@phdthesis{Molinengo2022,
  author    = {Molinengo, Giulia},
  title     = {The micropolitics of collaborative governance},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-57712},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577123},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {x, 128},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors - be they conveners, facilitators, or participants - to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts - from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) - to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023,
  author    = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz},
  title     = {Governing climate change in Brazil},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58733},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xxvii, 272},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Heuberger2022,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz},
  title     = {Coordinating digital government},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-56269},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-562691},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xiii, 136},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government. The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens' perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany's shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Elsaesser2023,
  author    = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp},
  title     = {United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-62165},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xi, 204},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Ellenbeck2023,
  author    = {Ellenbeck, Saskia},
  title     = {Zwischen Modellierung und Stakeholderbeteiligung - Wissensproduktion in der Energiewendeforschung},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {130},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Die Dekarbonisierung des Energiesystems ist Teil der international im Rahmen des Pariser Klimaabkommens beschlossenen CO2-Minderungsstrategie zur Bek{\"a}mpfung des Klimawandels. Nach den Verhandlungen und Beschl{\"u}ssen der Klimaziele stehen politische Entscheider weltweit nun vor der Frage, wie sie diese erreichen k{\"o}nnen. Dies produziert eine hohe politische Nachfrage nach Wissen um die direkten und indirekten Effekte verschiedener Instrumente und potentiellen Entwicklungspfade einer Energiewende. Dieser gesellschaftliche Bedarf an wissenschaftlichen Antworten zu L{\"o}sungsoptionen wurde im Rahmen einer Klimafolgenforschung, genauer einer Klimapolitikfolgenforschung, aufgenommen. Der relativ neue Zweig einer Energiewendeforschung hat sich weltweit entwickelt, steht dabei allerdings vor der doppelten Herausforderung: Erstens befindet sich das Objekt der Forschung nicht im luftleeren Raum, sondern innerhalb {\"o}konomischer, sozialer und politischer Zusammenh{\"a}nge, hier gesellschaftliche Einbettung genannt. Denn die Frage, wie die Energiewende erreicht werden kann, wird auch außerhalb der Wissenschaft debattiert und stellt damit ein Aushandlungsfeld unterschiedlicher Interessen und Narrative dar. Zweitens befindet sich das zu untersuchende Objekt in der Zukunft, hier unter dem Terminus des strukturellen Nicht-Wissens zusammengefasst. Diese beiden Bedingungen f{\"u}hren dazu, dass konventionelle Methoden der empirischen Sozialforschung nicht greifen und eine {\"O}ffnung und Transformation der Wissenschaft in Hinblick auf neue Methoden vonn{\"o}ten ist (Nowotny 2001, Ravetz 2006, Schneidewind 2013). In dieser Arbeit untersuche ich zwei M{\"o}glichkeiten, wie mit der Herausforderung, Wissen unter der Bedingung des strukturellen Nicht-Wissens und der gesellschaftlichen Einbettung zu produzieren, in der Energiewendeforschung umgegangen wird. Einerseits wird dies durch die Einbeziehung von Stakeholdern, also nicht-wissenschaftlicher Akteure, in den Forschungsprozess getan. Andererseits ist die Nutzung von komplexen {\"o}konometrischen Modellen zur Berechnung von Implikationen und energiewirtschaftlichen Entwicklungspfaden zu einem zentralen Mittel der Wissensgenerierung in der Energiewendeforschung avanciert. Damit wird der als Problem verstandenen strukturellen Bedingung des Nicht-Wissens insofern begegnet, als dass die Ergebnisse von Stakeholder-Involvement und von Modellierungsarbeiten zweifelsohne neues Wissen zur Verf{\"u}gung stellen. Uneinigkeit besteht jedoch darin, wor{\"u}ber dieses Wissen etwas aussagt: Sind es Interessen oder legitime Perspektiven, die Stakeholder in den Forschungsprozess einbringen und sind Modelle vereinfachte Darstellungen der Welt oder sind sie Ausdruck der Vorstellung des Modellierers?},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Mstoiani2023,
  author    = {Mstoiani, Khatuna},
  title     = {Diese Worte sollst du deinen Kindern einsch{\"a}rfen},
