@misc{Pommerin2000,
  author    = {Pommerin, Reiner},
  title     = {Reif machen f{\"u}r die Welt! : Gedanken zur Ausbildung einer Elite f{\"u}r internationale Aufgaben},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11619},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today's Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master's of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HerrmannPillathQiuxia1998,
  author    = {Herrmann-Pillath, Carsten and Qiuxia, Zhu},
  title     = {Stille F{\"o}deralisierung oder kalte Desintegration? : Zum institutionellen Wandel des chinesischen Steuerstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11426},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27\%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60\% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sprengel1999,
  author    = {Sprengel, Rainer},
  title     = {Politische Grenzen und politische Karten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11435},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HoffmannLonghurst1999,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Arthur and Longhurst, Kerry},
  title     = {German strategic culture and the changing role of the Bundeswehr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11448},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Archer1999,
  author    = {Archer, Clive},
  title     = {The EU, security and the Baltic region},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11453},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states' return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zaborowski1999,
  author    = {Zaborowski, Marcin},
  title     = {Polens Westgrenze : zwischen rationaler Politik und historischer Erinnerung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11466},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{ImhofRudolph1999,
  author    = {Imhof-Rudolph, Heike},
  title     = {Rentenversicherung in Singapur : der Central Provident Fund},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11478},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Krueger1999,
  author    = {Kr{\"u}ger, Joachim},
  title     = {Rußland und China : eine strategische Partnerschaft?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11489},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Fuhr1999,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {Institutional change and new incentive structures for development : can decentralization and better local governance help?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11492},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {This paper focuses on some of the factors explaining recent trends in decentralisation, and some areas where decentralisation has had a positive impact, including bringing citizens into public affairs, improving sub-national public administration, and stimulating local economic development. It concludes by exploring the dangers and the implications for governments of differing capabilities starting out on the decentralisation path. More specifically, the paper stresses the underlying incentive structures within states in reform. It suggests a country-specific discussion of both vertical and horizontal incentive structures in decentralisation, as well as clear-cut accountability within a public sector in change. While vertical incentive structures mean defined rules for intergovernmental relationships, horizontal incentive structures mean defined rules between local governments, their citizens and the local private sector. Both sets of incentives need to be reformed jointly to stimulate better results from decentralisation and for better performance of local government. Neglecting one of them, could harm development. Above all, politics and processes are key to understanding, and eventually, managing decentralisation effectively.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hain1997,
  author    = {Hain, Simone},
  title     = {Der Berliner St{\"a}dtebaudiskurs als symbolisches Handeln und Ausdruck hegemonialer Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11348},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Luebbe1998,
  author    = {L{\"u}bbe, Hermann},
  title     = {Technokratie : politische und wirtschaftliche Schicksale einer philosophischen Idee},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11355},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Roesler1998,
  author    = {Roesler, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Demokratische und technokratische Wirtschaftsreformer in der DDR : die politischen Schicksale von Fritz Behrens und Wolfgang Berger},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11369},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens', he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pauer1998,
  author    = {Pauer, Jan},
  title     = {Moralisch-politischer Dissens in den deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11371},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols1998,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {"In the National Interest" : Australiens Außenpolitik am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11383},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia's international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia's national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author's judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia's international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country's predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Heuser1998,
  author    = {Heuser, Robert},
  title     = {Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11392},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People's Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Gottwald1998,
  author    = {Gottwald, J{\"o}rn},
  title     = {Democratizing Hainan : das Konzept "Kleine Regierung, große Gesellschaft"},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11407},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In 1988, the Government of the People's Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Thomi1999,
  author    = {Thomi, Walter},
  title     = {Nationalstaatliche Regulation und Dezentralisierung : Local Government Reform in Ghana},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11523},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Ghana's local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments' need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana's 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5\% of the national tax income to the districts.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Forsberg2000,
  author    = {Forsberg, Randall Caroline},
  title     = {Das Dilemma der alleinigen Supermacht : zu einigen milit{\"a}rpolitischen Trends in den USA},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11537},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Montag2000,
  author    = {Montag, Claus},
  title     = {Die USA und die internationale Abwicklung der DDR im Vereinigungsprozeß},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11548},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sakson2000,
  author    = {Sakson, Andrzej},
  title     = {Die Nationalit{\"a}tenpolitik der III. Republik},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11552},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4\% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sattar2000,
  author    = {Sattar, Abdul},
  title     = {Pakistans Sicherheitspolitik : die Reduzierung der nuklearen Gefahr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11585},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols2000,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {Die internationale Qualifikation der außenpolitischen Elite Deutschlands},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11607},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hettlage1997,
  author    = {Hettlage, Robert},
  title     = {Identit{\"a}tsmanagement : soziale Konstruktionsvorg{\"a}nge zwischen Rahmung und Brechung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11275},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Woderich1997,
  author    = {Woderich, Rudolf},
  title     = {Gelebte und inszenierte Identit{\"a}ten in Ostdeutschland},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11288},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kosman1997,
  author    = {Kosman, Marceli},
  title     = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiaupiene1997,
  author    = {Kiaupiene, Jurate},
  title     = {Replik zu Marceli Kosmans Version der litauischen Geschichte},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11307},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman's ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Brenner1997,
  author    = {Brenner, Neil},
