@techreport{Weiss2016,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Weiß, Norman},
  title     = {Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit - was hat Resolution 1325 gebracht?},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {2509-6974},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-92932},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Nowadays, the issues women and peace are connected strongly on the level of UN's security policy as a consequence of resolution 1325 (2000). Which are the legal and factual impli-cations of this development both for the UN and for the Member States? Does their implementation meet the expectations? The study outlines the structure of today's WPS-agenda and discusses how the UN deals with it. Germany's activities to implement her obligations are also discussed.},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{Buss2015,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Buß, Claudia},
  title     = {Die Modernisierung der kommunalen R{\"a}te - Aber wie?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-84200},
  pages     = {98},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Die Mitglieder der Stadtr{\"a}te in den großen deutschen St{\"a}dten sind ehrenamtlich t{\"a}tig und m{\"u}ssen große Herausforderungen, wie die Europ{\"a}isierung der lokalen Ebene oder die Finanzierungsl{\"u}cken im kommunalen Haushalt, bew{\"a}ltigen. Die Ehren{\"a}mtler m{\"u}ssen die Aufgabenbelastung durch Professionalisierungsmechanismen ausgleichen. Welche Arten der Professionalisierungsbed{\"u}rfnisse liegen aber vor und sollten in den deutschen St{\"a}dten gepr{\"u}ft werden? Diese Arbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit konkreten Ver{\"a}nderungen vor Ort, um die Faktoren Zeiteffektivit{\"a}t, Tranzparenz und Informationsverarbeitung zu verbessern. Das empirische Beispiel Potsdam wurde f{\"u}r die Analayse ausgew{\"a}hlt, da {\"u}berdurchschnittlich lang und h{\"a}ufig getagt wird. Die Indikatoren Fraktionsgr{\"o}ße, Positionsmenge oder Engagementl{\"a}nge sollen aufzeigen, in welchem konkreten Rahmen Ver{\"a}nderungen n{\"o}tig und auch gewollt sind. Die Arbeit soll andere St{\"a}dte zur {\"U}berpr{\"u}fung ihrer eigenen R{\"a}te anregen. Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, ob die Belastung der Mitglieder der Stadtr{\"a}te und Stadtverordnetenversammlungen so groß geworden ist, dass Deutschland gar eine dritte f{\"o}derale Ebene ben{\"o}tigt, um die Aufgaben zu bew{\"a}ltigen. Ist nicht eine schleichende dritte Ebene in der Realit{\"a}t bereits vorhanden. Die Analysekriterien sind der zeitliche Umfang des Engagements, die finanzielle Kompensierung der Ehrenamtlichkeit und die Elemente der Parlamentarisierung.},
  subject      = {Professionalisierung},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{Lange2018,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Lange, Felix},
  title     = {Between Systematization and Expertise for Foreign Policy},
  series = {KFG Working Paper Series},
  journal   = {KFG Working Paper Series},
  number    = {8},
  issn      = {2509-3770},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-42189},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-421895},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler's increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with v{\"o}lkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of v{\"o}lkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of 'international society as a legal community' by analysing international practice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{DebreSommerer2023,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Sommerer, Thomas},
  title     = {Weathering the storm?},
  series = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations},
  journal   = {IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations},
  publisher = {UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation},
  address   = {La Jolla, CA},
  pages     = {38},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Democratization scholars are currently debating if we are indeed witnessing a third wave of autocratization. While this has led to an extensive debate about the future of the liberal international order, we still know relatively little about the consequences of autocratization for international organizations (IOs). In this article, we explore to what extent autocratization has led to changes in the composition of IO membership. We propose three different ways of conceptualizing autocratization of IO membership. We argue that we should move away from a dichotomous understanding of regime type and regime change, but rather focus on composition of subregime types to understand current developments. We build on updated membership data for 73 IOs through 2020 to map membership configurations based on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index. Contrary to current debates on the crisis of the liberal order, we find that many IOs are not (yet) affected by broad autocratization of their membership that would endanger democratic majorities or overall democratic densities. However, we also observe the disappearance of formerly homogenous democratic clubs due to democratic backsliding in a number of European and Latin American IO member states, as well as a return of autocratic clubs in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. These findings have important implications for the broader research agenda on international democracy promotion and human right protection as well as the study of legitimacy and the effectiveness of international organizations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{SchwabKrauseMassoud2023,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Schwab, Regine and Krause, Werner and Massoud, Samer},
  title     = {The bombing of hospitals and local violence dynamics in civil wars},
  series = {HiCN Working paper},
  volume    = {403},
  journal   = {HiCN Working paper},
  publisher = {Households in Conflict Network},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {89},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {The impact of civilian harm on strategic outcomes in war has been the subject of persistent debate. However, the literature has primarily focused on civilian casualties, thereby overlooking the targeting of civilian infrastructure, which is a recurrent phenomenon during war. This study fills this gap by examining the targeting of healthcare, one of the most indispensable infrastructures during war and peace time. We contend that attacks on medical facilities are distinct from direct violence against civilians. Because they are typically unrelated to military dynamics, the targeting of hospitals is a highly visible form and powerful signal of civilian victimization. To assess its effects, we analyze newly collected data on such attacks by pro-government forces and event data on combat activities in Northwest Syria (2017-2020). Applying a new approach for panel data analysis that combines matching methods with a difference-in-differences estimation, we examine the causal effect of counterinsurgent bombings on subsequent violent events. Distinguishing between regime-initiated and insurgent-initiated combat activities and their associated fatalities, we find that the targeting of hospitals increases insurgent violence. We supplement the quantitative analysis with unique qualitative evidence derived from interviews, which demonstrates that hospital bombings induce rebels to resist more fiercely through two mechanisms: intrinsic motivations and civilian pressure. The results have important implications for the effects of state-led violence and the strength of legal norms that protect noncombatants.},
  language  = {en}
}