract = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.}, language = {en} } @article{HartmannLang2022, author = {Hartmann, Eddy and Lang, Felix}, title = {The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, pages = {104}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{FitziMele2017, author = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mele, Vincenzo}, title = {The corrosion of character}, series = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, volume = {17}, journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {1468-795X}, doi = {10.1177/1468795X17693436}, pages = {143 -- 155}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The topic of this imaginary dialogue between Georg Simmel and Max Weber is the relation between work - in the sense of labour - and personality. Its aim is to show that the thinking of these 'founding fathers' of sociology can furnish valuable insight into the current issue of the corrosion of character in contemporary post-Fordist society. The concept of work still represents one of the major factors determining modern individuals' ability (or inability) to formulate personal, stable identities that enable them to become fully socialized. Both Simmel and Weber make reference to a common theoretical background that views the human being as a creature with originally rational potential, who is faced with the task of becoming a personality by means of consciously chosen life behaviour: This is evident in the parallelism between Simmel's interest in the concept of 'style of life' (Der Stil des Lebens) and Weber's research on the 'life conduct' (Lebensf{\"u}hrung) that arose in Western rationalistic culture.}, language = {en} } @book{KuhlmannDumasHeuberger2022, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heuberger, Moritz}, title = {The capacity of local governments in Europe}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-07961-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-07962-7}, pages = {7 -- 55}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This book compares local self-government in Europe. It examines local institutional structures, autonomy, and capacities in six selected countries - France, Italy, Sweden, Hungary, Poland, and the United Kingdom - each of which represents a typical model of European local government. Within Europe, an overall trend towards more local government capacities and autonomy can be identified, but there are also some counter tendencies to this trend and major differences regarding local politico-administrative settings, functional responsibilities, and resources. The book demonstrates that a certain degree of local financial autonomy and fiscal discretion is necessary for effective service provision. Furthermore, a robust local organization, viable territorial structures, a professional public service, strong local leadership, and well-functioning tools of democratic participation are key aspects for local governments to effectively fulfill their tasks and ensure political accountability. The book will appeal to students and scholars of Public Administration and Public Management, as well as practitioners and policy-makers at different levels of government, in public enterprises, and in NGOs.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschLiese2016, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea}, title = {The authority of international public administrations}, series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9}, doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5}, pages = {97 -- 122}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-42120, title = {The anthropocene debate and political science}, series = {Routledge research in global environmental governance}, journal = {Routledge research in global environmental governance}, editor = {Hickmann, Thomas and Partzsch, Lena and Pattberg, Philipp H. and Weiland, Sabine}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-8153-8614-8}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {260}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Anthropocene has become an environmental buzzword. It denotes a new geological epoch that is human?dominated. As mounting scientific evidence reveals, humankind has fundamentally altered atmospheric, geological, hydrological, biospheric, and other Earth system processes to an extent that the risk of an irreversible system change emerges. Human societies must therefore change direction and navigate away from critical tipping points in the various ecosystems of our planet. This hypothesis has kicked off a debate not only on the geoscientific definition of the Anthropocene era, but increasingly also in the social sciences. However, the specific contribution of the social sciences disciplines and in particular that of political science still needs to be fully established. This edited volume analyzes, from a political science perspective, the wider social dynamics underlying the ecological and geological changes, as well as their implications for governance and politics in the Anthropocene. The focus is on two questions: (1) What is the contribution of political science to the Anthropocene debate, e.g. in terms of identified problems, answers, and solutions? (2) What are the conceptual and practical implications of the Anthropocene debate for the discipline of political science? Overall, this book contributes to the Anthropocene debate by providing novel theoretical and conceptual accounts of the Anthropocene, engaging with contemporary politics and policy-making in the Anthropocene, and offering a critical reflection on the Anthropocene debate as such. The volume will be of great interest to students and scholars of political science, global environmental politics and governance, and sustainable development.