@phdthesis{Danken2017, author = {Danken, Thomas}, title = {Coordination of wicked problems}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {VI, 237}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (L{\"a}nder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don't know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center's role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors' behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements.}, language = {en} } @book{Klein2012, author = {Klein, Tanja}, title = {Rechtspopulistische Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-164-6}, issn = {1866-0738}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57703}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {133}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Diese Publikation einer Masterarbeit leistet einen Beitrag, die bestehende Forschungsl{\"u}cke hinsichtlich der Rolle rechtspopulistischer Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen zu f{\"u}llen. Warum haben sich etablierte Parteien und Rechtspopulisten f{\"u}r eine bestimmte Konstellation entschieden? Welche Probleme traten durch den spezifisch rechtspopulistischen Charakter bei der Regierungsbildung auf? Welche Alternativen gibt es? Mittels eines vergleichenden Ansatzes werden dabei als Fallbeispiele die Regierungsbildungsprozesse nach drei Wahlen zu nationalen Parlamenten im Jahr 2010 in Belgien, den Niederlanden und Schweden analysiert.}, language = {de} } @article{FranciscoVasquezCarruthers2022, author = {Francisco V{\´a}squez Carruthers, Juan}, title = {Transitional Justice and Political Opportunism}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57015}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570153}, pages = {39 -- 71}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition?}, language = {en} } @article{Schoeps2011, author = {Schoeps, Julius H.}, title = {Geleitwort}, series = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, journal = {Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven}, isbn = {978-3-86956-038-0}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-52158}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @article{Mair2022, author = {Mair, Theresa}, title = {Transforming Transitional Justice to Address Colonial Crime}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57016}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570160}, pages = {73 -- 109}, year = {2022}, abstract = {While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero's and Nama's struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 - 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach 'from below', it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice.}, language = {en} } @article{Maaser2022, author = {Maaser, Lucas}, title = {Transitional Justice and Nonviolent Resistance}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57047}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570470}, pages = {139 -- 165}, year = {2022}, abstract = {At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China). Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field's current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system. The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims.}, language = {en} } @article{Conner2022, author = {Conner, Sean}, title = {Structural and Socioeconomic Approaches to Justice}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57017}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570170}, pages = {111 -- 138}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Transitional justice is conventionally theorized as how a society deals with past injustices after regime change and alongside democratization. Nonetheless, scholars have not reached a consensus on what is to be included or excluded. Recent ideas of transformative justice seek to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include systemic restructuring and socioeconomic considerations. In the context of Nicaragua — where two transitions occurred within an 11-year span — very little transitional justice took place, in terms of the conventional concept of top-down legalistic mechanisms; however, distinct structural changes and socioeconomic policies can be found with each regime change. By analyzing the transformative justice elements of Nicaragua's dual transition, this chapter seeks to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include how these factors influence goals of transitions such as sustainable peace and reconciliation for past injustices. The results argue for increased attention to transformative justice theories and a more nuanced conception of justice.}, language = {en} } @misc{Massue2018, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Massu{\´e}, Cyriac}, title = {Valoriser les synergies franco-allemandes dans l'innovation au service de la transition {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique. Les le{\c{c}}ons du Programme Inter Carnot Fraunhofer (PICF)}, series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, journal = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, number = {4}, editor = {Proeller, Isabella and Silvia von, Steinsdorff and Sommermann, Karl-Peter and Capitant, David and Larat, Fabrice}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2701-391X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-49189}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-491892}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXI, 112}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Face {\`a} l'urgence environnementale, l'innovation dans le domaine des nouvelles technologies de l'{\´e}nergie (NTE) constitue un d{\´e}fi primordial. Les NTE constituent un march{\´e} concurrentiel en plein expansion, o{\`u} s'affrontent d{\`e}s {\`a} pr{\´e}sent les acteurs de l'innovation internationale. La R\&D {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique