@misc{CaliendoHogenacker2012,
  author    = {Caliendo, Marco and Hogenacker, Jens},
  title     = {The German labor market after the Great Recession},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {129},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43519},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435195},
  pages     = {26},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {The reaction of the German labor market to the Great Recession 2008/09 was relatively mild - especially compared to other countries. The reason lies not only in the specific type of the recession - which was favorable for the German economy structure - but also in a series of labor market reforms initiated between 2002 and 2005 altering, inter alia, labor supply incentives. However, irrespective of the mild response to the Great Recession, there are a number of substantial future challenges the German labor market will soon have to face. Female labor supply still lies well below that of other countries and a massive demographic change over the next 50 years will have substantial effects on labor supply as well as the pension system. In addition, due to a skill-biased technological change over the next decades, firms will face problems of finding employees with adequate skills. The aim of this paper is threefold. First, we outline why the German labor market reacted in such a mild fashion, describe current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveal some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, the paper analyzes recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the paper gives a brief overview of strategies to combat adequately the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Mueller2012,
  author    = {M{\"u}ller, Melanie},
  title     = {Die Zivilgesellschaft in der internationalen Klimapolitik},
  series = {Klimapolitik International},
  journal   = {Klimapolitik International},
  editor    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1868-6222},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81331},
  pages     = {59 -- 66},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Die Zivilgesellschaft hat dazu beigetragen, dass die Klimakonferenz in Kopenhagen zu einem Medienereignis wurde. Fernab großer Demonstrationen haben Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) seit Jahren einen guten Zugang zu den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen. Am Beispiel von Chile wird gezeigt, wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen durch professionellen Lobbyismus ihre Positionen in politische Prozesse einspeisen. Sie befinden sich in einem Spannungsfeld von Kooperation und Instrumentalisierung durch politische Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Schunz2012,
  author    = {Schunz, Simon},
  title     = {Gescheiterte Klimapolitik?},
  series = {Klimapolitik International},
  journal   = {Klimapolitik International},
  editor    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1868-6222},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81347},
  pages     = {67 -- 72},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Der Kopenhagener Klimagipfel 2009 ist mit Spannung erwartet worden. Erreicht wurde lediglich ein Minimalkonsens. Der Autor liefert eine akteurszentrierte Deutung des Kopenhagener Abkommens und stellt die Frage nach dem Pr{\"a}zedenzcharakter der Verhandlungen: Handelte es sich um ein einmaliges Versagen multilateraler Diplomatie oder um einen Vorgeschmack auf die weltpolitische Routine des 21. Jahrhunderts?},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Vu2012,
  author    = {Vu, Thi Thanh Van},
  title     = {Local government on the way to good governance},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-93943},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {vii, 254},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Bad governance causes economic, social, developmental and environmental problems in many developing countries. Developing countries have adopted a number of reforms that have assisted in achieving good governance. The success of governance reform depends on the starting point of each country - what institutional arrangements exist at the out-set and who the people implementing reforms within the existing institutional framework are. This dissertation focuses on how formal institutions (laws and regulations) and informal institutions (culture, habit and conception) impact on good governance. Three characteristics central to good governance - transparency, participation and accountability are studied in the research. A number of key findings were: Good governance in Hanoi and Berlin represent the two extremes of the scale, while governance in Berlin is almost at the top of the scale, governance in Hanoi is at the bottom. Good governance in Hanoi is still far from achieved. In Berlin, information about public policies, administrative services and public finance is available, reliable and understandable. People do not encounter any problems accessing public information. In Hanoi, however, public information is not easy to access. There are big differences between Hanoi and Berlin in the three forms of participation. While voting in Hanoi to elect local deputies is formal and