@incollection{DoerflerHosli2013, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Hosli, Madeleine O.}, title = {Reforming the United Nations Security Council}, series = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization}, booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-415-50143-9}, doi = {10.4324/9780203405345.ch28}, pages = {377 -- 390}, year = {2013}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2015, author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8}, doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8}, pages = {135 -- 152}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Produktivit{\"a}t als Antwort}, series = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, booktitle = {Politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6}, pages = {163 -- 176}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} } @incollection{KlegerBurkardGillwaldetal.2017, author = {Kleger, Heinz and Burkard, Michaela and Gillwald, Sebastian and Wetzel, Daniel}, title = {Bew{\"a}hrungsproben des Toleranzedikts: Von der Nothilfe zur Integration}, series = {Migrationspolitik in Deutschland und Polen ; Herausforderungen und L{\"o}sungsans{\"a}tze in der europ{\"a}ischen Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, booktitle = {Migrationspolitik in Deutschland und Polen ; Herausforderungen und L{\"o}sungsans{\"a}tze in der europ{\"a}ischen Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-64-4}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {231 -- 257}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @incollection{Weith2017, author = {Weith, Thomas}, title = {German-Polish border region}, series = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, booktitle = {Politics vs. economics : consequences and economic challenges for the East-West partnership}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-62-0}, pages = {243 -- 249}, year = {2017}, language = {de} } @incollection{JuchlerOberle2023, author = {Juchler, Ingo and Oberle, Monika}, title = {Zur Tier-Mensch-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft}, editor = {Oberle, Monika and Stamer, M{\"a}rthe-Maria}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1578-4}, pages = {136 -- 145}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Staatsgrenzen im Wandel - eine theoretisch-historische Reflexion}, series = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, booktitle = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, edition = {2. erw., Aufl.}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-28-6}, issn = {1861-5139}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {11 -- 26}, year = {2016}, language = {de} }