}, language = {en} } @misc{Debre2014, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Debre, Maria}, title = {Testing the limits of civil society in Jordan}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-72974}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {iii, 108}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Civil society is either considered as a motor of democratization or stabilizer of authoritarian rule. This dichotomy is partly due to the dominance of domains-based definitions of the concept that reduce civil society to a small range of formally organized, independent and democratically oriented NGOs. Additionally, research often treats civil society as a 'black box' without differentiating between potential variations in impact of different types of civil society actors on existing regime structures. In this thesis, I present an alternative conceptualization of civil society based on the interactions of societal actors to arrive at a more inclusive understanding of the term which is more suited for analysis in non-democratic settings. The operationalization of the action-based approach I develop allows for an empirical assessment of a large range of societal activities that can accordingly be categorized from little to very civil society-like depending on their specific modes of interactions within four dimensions. I employ this operationalization in a qualitative case study including different actors in the authoritarian monarchy of Jordan which suggests that Jordanian societal actors mostly exhibit tolerant and democratically oriented modes of interaction and do not reproduce authoritarian patterns. However, even democratically oriented actors do not necessarily take on an oppositional positions vis-{\`a}-vis the authoritarian regime. Thus, the Jordanian civil society might not feature a high potential to challenge existing power structures in the country.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Territorial administration in Germany}, series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe}, editor = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-59395-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15}, pages = {327 -- 352}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Taten statt Worte}, series = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, booktitle = {Attentat und Gesellschaft}, editor = {Sabrow, Martin}, publisher = {AVA Akademische Verlagsanstalt GmbH}, address = {[Leipzig]}, isbn = {978-3-946281-15-3}, pages = {141 -- 162}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Botsch2021, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Taking nativism to the streets}, series = {Moving the social}, volume = {66}, journal = {Moving the social}, publisher = {Institute for Social Movements}, address = {Bochum}, isbn = {978-3-8375-2491-8}, issn = {2197-0386}, doi = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62}, pages = {43 -- 62}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-56182, title = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-39870-9}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6}, pages = {238}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{BeisheimLiese2014, author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research}, isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannLaffinWayenberg2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Laffin, Martin and Wayenberg, Ellen}, title = {Subnational Government in the Research Spotlight}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_15}, pages = {147 -- 165}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Kuhlmann, Laffin and Wayenberg point out three main strands of subnational changes that have significantly dominated the research field and focus of Permanent Study Group 5. Elaborating upon the Study Group's contributions, the chapter overviews relevant research questions, approaches and findings that have been touched upon concerning local and regional government systems, subnational reforms and their evaluation in a multi-level governance setting. The chapter concludes with zooming in on austerity as a main driver of future developments upon and amongst all levels of government.}, language = {en} } @article{KerstingKuhlmann2018, author = {Kersting, Norbert and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany}, series = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, journal = {Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-64725-8}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5}, pages = {93 -- 118}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German L{\"a}nder. In Berlin, Hamburg and M{\"u}nchen Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other L{\"a}nder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.}, language = {en} } @periodical{OPUS4-9628, title = {Studia politica germanica}, publisher = {Wydzial Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego}, address = {Warzawa}, issn = {2299-372X}, language = {pl} } @misc{Scianna2018, author = {Scianna, Bastian Matteo}, title = {Stuck in the past?}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe}, number = {153}, issn = {1866-8380}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-420615}, pages = {17}, year = {2018}, abstract = {After the Civil War the Spanish army functioned as a guardian of domestic order, but suffered from antiquated material and little financial means. These factors have been described as fundamental reasons for the army's low potential wartime capability. This article draws on British and German sources to demonstrate how Spanish military culture prevented an augmented effectiveness and organisational change. Claiming that the army merely lacked funding and modern equipment, falls considerably short in grasping the complexities of military effectiveness and organisational cultures, and might prove fatal for current attempts to develop foreign armed forces in conflict or post-conflict zones.