  publisher = {epubli},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-7575-0635-3},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {253},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {In der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt der Fokus auf jungen russischsprachigen J{\"u}dinnen und Juden, deren Eltern in den 90er Jahren des 20 Jahrhunderts nach Deutschland eingewandert sind. Im Rahmen dieser Studie wird der Bildungsweg dieser MigrantInnengruppe und deren Erfahrungen in Deutschland aus der biographischen Perspektive nachvollzogen. Der Fokus wird insbesondere auf die biographischen Lebenserfahrungen gelegt, d.h. die allgemeinen Lebensumstände, H{\"u}rden und Schwierigkeiten, die die jungen russischsprachigen J{\"u}dinnen und Juden in Deutschland {\"u}berwinden mussten, um auf ihrem Bildungsweg an ihr Ziel zu kommen. Des Weiteren werden die Rolle des sozialen Umfelds auf die Auswahl ihres Bildungsweges sowie ihre Zugehörigkeit und ihr Beitrag zur deutschen Gesellschaft beleuchtet. Ein weiteres Hauptaugenmerk dieser Arbeit liegt auf den gesellschaftlichen, politischen und famili{\"a}ren Rahmenbedingungen, die den BiographInnen den Zugang zum Bildungsweg erm{\"o}glichten. Die in der Arbeit formulierten Forschungsfragen wurden mithilfe der interpretativen Sozialforschung, genauer, der fallrekonstruktiven Auswertung nach Gabriele Rosenthal beantwortet. Über den biographischen Verlauf der Lebensgeschichte der jungen russischsprachigen J{\"u}dinnen und Juden wurde deutlich, dass die BiographInnen in die säkulare Gesellschaft gehen m{\"u}ssen, um ihren Bildungsweg erfolgreich zu gestalten. Dort erfahren sie einen sehr starken Antisemitismus und sind diesem schutzlos ausgeliefert. Bei allen drei Interviewten wurde diese Erfahrung in der Schule gemacht, an einem Ort, an dem sie Schutz erfahren sollten. Diesen Anfeindungen begegneten sie auf unterschiedliche Weise und sie entwickelten verschiedene Handlungsstrategien. Einige BiographInnen setzen sich auf der intellektuellen Ebene bewusst damit auseinander, andere wiederum versuchen, nicht hinzuschauen und es zu ignorieren. Des Weiteren wurde als Resultat der Untersuchung in einigen Fällen ein {\"u}bereinstimmendes, in anderen ein nicht {\"u}bereinstimmendes Passungsverhältnis zwischen elterlichen Vorstellungen und den Bildungswegen der jungen russischsprachigen J{\"u}dinnen und Juden gefunden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Schweiger2021,
  author    = {Schweiger, Stefan},
  title     = {Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende - Sozialwissenschaftliche Erz{\"a}hlforschung als Methodik nachhaltigkeitsorientierter Politikwissenschaft},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {261},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende: Erz{\"a}hlungen beherrschen die Interpretation des politischen Geschehens mehr als formal und methodisch strenge Argumentationsketten. Dies gilt insbesondere f{\"u}r Demokratien. In Demokratien gilt es zu {\"u}berzeugen und auch zu {\"u}berreden, um Macht zu erhalten, Macht zu sichern oder Akzeptanz f{\"u}r bestimmte politische Vorhaben zu generieren. Diese simple Feststellung l{\"a}sst zwei Schl{\"u}sse f{\"u}r eine transformativ ausgerichtete Politikwissenschaft zu. Erstens k{\"o}nnen transformative Narrative produziert werden, die das Auftreten von {\"o}kologisch, sozial, {\"o}konomisch und kulturell nachhaltigem wahrscheinlicher machen, Zweitens k{\"o}nnen die Narrative von nachhaltiger wie nicht-nachhaltiger Transformation analysiert werden. Beiden Aufgaben widmet sich die Dissertationsschrift. Dabei werden f{\"u}r den transformativen Teil ethnografisch erhobene Daten zu f{\"u}nf transformativen Narrativen verdichtet, die Vorw{\"a}rts- und Vorbildcharakter haben. In den f{\"u}nf Aufs{\"a}tzen wurde auf Diversit{\"a}t zwischen den beschriebenen Protagonisten geachtet, sodass eine breite Leser*innenschaft angesprochen wird. Im analytischen Part wird in einem Aufsatz {\"u}ber diese Vorgehen reflektiert und die Form beschrieben durch die transformative Narrative Wirksamkeit entfalten. Dabei gilt immer, dass die Wissenschaft keine Narrative selbst setzt, sondern mittels nachvollziehbarer Methoden Daten zum Sprechen bringt. Dies ist unter review-Bedingungen gelungen. Neben eines Einsatz von Narrativen in Fragen der Gestaltung der neu entstandenen und weiter entstehenden Energielandschaften behandelt diese Dissertationsschrift a, diskursstrangorientierte als auch institutionsorientierte Erz{\"a}hlungen {\"u}ber die Energiewende. Dabei wurden diskursstrangorientiert die unterschiedlichen Erz{\"a}hlungen der und {\"u}ber energieintensive Unternehmen bez{\"u}glich der EEG-Umlage untersucht und kategorisiert und die Metaphern der Energiewende im Magazin DER SPIEGEL erhoben und analysiert. Institutionsorientiert wurde die Energiewendeerz{\"a}hlung der Partei `Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland´, die Bildsprache des Wirtschaftsministeriums an Hand eines Beispiels sowie die Nachhaltigkeitserz{\"a}hlungen der Zukunftsinstitut GmbH. Schließlich wird nach messbaren Folgen des Nachhaltigkeitsnarrativs in drei Regionen des Rhein-Maas-Gebiets gefragt, was die Arbeit abrunden soll.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Haessler2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}ßler, Marcel},
