@article{BansardHickmannKern2019, author = {Bansard, Jennifer S. and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine}, title = {Pathways to urban sustainability}, series = {GAIA - Ecological Perspectives for Science and Society}, volume = {28}, journal = {GAIA - Ecological Perspectives for Science and Society}, number = {2}, publisher = {Oekom Verlag}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, issn = {0940-5550}, doi = {10.14512/gaia.28.2.9}, pages = {112 -- 118}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Recent years have seen a considerable broadening of the ambitions in urban sustainability policy-making. With its Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 Making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable, the 2030 Agenda stresses the critical role of cities in achieving sustainable development. In the context of SDG17 on partnerships, emphasis is also placed on the role of researchers and other scientific actors as change agents in the sustainability transformation. Against this backdrop, this article sheds light on different pathways through which science can contribute to urban sustainability. In particular, we discern four forms of science-policy-society interactions as key vectors: 1. sharing knowledge and providing scientific input to urban sustainability policy-making; 2. implementing transformative research projects; 3. contributing to local capacity building; and 4. self-governing towards sustainability. The pathways of influence are illustrated with empirical examples, and their interlinkages and limitations are discussed. We contend that there are numerous opportunities for actors from the field of sustainability science to engage with political and societal actors to enhance sustainable development at the local level.}, language = {en} } @article{GroteWagemann2019, author = {Grote, J{\"u}rgen R. and Wagemann, Claudius}, title = {Passions, interests and the need to survive}, series = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, journal = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-1-315-60955-3}, doi = {10.4324/9781315609553-1}, pages = {1 -- 21}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The idea for this book arose out of discontent with essentially three shortcomings in the recent literature on the present state of politics in Western democracies and on forms of collective action. The general message resulting from research in the political economy and in forms of democracy is disastrous. We are confronted with a mix of decline, fragmentation, individualization, diminishing trust in institutions hollowed out from the inside, the hoarding of power by small political and economic elites, and the increasing marginalization and pauperization of vast parts of the population. While the accuracy of these trends shall not be called into question, it is noteworthy, and this is the first shortcoming, to what extent that literature tends to neglect one crucial aspect, namely the capacity of those suffering most from the above malaise to coming together and searching for possibilities of collectively halting, reversing, or otherwise influencing decline in defence of their needs and interests. The second shortcoming concerns the literatures on precisely these actors, namely established trade union research and research on social movements. While both fields acknowledge the extent of the current crisis and have submitted numerous books and articles on how their respective research targets are reacting to it, the situation continues to remain one of indifference. There hardly is cross-fertilization beyond the boundaries of established research traditions. At the same time, empirical reality seems to suggest that forms of joint activity by both types of actors may have become more advanced than theoretical reflection is so far prepared to admit. As observed by Fantasia and Stepan-Norris (2004: 561) students of each of the two forms of collective action "(…) mutually neglect each other". At best, trade union researchers and social movement research envisage their counterpart in purely instrumental}, language = {en} } @misc{GroteWagemann2019, author = {Grote, J{\"u}rgen R. and Wagemann, Claudius}, title = {Preface}, series = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, journal = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-1-315-60955-3}, pages = {X -- XII}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{WagemannGrote2019, author = {Wagemann, Claudius and Grote, J{\"u}rgen R.}, title = {Countermovement formation in times of radical change}, series = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, journal = {Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-1-315-60955-3}, pages = {211 -- 222}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-50648, title = {Social Movements and Organized Labour}, editor = {Grote, J{\"u}rgen R. and Wagemann, Claudius}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Abingdon}, isbn = {978-1-315-60955-3}, pages = {232}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This book is about the building of alliances and about joint activities between two groups of social movement actors ascribed increasing relevance for the functioning and the eventual amendment of democratic capitalism. The chapters provide a well-balanced mix of theoretical and empirical accounts on the political, social and economic catalysts behind the changing motives finding expression in a multitude of novel types of joint collective action and inter-organizational alliances. The contributors to this volume go beyond attempting to place unions, movements, crises, precariousness, protests and coalitions at the centre of the research. Instead, they focus on actors who themselves transcend clear-cut social camps. They look at the values and motives underlying collective action by both types of actors as much as at their structural and strategic properties, and inter-organizational relations and networks. This creates a fresh, genuine and historically valid account of the incompatibilities and the commonalities of movements and unions, and of prospects for inter-organizational learning.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannStehle2019, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee}, title = {The Embeddedness of Urban Climate Politics in Multilevel Governance}, series = {The journal of environment \& development : a review of international policy}, volume = {28}, journal = {The journal of environment \& development : a review of international policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {1070-4965}, doi = {10.1177/1070496518819121}, pages = {54 -- 77}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Numerous scholars have lately highlighted the importance of cities in the global response to climate change. However, we still have little systematic knowledge on the evolution of urban climate politics in the Global South. In particular, we lack empirical studies that examine how local climate actions arise in political-administrative systems of developing and emerging economies. Therefore, this article adopts a multilevel governance perspective to explore the climate mitigation responses of three major cities in South Africa by looking at their vertical and horizontal integration in the wider governance framework. In the absence of a coherent national climate policy, Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban have developed distinct climate actions within their jurisdictions. In their effort to address climate change, transnational city networks have provided considerable technical support to these cities. Yet, substantial domestic political-economic obstacles hinder the three cities to develop a more ambitious stance on climate change.