}, language = {en} } @article{Nuesiri2018, author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.}, title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs}, series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS}, publisher = {Palgrave}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8}, pages = {203 -- 225}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.}, language = {en} } @article{Reichard2006, author = {Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Strengthening competitiveness of local public service providers in Germany}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {72}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852306070079}, pages = {473 -- 492}, year = {2006}, abstract = {This article discusses the challenges for providers of local public services to adapt to increasing marketization and competition in the public sector. Based on some empirical evidence from local government in Germany, the article describes different adaptive measures in the past and shows the legal restrictions to strengthening performance and particularly competitiveness. Furthermore, the article presents some findings from good practice cases of local service providers in Germany who have successfully exposed themselves to market mechanisms. Finally, the article discusses observed results of increased competitiveness in the local government sector, with special regard to quality, efficiency and public employment. The article concludes with describing necessary elements of a competitive regime for public services and with some general reflections about the role of competition in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{Kleinwaechter2021, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz}, title = {Strategischer Faktor Weltraum}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {29}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {178}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-65-4}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {36 -- 41}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @book{Vogt2012, author = {Vogt, Cornelius}, title = {Strategische Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-184-4}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-59287}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {94}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Deutschland hat sich innerhalb kurzer Zeit zu einem bedeutenden sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im Weltraum entwickelt. Am 1. Dezember 2010 stellte die Bundesregierung die deutsche Raumfahrtstrategie vor. Immer wieder ist die Rede von der strategischen Bedeutung des Weltraums f{\"u}r die deutsche Sicherheitspolitik. Eine fundierte und {\"u}berpr{\"u}fbare Begr{\"u}ndung f{\"u}r diese Behauptung fehlt indes. Der Politikwissenschaftler Cornelius Vogt analysiert die strategischen Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik. Seine Untersuchung des strategischen Umfeldes, der nationalen Interessen, des sicherheitspolitischen Nutzens des Weltraums und der wichtigsten Anwendungsfelder zeigt, dass der Weltraum zum unverzichtbaren Bestandteil der gesamtstaatlichen Sicherheitsvorsorge avanciert ist.}, language = {de} } @article{Rieck2022, author = {Rieck, Christian E.}, title = {Strange New Worlds}, series = {European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific}, volume = {2021}, journal = {European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific}, number = {1}, publisher = {Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung}, address = {Singapore}, issn = {0119-5204}, pages = {39 -- 53}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The Indo-Pacific is fast becoming the main arena for great power competition. After explaining the regional power hierarchy, the paper describes how the EU defines like-mindedness as an explicit partnership category in the Indo-Pacific and which of the countries qualify. Finally, the paper also examines the structural problems the EU faces when projecting power into a faraway region such as this one. The paper argues that for China's rise to remain peaceful and in the absence of fully regional security arrangements, other Asian actors are increasingly looking for new regional structures that combine elements of cooperation, competition and containment vis-{\`a}-vis China - including a more pronounced EU role in the region.}, language = {en} } @article{ZimmermannBerdefy2023, author = {Zimmermann, Andreas and Berdefy, Alina-Camille}, title = {Strafverfolgung und Beendigung von Straflosigkeit angesichts des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine}, series = {Ukraine-Krieg und Recht}, volume = {2}, journal = {Ukraine-Krieg und Recht}, number = {4}, publisher = {C.H. Beck}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, pages = {164 -- 167}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @misc{GuskeJacobHirschnitzGarbersetal.2019, author = {Guske, Anna-Lena and Jacob, Klaus and Hirschnitz-Garbers, Martin and Peuckert, Jan and Schridde, Stefan and Stinner, Sven and Wolf, Franziska and Zahrnt, Dominik and Ziesemer, Florence}, title = {Stories that change our world?