  title     = {Die Polizei aus Sicht afghanischer Polizisten},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {422},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Melliger2024,
  author    = {Melliger, Marc Andr{\´e}},
  title     = {Effects of exposing renewables to the market},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xi, 139},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Electricity production contributes to a significant share of greenhouse gas emissions in Europe and is thus an important driver of climate change. To fulfil the Paris Agreement, the European Union (EU) needs a rapid transition to a fully decarbonised power production system. Presumably, such a system will be largely based on renewables. So far, many EU countries have supported a shift towards renewables such as solar and wind power using support schemes, but the economic and political context is changing. Renewables are now cheaper than ever before and have become cost-competitive with conventional technologies. Therefore, European policymakers are striving to better integrate renewables into a competitive market and to increase the cost-effectiveness of the expansion of renewables. The first step was to replace previous fixed-price schemes with competitive auctions. In a second step, these auctions have become more technology-open. Finally, some governments may phase out any support for renewables and fully expose them to the competitive power market. However, such policy changes may be at odds with the need to rapidly expand renewables and meet national targets due to market characteristics and investors' risk perception. Without support, price risks are higher, and it may be difficult to meet an investor's income expectations. Furthermore, policy changes across different countries could have unexpected effects if power markets are interconnected and investors able to shift their investments. Finally, in multi-technology auctions, technologies may dominate, which can be a risk for long-term power system reliability. Therefore, in my thesis, I explore the effects of phasing out support policies for renewables, of coordinating these phase-outs across countries, and of using multi-technology designs. I expand the public policy literature about investment behaviour and policy design as well as policy change and coordination, and I further develop an agent-based model. The main questions of my thesis are what the cost and deployment effects of gradually exposing renewables to market forces would be and how coordination between countries affects investors' decisions and market prices.. In my three contributions to the academic literature, I use different methods and come to the following results. In the first contribution, I use a conjoint analysis and market simulation to evaluate the effects of phasing out support or reintroducing feed-in tariffs from the perspective of investors. I find that a phase-out leads to investment shifts, either to other still-supported technologies or to other countries that continue to offer support. I conclude that the coordination of policy changes avoids such shifts.. In the second contribution, I integrate the empirically-derived preferences from the first contribution in to an agent-based power system model of two countries to simulate the effects of ending auctions for renewables. I find that this slows the energy transition, and that cross-border effects are relevant. Consequently, continued support is necessary to meet the national renewables targets. In the third contribution, I analyse the outcome of past multi-technology auctions using descriptive statistics, regression analysis as well as case study comparisons. I find that the outcomes are skewed towards single technologies. This cannot be explained by individual design elements of the auctions, but rather results from context-specific and country-specific characteristics. Based on this, I discuss potential implications for long-term power system reliability. The main conclusions of my thesis are that a complete phase-out of renewables support would slow down the energy transition and thus jeopardize climate targets, and that multi-technology auctions may pose a risk for some countries, especially those that cannot regulate an unbalanced power plant portfolio in the long term. If policymakers decide to continue supporting renewables, they may consider adopting technology-specific auctions to better steer their portfolio. In contrast, if policymakers still want to phase out support, they should coordinate these policy changes with other countries. Otherwise, overall transition costs can be higher, because investment decisions shift to still-supported but more expensive technologies.},
  language  = {en}
}