}, language = {en} } @article{Yaka2019, author = {Yaka, {\"O}zge}, title = {Gender and framing}, series = {Women's Studies International Forum}, volume = {74}, journal = {Women's Studies International Forum}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0277-5395}, doi = {10.1016/j.wsif.2019.03.002}, pages = {154 -- 161}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Framing literature has so far failed to construct gender as an analytical category that shapes the ways in which we perceive, identify and act upon grievances. This article builds on the insights of feminist theory and employs the conceptual vocabulary of the social movement framing perspective in maintaining gender as a main parameter of framing processes. Drawing on ethnographic research on local community struggles against hydropower plants in the Eastern Black Sea Region of Turkey, this article maintains the centrality of gender to framing processes. It analyzes the gendered difference between men's macro-framings and women's cultural and socio-ecological framings, which is rooted in their differing relationships with their immediate environment, as well as with the state and its institutions. The article maintains that the framings of women, which represent the immediacy of the environment, are more effective in gaining public support and shaping movement outcomes. In this sense, constructing gender as an important determinant of "frame variation" is essential not only to reveal women's frames that are largely silenced through and within the mechanisms of social movement organization, but also to stress their centrality in shaping repertoires of contention, public reception and movement outcomes.}, language = {en} } @article{RiedererVerwiebeSeewann2019, author = {Riederer, Bernhard Edwin and Verwiebe, Roland and Seewann, Lena}, title = {Changing social stratification in Vienna}, series = {Population, Space and Place}, volume = {25}, journal = {Population, Space and Place}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {New York}, issn = {1544-8444}, doi = {10.1002/psp.2215}, pages = {1 -- 11}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The social stratification systems of major cities are transforming all around the globe. International research has been discussing this trend and focus on changing occupational classes. However, the precise effects on urban households, taking social welfare and different family arrangements into account, as well as the precise effects on people with a migration background, remain unclear. Using the example of Vienna, this article examines immigration as a key dimension for social stratification. Although household income structures in Austria have remained comparatively stable over the past two decades, the middle-income share in Vienna (as the sole metropolis in Austria) has dramatically decreased. This predominantly affects people from migrant backgrounds. Using a comprehensive dataset (two waves, N = 16,700 participants, including N = 4,500 migrants), we systematically examine the role of (a) migration-specific and (b) education- and employment-related factors to explain the decline of middle-income migrants. The results of multinomial logistic regression and decomposition analyses suggest that transformations in the labour market is the main driving force. Changing migrant characteristics have counteracted this process. If today's migrants displayed similar showed characteristics (e.g., origin and educational levels) to those prevalent in the past decade, the ethnic stratification disparities would have been even stronger.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making}, series = {Journal of international relations and development}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of international relations and development}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1581-1980}, doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5}, pages = {107 -- 135}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.}, language = {en} } @article{OPUS4-59133, title = {Concepts and theory}, series = {Populism and the crisis of democracy}, volume = {1}, journal = {Populism and the crisis of democracy}, editor = {Fitzi, Gregor and Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Turner, Bryan S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-138-09136-8}, doi = {10.4324/9781315108070}, pages = {xiv, 177}, year = {2019}, abstract = {There is no threat to Western democracies today comparable to the rise of right-wing populism. While it has played an increasing role at least since the 1990s, only the social consequences of the global financial crises in 2008 have given it its break that led to UK's 'Brexit' and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016, as well as promoting what has been called left populism in countries that were hit the hardest by both the banking crisis and consequential neo-liberal austerity politics in the EU, such as Greece and Portugal. In 2017, the French Front National (FN) attracted many voters in the French Presidential elections; we have seen the radicalization of the Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD) in Germany and the formation of centre-right government in Austria. Further, we have witnessed the consolidation of autocratic regimes, as in the EU member states Poland and Greece. All these manifestations of right-wing populism share a common feature: they attack or even compromise the core elements of democratic societies such as the separation of powers, protection of minorities, or the rule of law. Despite a broad debate on the re-emergence of 'populism' in the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century that has brought forth many interesting findings, a lack of sociological reasoning cannot be denied, as sociology itself withdrew from theorising populism decades ago and largely left the field to political sciences and history. In a sense, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy considers itself a contribution to begin filling this lacuna. Written in a direct and clear style, this set of volumes will be an invaluable reference for students and scholars in the field of political theory, political sociology and European Studies. This volume Concepts and Theory offers new and fresh perspectives on the debate on populism. Starting from complaints about the problems of conceptualising populism that in recent years have begun to revolve around themselves, the chapters offer a fundamental critique of the term and concept of populism, theoretically inspired typologies and descriptions of currently dominant concepts, and ways to elaborate on them. With regard to theory, the volume offers approaches that exceed the disciplinary horizon of political science that so far has dominated the debate. As sociological theory so far has been more or less absent in the debate on populism, only few efforts have been made to discuss populism more intensely within different theoretical contexts in order to explain its dynamics and processes. Thus, this volume offers critical views on the debate on populism from the perspectives of political economy and the analysis of critical historical events, the links of analyses of populism with social movement mobilisation, the significance of 'superfluous populations' in the rise of populism and an analysis of the exclusionary character of populism from the perspective of the theory of social closure.}, language = {en} }