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {612}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47278}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-472783}, pages = {14}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Narratives are shaping our understanding of the world. They convey values and norms and point to desirable future developments. In this way, they justify and legitimize political actions and social practices. Once a narrative has emerged and this world view is supported by broad societal groups, narratives can provide powerful momentum to trigger innovation and changes in the course of action. Narratives, however, are not necessarily based on evidence and precise categories, but can instead be vague and ambiguous in order to be acceptable and attractive to different actors. However, the more open and inclusive a narrative is, the less impact can be expected. We investigate whether there is a shared narrative in research for the sustainable economy and how this can be evaluated in terms of its potential societal impact. The paper carves out the visions for the future that have been underlying the research projects conducted within the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) funding programme "The Sustainable Economy". It then analyzes whether these visions are compatible with narratives dominating societal discourse on the sustainable economy, and concludes how the use of visions and narratives in research can contribute to fostering societal transformations.}, language = {en} } @article{GuskeJacobHirschnitzGarbersetal.2019, author = {Guske, Anna-Lena and Jacob, Klaus and Hirschnitz-Garbers, Martin and Peuckert, Jan and Schridde, Stefan and Stinner, Sven and Wolff, Franziska and Zahrnt, Dominik and Ziesemer, Florence}, title = {Stories that Change Our World?}, series = {Sustainability}, volume = {11}, journal = {Sustainability}, number = {21}, publisher = {MDPI}, address = {Basel}, issn = {2071-1050}, doi = {10.3390/su11216163}, pages = {14}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Narratives are shaping our understanding of the world. They convey values and norms and point to desirable future developments. In this way, they justify and legitimize political actions and social practices. Once a narrative has emerged and this world view is supported by broad societal groups, narratives can provide powerful momentum to trigger innovation and changes in the course of action. Narratives, however, are not necessarily based on evidence and precise categories, but can instead be vague and ambiguous in order to be acceptable and attractive to different actors. However, the more open and inclusive a narrative is, the less impact can be expected. We investigate whether there is a shared narrative in research for the sustainable economy and how this can be evaluated in terms of its potential societal impact. The paper carves out the visions for the future that have been underlying the research projects conducted within the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) funding programme "The Sustainable Economy". It then analyzes whether these visions are compatible with narratives dominating societal discourse on the sustainable economy, and concludes how the use of visions and narratives in research can contribute to fostering societal transformations.}, language = {en} } @article{EsguerraBeckLidskog2017, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Beck, Silke and Lidskog, Rolf}, title = {Stakeholder Engagement in the Making}, series = {Global environmental politics}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global environmental politics}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00390}, pages = {59 -- 76}, year = {2017}, abstract = {A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.}, language = {en} } @book{FleischerBertelsSchulzeGabrechten2018, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bertels, Jana and Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena}, title = {Stabilit{\"a}t und Flexibilit{\"a}t}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5258-4}, pages = {83}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Wie und warum {\"a}ndern sich die formalen Strukturen von Ministerien? Dieser Band pr{\"a}sentiert die Ergebnisse der ersten umfassenden formalen Organisationsstrukturanalyse der Bundesverwaltung zwischen 1980 und 2015. Neben einer Beschreibung der internen Dynamiken im Zeitverlauf, u.a. zur Anzahl und Verbreitung von Organisationseinheiten, zur Ver{\"a}nderungsintensit{\"a}t und zu den Arten der Ver{\"a}nderungsereignisse, werden zentrale politik- und verwaltungswissenschaftliche Erkl{\"a}rungsperspektiven er{\"o}rtert. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass sich die Bundesministerien in den letzten Jahrzehnten ausdifferenziert haben und dabei (partei-)politische aber auch politikfeldspezifische Motive relevant sind. Daneben wird in zahlreichen Beispielen illustriert, welche externen und internen Faktoren die strukturelle Entwicklung der Bundesverwaltung beeinflussen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Staatsgrenzen im Wandel - eine theoretisch-historische Reflexion}, series = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, edition = {2. erw., Aufl.}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-28-6}, issn = {1861-5139}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {11 -- 26}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @article{NeuhofGirnus2020, author = {Neuhof, Julia and Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung - Ein unbespieltes Feld?}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9}, pages = {109 -- 121}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Der Diskurs {\"u}ber Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beitr{\"a}ge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und {\"u}bernehmen in der Regel Konzepte f{\"u}r den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse f{\"u}r eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.