forced, elections in Berlin are fair and free. The candidates in local elections in Berlin come from different parties, whereas the candidacy of local deputies in Hanoi is thoroughly controlled by the Fatherland Front. Even though the turnout of voters in local deputy elections is close to 90 percent in Hanoi, the legitimacy of both the elections and the process of representation is non-existent because the local deputy candidates are decided by the Communist Party. The involvement of people in solving local problems is encouraged by the government in Berlin. The different initiatives include citizenry budget, citizen activity, citizen initiatives, etc. Individual citizens are free to participate either individually or through an association. Lacking transparency and participation, the quality of public service in Hanoi is poor. Citizens seldom get their services on time as required by the regulations. Citizens who want to receive public services can bribe officials directly, use the power of relationships, or pay a third person - the mediator ("C{\`o}" - in Vietnamese). In contrast, public service delivery in Berlin follows the customer-orientated principle. The quality of service is high in relation to time and cost. Paying speed money, bribery and using relationships to gain preferential public service do not exist in Berlin. Using the examples of Berlin and Hanoi, it is clear to see how transparency, participation and accountability are interconnected and influence each other. Without a free and fair election as well as participation of non-governmental organisations, civil organisations, and the media in political decision-making and public actions, it is hard to hold the Hanoi local government accountable. The key differences in formal institutions (regulative and cognitive) between Berlin and Hanoi reflect the three main principles: rule of law vs. rule by law, pluralism vs. monopoly Party in politics and social market economy vs. market economy with socialist orientation. In Berlin the logic of appropriateness and codes of conduct are respect for laws, respect of individual freedom and ideas and awareness of community development. People in Berlin take for granted that public services are delivered to them fairly. Ideas such as using money or relationships to shorten public administrative procedures do not exist in the mind of either public officials or citizens. In Hanoi, under a weak formal framework of good governance, new values and norms (prosperity, achievement) generated in the economic transition interact with the habits of the centrally-planned economy (lying, dependence, passivity) and traditional values (hierarchy, harmony, family, collectivism) influence behaviours of those involved. In Hanoi "doing the right thing" such as compliance with law doesn't become "the way it is". The unintended consequence of the deliberate reform actions of the Party is the prevalence of corruption. The socialist orientation seems not to have been achieved as the gap between the rich and the poor has widened. Good governance is not achievable if citizens and officials are concerned only with their self-interest. State and society depend on each other. Theoretically to achieve good governance in Hanoi, institutions (formal and informal) able to create good citizens, officials and deputies should be generated. Good citizens are good by habit rather than by nature. The rule of law principle is necessary for the professional performance of local administrations and People's Councils. When the rule of law is applied consistently, the room for informal institutions to function will be reduced. Promoting good governance in Hanoi is dependent on the need and desire to change the government and people themselves. Good governance in Berlin can be seen to be the result of the efforts of the local government and citizens after a long period of development and continuous adjustment. Institutional transformation is always a long and complicated process because the change in formal regulations as well as in the way they are implemented may meet strong resistance from the established practice. This study has attempted to point out the weaknesses of the institutions of Hanoi and has identified factors affecting future development towards good governance. But it is not easy to determine how long it will take to change the institutional setting of Hanoi in order to achieve good governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Vogt2012,
  author    = {Vogt, Cornelius},
  title     = {Strategische Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-184-4},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-59287},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {94},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Deutschland hat sich innerhalb kurzer Zeit zu einem bedeutenden sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im Weltraum entwickelt. Am 1. Dezember 2010 stellte die Bundesregierung die deutsche Raumfahrtstrategie vor. Immer wieder ist die Rede von der strategischen Bedeutung des Weltraums f{\"u}r die deutsche Sicherheitspolitik. Eine fundierte und {\"u}berpr{\"u}fbare Begr{\"u}ndung f{\"u}r diese Behauptung fehlt indes. Der Politikwissenschaftler Cornelius Vogt analysiert die strategischen Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik. Seine Untersuchung des strategischen Umfeldes, der nationalen Interessen, des sicherheitspolitischen Nutzens des Weltraums und der wichtigsten Anwendungsfelder zeigt, dass der Weltraum zum unverzichtbaren Bestandteil der gesamtstaatlichen Sicherheitsvorsorge avanciert ist.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-5773,