repr{\´e}sente donc pour l'Europe un d{\´e}fi multiple : Il s'agit de d{\´e}velopper les technologies qui nous permettrons de r{\´e}duire nos {\´e}missions de gaz {\`a} effet de serre et nos d{\´e}pendances {\´e}nerg{\´e}tiques. L'innovation produite devra {\´e}galement garantir la place de l'industrie europ{\´e}enne {\`a} la pointe du march{\´e} des NTE dans un contexte hautement comp{\´e}titif. La collaboration franco-allemande en mati{\`e}re de R\&D {\´e}nerg{\´e}tique rec{\`e}le ici un potentiel d'innovation disruptive particuli{\`e}rement important, gr{\^a}ce {\`a} des paysages de R\&D fortement compl{\´e}mentaires. Les programmes bilat{\´e}raux constituent un outil prometteur pour la valorisation des synergies inexploit{\´e}es. En permettant la mise en place de partenariats franco-allemands restreints, autour de th{\´e}matiques pr{\´e}cises, ils constituent en effet un outil compl{\´e}mentaire aux programmes europ{\´e}ens. Le Programme Inter Carnot-Fraunhofer (PICF) constitue un exemple abouti de programme bilat{\´e}ral ayant permis la concr{\´e}tisation de collaborations mutuellement b{\´e}n{\´e}fiques dans le domaine des NTE, gr{\^a}ce {\`a} la mise au point d'une proc{\´e}dure harmonis{\´e}e. N{\´e}anmoins, l'analyse du PICF montre {\´e}galement que les programmes bilat{\´e}raux franco-allemands devront pr{\´e}voir la possibilit{\´e} de financements-relai afin de p{\´e}renniser les {\´e}changes. Dans le contexte particulier des NTE, une extension aux projets de d{\´e}monstration ainsi qu'un ciblage des sujets porteurs sur la base d'un comit{\´e} consultatif scientifique ind{\´e}pendant paraissent indispensables. Ces efforts franco-allemands pourront servir de mod{\`e}le {\`a} l'innovation de rupture bas{\´e}e sur la valorisation des synergies intra-europ{\´e}ennes.}, language = {fr} } @misc{Kiefer2021, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Kiefer, Farina}, title = {‚Wir' und ‚die Anderen' - Konstruktionen des Liberalismus und ihre Wirkungen auf die Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-51597}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515975}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {ii, 90, XLIV}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Die aktuelle Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union hat im Umgang mit fl{\"u}chtenden Menschen das Mittelmeer in ein Massengrab verwandelt. Dass auch im Jahr 2021 t{\"a}glich Menschen an den EU-Außengrenzen sterben h{\"a}ngt dabei mit dem Ausbau von Sicherheitsmechanismen zum Zweck eines verst{\"a}rkten Grenzschutzes zusammen. Durch Sicherheitsmechanismen wie bspw. den Ausbau von Frontex und die elektronische Erfassung von Ein- und Ausreisedaten schottet sich die EU dabei immer weiter ab w{\"a}hrend gleichzeitig die Thematik der Flucht und Migration eine zunehmende ‚Versicherheitlichung' erf{\"a}hrt. Die vorliegende Arbeit geht davon aus, dass die Grundz{\"u}ge der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration bereits im liberalen Staatsverst{\"a}ndnis der EU angelegt sind. Mithilfe einer foucaultschen Diskursanalyse hinterfragt die Arbeit daher die historisch entstandenen und im Liberalismus inbegriffenen Vorannahmen {\"u}ber nicht-europ{\"a}ische Menschen und deren Fortentwicklung in die heutigen Politiken der EU. Dabei geht die Arbeit einerseits der Frage nach, wie sich die zunehmende Versicherheitlichung der Migration und der damit verbundene Umgang mit Nicht-Europ{\"a}er*innen an den EU-Außengrenzen erkl{\"a}ren l{\"a}sst. Vertieft wird gefragt, inwieweit sich die konstruierten Wissensmuster {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚wir' und die nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' aus dem Liberalismus in der heutigen EU-Politik wiederfinden. Auf Basis der Werke Michel Foucaults f{\"u}hrt die Arbeit in die Entwicklung liberaler Staatlichkeit seit dem 17. Jahrhundert ein. Erg{\"a}nzt werden diese Darstellungen um eine postkoloniale Perspektive, die eine Darstellung des liberalen Denkens {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚Außen' vermittelt. Gemeinsam legen diese beiden Perspektiven die Strukturen liberalen Denkens offen, die im sp{\"a}teren Verlauf der Analyse in aktuellen EU-Dokumenten wiedererkannt werden. Als Analysedokumente dienen dabei sechs von der EU ver{\"o}ffentlichte Agenden, Verordnungen und Strategien, die die thematische Schnittstelle zwischen Sicherheit und Migration umfassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich ein ‚Othering' - die historisch entstandene Gruppenbildung des homogen begriffenen europ{\"a}ischen ‚Wirs' gegen{\"u}ber den nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' - in der heutigen Politik der EU an deren Außengrenzen reproduziert. Das im 17. Jahrhundert entstandene Sicherheitsdenken des liberalen Staates wird {\"u}ber die Reproduktion bestimmter Wissensmuster in Form von ‚Stories' auf die heutigen EU-Außengrenzen {\"u}bertragen. Nach ‚innen' handelt die EU dabei nach einem Grundsatz der ‚gemeinsamen St{\"a}rke' der europ{\"a}ischen Staaten bzw. der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, w{\"a}hrend nach ‚außen' eine zweckrationale Kooperation mit Drittstaaten verfolgt wird. Statt um die Wahrung von Menschenleben geht es damals wie heute v.a. um den Vorteil Europas bzw. der EU. Von diesen Ergebnissen ausgehend wird die Zunahme der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration an den EU-Außengrenzen durch die Reproduktion des geschichtlich entstandenen Sicherheitsdenkens erkl{\"a}rt.}, language = {de} } @misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit}, title = {Birds of a feather?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {5}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52169}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690}, pages = {27}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.}, language = {en} }