}, language = {de} } @article{Kay2019, author = {Kay, Alex J.}, title = {Speaking the Unspeakable}, series = {Holocaust Studies: A Journal of Culture and History}, volume = {27}, journal = {Holocaust Studies: A Journal of Culture and History}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon, Oxon}, doi = {10.1080/17504902.2019.1637492}, pages = {187 -- 200}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This article discusses the filmic representation of the infamous Wannsee Conference, when fifteen senior German officials met at a villa on the shore of a Berlin lake to discuss and co-ordinate the implementation of the so-called final solution to the Jewish question. The understanding reached during the course of the ninety-minute meeting cleared the way for the Europe-wide killing of six million Jews. The article sets out to answer the principal challenge facing anyone attempting to recreate the Wannsee Conference on film: what was the atmosphere of this conference and the attitude of the participants? Moreover, it discusses various ethical aspects related to the portrayal of evil, not in actions but in words, using the medium of film. In doing so, it focuses on the BBC/HBO television film Conspiracy (2001), directed by Frank Pierson, probing its historical accuracy and discussing its artistic credibility.}, language = {en} } @misc{Kay2019, author = {Kay, Alex J.}, title = {Speaking the unspeakable}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe}, number = {162}, issn = {1866-8380}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43423}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434230}, pages = {14}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This article discusses the filmic representation of the infamous Wannsee Conference, when fifteen senior German officials met at a villa on the shore of a Berlin lake to discuss and co-ordinate the implementation of the so-called final solution to the Jewish question. The understanding reached during the course of the ninety-minute meeting cleared the way for the Europe-wide killing of six million Jews. The article sets out to answer the principal challenge facing anyone attempting to recreate the Wannsee Conference on film: what was the atmosphere of this conference and the attitude of the participants? Moreover, it discusses various ethical aspects related to the portrayal of evil, not in actions but in words, using the medium of film. In doing so, it focuses on the BBC/HBO television film Conspiracy (2001), directed by Frank Pierson, probing its historical accuracy and discussing its artistic credibility.}, language = {en} } @misc{Karrasch2006, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Karrasch, Arne}, title = {Sozialpolitik als Bestandteil des europ{\"a}ischen Integrationsprozesses}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-10858}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2006}, abstract = {Diese im Sommersemester 2006 eingereichte Diplomarbeit im Studiengang Verwaltungswissenschaft setzt sich mit der Frage auseinander, welche Rolle die Sozialpolitik im europ{\"a}ischen Integrationsprozess zwischen 1955 und 1992 spielte. Es wird analysiert, welche einzelnen Bereiche dieses Politikfeldes in welchem Umfang in den Kompetenzbereich der Europ{\"a}ischen Gemeinschaft {\"u}bergingen und welche Gr{\"u}nde f{\"u}r diese Entwicklung zu nennen sind. Ein besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Sozialpolitik zur Wirtschaftspolitik gelegt. Die Europ{\"a}ische Kommission, einzelne Nationalstaaten sowie die organisierten Arbeitgeber- und Arbeitnehmerinteressen stehen dabei im Mittelpunkt des Interesses. Die Arbeit ist chronologisch aufgebaut und in drei Phasen eingeteilt. Phase eins umfasst den Gr{\"u}ndungsprozess der Europ{\"a}ischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft bis zum Ende der 1960er Jahre. Phase zwei beinhaltet den Europ{\"a}ischen Sozialgipfel 1972 und endet mit der Einheitlichen Europ{\"a}ischen Akte. Phase drei schließlich untersucht die Diskussion um das Binnenmarktprojekt und den Vertrag von Maastricht aus einer sozialpolitischen Perspektive.}, subject = {Europ{\"a}ische Integration}, language = {de} } @article{Hilser2015, author = {Hilser, Katja}, title = {Soziale Grundsicherungssysteme als Instrument der Armutsbek{\"a}mpfung in Entwicklungsl{\"a}ndern}, series = {Nachhaltige Grundsicherung: Armut {\"u}berwinden - nat{\"u}rliche Lebensgrundlagen erhalten}, journal = {Nachhaltige Grundsicherung: Armut {\"u}berwinden - nat{\"u}rliche Lebensgrundlagen erhalten}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81713}, pages = {85 -- 98}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @misc{Michel2020, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Michel, Beno{\^i}t}, title = {Soutenir l'innovation dans le secteur spatial}, series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, journal = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2701-391X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43599}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435997}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XVII, 59}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Seit dem Beginn der Raumfahrzeit in den F{\"u}nfzigern haben Frankreich und Deutschland zur Entstehung einer europ{\"a}ischen Raumfahrtindustrie beigetragen. Beide L{\"a}nder sind in diesem Sektor Hauptakteure und Hauptpartner. Die Europ{\"a}ische Weltraumorganisation, die sich auf diese zivile und milit{\"a}rische Doppelindustrie st{\"u}tzt, hat Europa auf der Weltb{\"u}hne einen wichtigen Platz einger{\"a}umt. Um die Jahrhundertwende hat das Schaffen von Clustern dazu beigetragen, die Innovation in einem Sektor zu unterst{\"u}tzen, der wegen neuer