  title     = {Klimapolitik International},
  editor    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-173-8},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-58354},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {100},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Der Klimawandel birgt globale Risiken. Dies ist weithin anerkannt. Umstritten ist die Frage, wie diesen Gefahren zu begegnen ist. 14 Jahre nach Kyoto ist klar: Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik. Das zeigte zuletzt die UN-Klimakonferenz 2011 in Durban mit ihren unverbindlichen Ergebnissen. In diesem Sammelband analysieren Experten Ursachen f{\"u}r das Scheitern der vergangenen Klima-Konferenzen und Konsequenzen f{\"u}r die k{\"u}nftige Klimapolitik. Insbesondere geht es um die Politik der Akteure China und Indien, um die Rolle der NGOs und die Klimafrage in der Entwicklungspolitik. Zugleich wird die deutsche Klimapolitik diskutiert und die Politik Brandenburgs von der verantwortlichen Ministerin vorgestellt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{AbdolvandJalilvandEskafi2012,
  author    = {Abdolvand, Behrooz and Jalilvand, David Ramin and Eskafi, Fardin},
  title     = {Iran versus USA : Geburtswehen einer neuen Weltordnung ; eine geopolitische Analyse},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-202-5},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-60323},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {44},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Das Paper untersucht die geopolitische Konfrontation zwischen Iran und den USA sowie deren Auswirkung auf eine Ver{\"a}nderung der bestehenden Weltordnung. Es wird deutlich, dass die US-amerikanische Sanktionspolitik nicht nur auf das Nuklearprogramm abzielt, sondern grunds{\"a}tzlich versucht, die Wirtschaftskraft der unabh{\"a}ngig von den Interessen der USA agierenden Regionalmacht zu brechen. Doch die Sanktionspolitik konnte weder eine L{\"o}sung des Nukleardossiers herbeif{\"u}hren noch die Wirtschaftskraft Irans eind{\"a}mmen. Es ist Zeit f{\"u}r eine fundamentale Kurs{\"a}nderung.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ganghof2012,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy?},
  series = {Politics, philosophy \& economics},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Politics, philosophy \& economics},
  number    = {2},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-477860},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise 'neutral' democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus's own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Schroeder2012,
  author    = {Schr{\"o}der, Miriam},
  title     = {China und Indien},
  series = {Klimapolitik International},
  journal   = {Klimapolitik International},
  editor    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1868-6222},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81311},
  pages     = {41 -- 49},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Der Artikel analysiert die neue Rolle aufsteigender Schwellenl{\"a}nder in den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen am Beispiel Chinas und Indiens. Die Ablehnung verbindlicher Reduktionsziele f{\"u}r Treibhausgase wurde in Kopenhagen als Blockadepolitik beider L{\"a}nder gewertet. China und Indien k{\"o}nnen sich in ihrer Position behaupten, da ihr gestiegenes Gewicht in der multipolaren Weltordnung und die Unt{\"a}tigkeit f{\"u}hrender Industriel{\"a}nder ihre Verhandlungsposition st{\"a}rkt. Die Autorin diskutiert Kooperationsm{\"o}glichkeiten auf subnationaler Ebene, die die Blockadeposition nationaler Regierungen umgehen k{\"o}nnen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{Schumacher2012,
  author    = {Schumacher, Reinhard},
  title     = {Free trade and absolute and comparative advantage : a critical comparison of two major theories of international trade},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-195-0},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-60237},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {108},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {This thesis deals with two theories of international trade: the theory of comparative advantage, which is connected to the name David Ricardo and is dominating current trade theory, and Adam Smith's theory of absolute advantage. Both theories are compared and their assumptions are scrutinised. The former theory is rejected on theoretical and empirical grounds in favour of the latter. On the basis of the theory of absolute advantage, developments of free international trade are examined, whereby the focus is on trade between industrial and underdeveloped countries. The main conclusions are that trade patterns are determined by absolute production cost advantages and that the gap between developed and poor countries is not reduced but rather increased by free trade.},
  language  = {en}
}