@article{Bruening2020,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Heterogenit{\"a}t},
  series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  publisher = {Wochenschau},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-0953-0},
  pages     = {107 -- 110},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2019,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
  title     = {Faire Repr{\"a}sentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {13},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {1865-2646},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7},
  pages     = {375 -- 397},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Einf{\"u}hrung},
  series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 5},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
  pages     = {122 -- 137},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Droll2020,
  author    = {Droll, Max},
  title     = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13},
  pages     = {171 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020,
  author    = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit},
  title     = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {2524-6976},
  doi       = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
  series = {European Political Science},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {European Political Science},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1682-0983},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
  pages     = {336 -- 351},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
  series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  journal   = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {22},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Bradford},
  issn      = {1742-0601},
  pages     = {25 -- 76},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
  series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {1554-8597},
  doi       = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
  pages     = {6},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
  isbn      = {978-1-10-760936-5},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}