internationaler Akteure in Frage gestellt wird. Diese Cluster haben sich auf der wirtschaftlichen Ebene des Sektors etabliert: in diesen Organisationen koexistieren private und {\"o}ffentliche Akteure, die von der Forschung bis zur Implementierung der entwickelten Technologien zusammenarbeiten. Zu der Vielzahl der Maßnahmen zur Innovationsf{\"o}rderung in Frankreich und Deutschland werden nun die von der Europ{\"a}ischen Kommission festgelegten europ{\"a}ischen Ziele hinzugef{\"u}gt. Wettbewerbscluster werden nicht mehr als privilegierte Instrumente der europ{\"a}ischen Weltraumpolitik identifiziert wie in den deutsch-franz{\"o}sischen Kooperationsprojekten der letzten Jahre. Die lokalen Kapazit{\"a}ten dieser Organisationen sind nicht den heutigen europ{\"a}ischen wirtschaftlichen Probleme angepasst und erlauben es nicht, sich effektiv in die moderne Raumfahrtindustrie zu integrieren.}, language = {fr} } @article{RingelingReichard2019, author = {Ringeling, Arthur and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Some Reflections on the Development of Educaton for Public Administration in Europe}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, pages = {203 -- 212}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{RingelingReichard2018, author = {Ringeling, Arthur and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Some Reflections on the Development of Education for Public Administration in Europe}, series = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92856-2}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_19}, pages = {203 -- 212}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The chapter presents an overview about the evolution of the teaching dimension in the academic debate within the EGPA community. Major topics of EGPA's permanent study group on "PA and teaching" over the last decade are displayed. From a more general perspective, the authors discuss the various types and target groups of academic programs in Public Administration and their change over time. They also shed some light on the change of contents and pedagogical approaches in the last decades. Furthermore, different patterns and degrees of institutionalization of Public Administration as academic discipline across Europe are illustrated. In a short r{\´e}sum{\´e} the authors reflect about future educational developments in our field and about the role of EGPA}, language = {en} } @book{Kleger2011, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Solidarit{\"a}t in der Euro-Krise}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, volume = {4}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, publisher = {WeltTrends e.V}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-27-6}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {9}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Ende Juli 2011 jubelt die europ{\"a}ische Presse: Endlich gebe es die n{\"o}tige Solidarit{\"a}t in der Euro-Zone. Die Angriffe der Rating-Agenturen k{\"o}nnten abgewehrt, die Interessen der Finanzm{\"a}rkte befriedet werden. Was aber heißt Solidarit{\"a}t hier und heute? Wie ist sie in der Europ{\"a}ischen Union verankert, formal, rechtlich und politisch? Mit was f{\"u}r einer Krise haben wir es {\"u}berhaupt zu tun? Was verbindet die eingeforderte Solidarit{\"a}t mit der Demokratie? Und welche Rolle spielt Deutschland in dieser Krise? Antworten auf diese Fragen bietet der Text von Heinz Kleger.}, language = {de} } @book{Kersten2013, author = {Kersten, Jan}, title = {Soft Power und Milit{\"a}r : eine Untersuchung zum Afghanistan-Einsatz der Bundeswehr}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-263-6}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-66984}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {107}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Soft Power ist zu einem einflussreichen Konzept avanciert - in der Politikwissenschaft, aber auch in der Politik selbst. Dabei bleibt es sowohl theoretisch als auch praktisch umstritten. In der Praxis wird das Konzept instrumentalisiert, um außenpolitisches Handeln von milit{\"a}rischem und wirtschaftlichem Druck positiv abzugrenzen. Unklar ist, wie Soft Power in milit{\"a}rischen Kontexten, in denen Hard Power im Vordergrund steht, funktionieren kann. Anhand des Afghanistan-Einsatzes der Bundeswehr wird dieses Verh{\"a}ltnis analysiert und eine eigene Definition von Soft Power entwickelt.}, language = {de} } @book{TallbergBaeckstrandAartScholteetal.2023, author = {Tallberg, Jonas and B{\"a}ckstrand, Karin and Aart Scholte, Jan and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {SNS Democracy Council 2023}, publisher = {SNS F{\"o}rlag}, address = {Stockholm}, isbn = {978-91-89754-06-5}, pages = {199}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened - while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023.}, language = {en} } @book{Franzke2005, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Slovak Telecom administration : transformation and regulation in a dynamic market}, isbn = {978-3-939469-00-1}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-6530}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2005}, abstract = {This study is analysing the transformation of Slovak administration in the telecommunication sector between 1989 and 2004. The dynamic telecom sector forms a good example for the transition problems of post-socialist administration with special regard to the regulation regime change. After describing briefly the role of the telecom sector within economy, the Slovak sectoral policy is analysed. The focus is layed on telecom legislation (including the regulation framework), liberalization of the telecom market and privatisation of the former state owned telecom operator. The transformation of the organizational structure of the "Slovak telecommunication administration" is analysed in particular at the level of the ministry and the regulating agency.