@incollection{Borgnaes2013, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Jenseits des gr{\"u}nen Wachstumsparadigmas}, series = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert}, editor = {Kellermann, Christian and Meyer, Henning}, publisher = {Suhrkamp}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-518-12662-2}, pages = {280 -- 301}, year = {2013}, language = {de} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2015, author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)}, editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8}, doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8}, pages = {135 -- 152}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HosliDoerfler2020, author = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {The United Nations Security Council}, series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects}, editor = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-21603-0}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Demokratische Aufbr{\"u}che in Berlin}, series = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, booktitle = {Forschen.Lernen.Lehren an {\"o}ffentlichen Orten - The Wider View}, editor = {Jungwirth, Martin}, publisher = {WTM-Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nster}, isbn = {978-3-95987-136-5}, doi = {10.37626/GA9783959871365.0.17}, pages = {155 -- 160}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Theater und politische Bildung}, series = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung}, editor = {Gloe, Markus and Oeftering, Tonio}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Baden-Baden}, isbn = {978-3-8487-5484-7}, doi = {10.5771/9783845296708-59}, pages = {59 -- 74}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Wie {\"a}sthetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn f{\"u}r Sch{\"u}ler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters f{\"u}r politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsf{\"a}higkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel f{\"u}r den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind" von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Politische Urteilsbildung}, series = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, booktitle = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung}, editor = {Oeftering, Tonio and Meints-Stender, Waltraud and Lange, Dirk}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30675-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30676-2_3}, pages = {41 -- 58}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die F{\"a}higkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbem{\"u}hungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufkl{\"a}rung. Immanuel Kants Ausf{\"u}hrungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von Aufkl{\"a}rung und M{\"u}ndigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl{\"a}rung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage f{\"u}r die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit M{\"u}ndigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der K{\"o}nigsberger Philosoph erkl{\"a}rte hierin eingangs: „Aufkl{\"a}rung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unm{\"u}ndigkeit. Unm{\"u}ndigkeit ist das Unverm{\"o}gen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unm{\"u}ndigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufkl{\"a}rung."}, language = {de} } @incollection{Bruening2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina}, title = {Holocaust Education}, series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, booktitle = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Busch, Matthias and Massing, Peter and Meyer-Heidemann, Christian}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0954-7}, pages = {112 -- 114}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @incollection{BrueningGrewe2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina and Grewe, Stefan}, title = {Historisches Lernen als eigen-sinnige Aneignung vergangener Wirklichkeiten}, series = {Theorien!}, booktitle = {Theorien!}, editor = {Harant, Martin and Thomas, Philipp and K{\"u}chler, Uwe}, publisher = {T{\"u}bingen University Press}, address = {T{\"u}bingen}, isbn = {978-3-947251-19-3}, doi = {10.15496/publikation-45627}, pages = {309 -- 322}, year = {2020}, language = {de} }