}, subject = {Verwaltung}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2023, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Skepsis und Urteilsbildung im Angesicht epistemischer Ungewissheiten, politischer Kontroversen und Wertkonflikten}, series = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t}, editor = {Busch, Matthias and Keuler, Charlotte}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt/M.}, isbn = {978-3-7566-1579-7}, pages = {130 -- 137}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Botsch2023, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Sinnlose Gewalt?}, series = {Rechte Gewalt : aktuelle Analysen und zeithistorische Perspektiven auf das Land Brandenburg}, booktitle = {Rechte Gewalt : aktuelle Analysen und zeithistorische Perspektiven auf das Land Brandenburg}, editor = {Botsch, Gideon and K{\"o}bberling, Gesa and Schulze, Christoph}, publisher = {Metropol}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86331-716-4}, pages = {69 -- 92}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Mielke2019, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Signals for 2 degrees C}, series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, volume = {9}, journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2043-0795}, doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809}, pages = {87 -- 115}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hirschmann2016, author = {Hirschmann, Nathalie}, title = {Sicherheit als professionelle Dienstleistung und Mythos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-13111-1}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {286}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Nathalie Hirschmann geht der Frage nach, auf welche Weise sich die Sicherheitswirtschaft im System der Sicherheit zu etablieren sucht und wie erfolgreich ihr dies gelingt. Ihre Analyse verdeutlicht, wie Schmuddelimage und begrenzte Kompetenzzuschreibung der Branche einerseits erschweren, neben der Polizei als institutionelle Tr{\"a}gerin der {\"o}ffentlichen Sicherheit zu bestehen, und andererseits, gegen{\"u}ber dem Kunden bzw. Auftraggeber in ein professionelleres Gef{\"u}ge zu treten. Einen inhaltsanalytisch theoriegeleiteten, soziologisch-konzeptionellen Blick einnehmend wird deutlich, welche Ausbaubestrebungen kognitiver und sozialer Art die Sicherheitswirtschaft vorgenommen hat und wo diese an ihre Grenzen stoßen.}, language = {de} } @article{Leib2016, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding}, series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, number = {22}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Bradford}, issn = {1742-0601}, pages = {25 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.}, language = {en} } @article{GanghofEppnerPoerschke2018, author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian and P{\"o}rschke, Alexander}, title = {Semi-parliamentary government in perspective}, series = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {53}, journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1036-1146}, doi = {10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488}, pages = {264 -- 269}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more 'normative' than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of 'direct election' equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the 'equilibrium' nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over 'instrumentalist' concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems.}, language = {en} } @book{Doerfler2019, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Security council sanctions governance}, series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, journal = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-42944-232-2}, doi = {10.4324/9780429442322}, pages = {xiii, 239}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Lahti2007, author = {Lahti, Makreeta}, title = {Security cooperation as a way to stop the spread of nuclear weapons? : Nuclear nonproliferation policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31459}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2007}, abstract = {In my dissertation on 'Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nu-clear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968', I study the use of security assistance as nonproliferation policy. I use insights of the Structural Realist and the Rational Institutionalist theories of International Relations to explain, respectively, important foreign policy goals and the basic orientation of policies, on the one hand, and the practical workings and effects of security cooperation on states' behavior, on the other hand. Moreover, I consider the relations of the United States (US) with the two states in light of bargaining theory to explain the level of US ability to press other states to its preferred courses of action. The study is thus a combination of theory proposing and testing and historic description and explanation. It is also policy-relevant as I seek general lessons regarding the use of security cooperation as nonproliferation policy. I show that the US sought to keep the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from acquiring nuclear weapons in order to avoid crises with Moscow and threats to the cohesion of NATO. But the US also saw it as necessary to credibly guarantee the security of the FRG and treat it well in order to ensure that it would remain satisfied as an ally and without own nuclear weapons. Through various institutionalized security cooperation schemes, the US succeeded in this - though the FRG did acquire an option to produce nuclear weapons. The US opposed Israel's nuclear weapon ambitions in turn because of an expectation that Arab states' reactions could otherwise result in greater tension and risks of escalation and a worse balance-of-power in the area. But as also a US-Israel alliance could have led to stronger Arab-Soviet ties and thus a worse balance-of-power, and as it was not in US in-terest to be tied to Israel's side in all regional issues, the US was not prepared to guarantee Israel's security in a formal, credible way like it did in West Germany's case. The US failed to persuade Israel to forgo producing nuclear weapons but gradually, an opaque nu-clear status combined with US arms sales that helped Israel to maintain a conventional military advantage over Arabs emerged as a solution to Israel's security strategy. Because of perceptions that Israel and the FRG had also other options than cooperation with the US, and because the US ability to punish them for unwanted action was limited, these states were able to offer resistance when the US pressed its nonproliferation stance on them.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-63541, title = {Schnittpunkt Politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung}, journal = {Politische Bildung}, editor = {Girnus, Luisa and Panreck, Isabelle-Christine and Partetzke, Marc}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-40121-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-40122-1}, pages = {VI, 296}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{FranzkeRuanodelaFuente2023, author = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, title = {Schlussfolgerungen}, series = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, booktitle = {Politik zur lokalen Integration von Migranten}, editor = {Franzke, Jochen and Ruano de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M.}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-031-21372-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-21373-1_18}, pages = {361 -- 371}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Erwartungsgem{\"a}ß spielen die Traditionen der nationalstaatlichen Migrationspolitik weiterhin eine sehr wichtige Rolle, die Pfadabh{\"a}ngigkeit in diesem Politikfeld bleibt hoch. Die Verteilung der Zust{\"a}ndigkeiten in der Migrationspolitik und der Integration von Migranten in den Nationalstaaten ist nach wie vor sehr unterschiedlich. Bei der Umsetzung von Integrationsstrategien an der Basis sollte die jeweilige Politik auf das Profil sowohl der lokalen Migrantengemeinschaft als auch der einheimischen Bev{\"o}lkerung zugeschnitten sein. Daneben sind ein besseres Migrationsmanagement in der lokalen Verwaltung und das Zusammenspiel von Top-down- und Bottom-up-Bem{\"u}hungen zur Integration von Migranten von Bedeutung.}, language = {de} } @book{NaderiReissner2012, author = {Naderi, Ahmad and Reissner, Johannes}, title = {Schiitische Geopolitik? : zur Politik Irans im Nahen und Mittleren Osten}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, number = {7}, publisher = {Welt Trends e.V}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-40-5}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {22}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Aufgrund seines umstrittenen Atomprogramms ist der Iran ein Dauerbrenner in den Medien. Doch nicht nur deshalb sollte das Land Beachtung finden. Ahmad Naderi gew{\"a}hrt uns einen Blick auf die Geopolitik des Iran, der besonders f{\"u}r die in vielen arabischen Staaten unterdr{\"u}ckten Schiiten Orientierungspunkt sein will. Doch strebt das Land die Hegemonie in der Region an? Johannes Reissner (1949-2009) analysiert das Selbstverst{\"a}ndnis des Iran und seine Verhaltensmuster. Sollte der Westen seine Politik {\"u}berdenken?}, language = {de} } @incollection{Hummel2017, author = {Hummel, Detlev}, title = {Russland-Sanktionen und wirtschaftliche Folgen im Kontext der Euro-Krise}, series = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, booktitle = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-62-0}, pages = {165 -- 194}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @article{ForlenzaTurner2022, author = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Roman Catholicism and democracy}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {149 -- 164}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Klinnert2016, author = {Klinnert, Anne}, title = {Rohstoffpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {24}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {118}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-25-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {24 -- 29}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In den 2000er-Jahren stiegen die Rohstoffpreise enorm an. Ausl{\"o}ser waren die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Schwellenl{\"a}nder, allen voran Chinas, sowie der gestiegene Rohstoffbedarf durch technologische Innovationen. Diese „Rohstoffkrise" ver{\"a}nderte das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Rohstoff exportierenden und importierenden Staaten zueinander. Auch wird Rohstoffpolitik nicht mehr nur unter wirtschaftlichen, sondern ebenso unter {\"o}kologischen und sozialen Kriterien betrachtet. Der Beitrag erl{\"a}utert die Ursachen und benennt Auswirkungen der Krise.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Bosch2020, author = {Bosch, David}, title = {Robo-Advisiory and the consequences for capital market effiency}, series = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, booktitle = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-44-9}, pages = {239 -- 249}, year = {2020}, language = {en} }