  title     = {Globalisierung und Reterritorialisierung : St{\"a}dte, Staaten und die Politik der r{\"a}umlichen Redimensionierung im heutigen Europa},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11314},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Leiteritz2000,
  author    = {Leiteritz, Ralf J.},
  title     = {Deutsche Eliten, ihre Universit{\"a}tsausbildung und Global Public Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11592},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{CroissantThiery2000,
  author    = {Croissant, Aurel and Thiery, Peter},
  title     = {Von defekten und anderen Demokratien},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11629},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Crabtree2000,
  author    = {Crabtree, John},
  title     = {Autoritarismus in Peru : das Fujimori-Regime},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11630},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori's government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Klose2000,
  author    = {Klose, Hans-Ulrich},
  title     = {Wo stehen wir? Was wollen wir? : Zur Debatte um deutsche Eliten und Außenpolitik},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11648},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Geiss2004,
  author    = {Geiß, Paul Georg},
  title     = {Regionalismus und Staatlichkeit in Turkmenistan},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11650},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Regionalism in Central Asia is often identified with the dominance of tribal affiliations in politics. This classification, however, is problematic because it neglects the extent of social change under the Soviet rule. In Soviet Turkmenistan state structures were relatively strong. However, personal relations within the Communist party had preserved patrimonial elements within the state. The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a stronger patrimonialization of authority relations. In Turkmenistan, this process led to an extreme form of a neo-patrimonial state due to the personal and arbitrary rule of its president Nijazov.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hensell2004,
  author    = {Hensell, Stephan},
  title     = {Regieren in Albanien : Herrschaftslogik und Zerfall eines Familienstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11660},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Taking into account historical as well as sociological differences, the author distinguishes between different modes of socialism. On the periphery of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the combination of modern and traditional elements led to the establishment of hybrid political forms. They could be characterized as bureaucratic-patrimonial and associated with a specific type of state: the "peripheral socialist state".},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{GeissSiegrist2011,
  author    = {Geiß, Robin and Siegrist, Michael},
  title     = {Has the armed conflict in Afghanistan affected the rules on the conduct of hostilities?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Rechtswissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Rechtswissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {4},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-41289},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412896},
  pages     = {36},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {The armed conflict in Afghanistan since 2001 has raised manifold questions pertaining to the humanitarian rules relative to the conduct of hostilities. In Afghanistan, as is often the case in so-called asymmetric conflicts, the geographical and temporal boundaries of the battlefield, and the distinction between civilians and fighters, are increasingly blurred. As a result, the risks for both civilians and soldiers operating in Afghanistan are high. The objective of this article is to assess whether - and if so how much - the armed conflict in Afghanistan has affected the application and interpretation of the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution - principles that form the core of legal rules pertaining to the conduct of hostilities.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{McLaughlin2017,
  author    = {McLaughlin, Carly},
  title     = {They don't look like children},
  series = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  journal   = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412803},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {In October 2016, following a campaign led by Labour Peer Lord Alfred Dubs, the first child asylum-seekers allowed entry to the UK under new legislation (the 'Dubs amendment') arrived in England. Their arrival was captured by a heavy media presence, and very quickly doubts were raised by right-wing tabloids and politicians about their age. In this article, I explore the arguments underpinning the Dubs campaign and the media coverage of the children's arrival as a starting point for interrogating representational practices around children who seek asylum. I illustrate how the campaign was premised on a universal politics of childhood that inadvertently laid down the terms on which these children would be given protection, namely their innocence. The universality of childhood fuels public sympathy for child asylum-seekers, underlies the 'child first, migrant second' approach advocated by humanitarian organisations, and it was a key argument in the 'Dubs amendment'. Yet the campaign highlights how representations of child asylum-seekers rely on codes that operate to identify 'unchildlike' children. As I show, in the context of the criminalisation of undocumented migrants', childhood is no longer a stable category which guarantees protection, but is subject to scrutiny and suspicion and can, ultimately, be disproved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{CromeFranzke1997,
  author    = {Crome, Erhard and Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Die DDR und Polen : Betrachtungen {\"u}ber das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Ostdeutschen zu den Polen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11261},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Buerkner2009,
  author    = {B{\"u}rkner, Hans-Joachim},
  title     = {Der lokale Staat als Akteur im Feld kreativer Nischen{\"o}konomien},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {812},
  issn      = {1866-8372},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-41988},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-419889},
  pages     = {16},
  year      = {2009},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{TjadenHaarmannSavaskan2022,
  author    = {Tjaden, Jasper and Haarmann, Esther and Savaskan, Nicolai},
  title     = {Experimental evidence on improving COVID-19 vaccine outreach among migrant communities on social media},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {156},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58740},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587409},
  pages     = {10},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Studies from several countries suggest that COVID-19 vaccination rates are lower among migrants compared to the general population. Urgent calls have been made to improve vaccine outreach to migrants, however, there is limited evidence on effective approaches, especially using social media. We assessed a targeted, low-cost, Facebook campaign disseminating COVID-19 vaccine information among Arabic, Turkish and Russian speakers in Germany (N = 888,994). As part of the campaign, we conducted two randomized, online experiments to assess the impact of the advertisement (1) language and (2) depicted messenger (government authority, religious leader, doctor or family). Key outcomes included reach, click-through rates, conversion rates and cost-effectiveness. Within 29 days, the campaign reached 890 thousand Facebook users. On average, 2.3 individuals accessed the advertised COVID-19 vaccination appointment tool for every euro spent on the campaign. Migrants were 2.4 (Arabic), 1.8 (Russian) and 1.2 (Turkish) times more likely to click on advertisements translated to their native language compared to German-language advertisements. Furthermore, findings showed that government representatives can be more successful in engaging migrants online compared to other messengers, despite common claims of lower trust in government institutions among migrants. This study highlights the potential of tailored, and translated, vaccination campaigns on social media for reaching migrants who may be left out by traditional media campaigns.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{OPUS4-4548,
  title     = {Dritte im Bund: die Geliebte},
  organization    = {Flitner, Elisabeth (Hg.) , Valtin, Renate (Hg.)},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47590},
  year      = {1987},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Brigitte Wormbs: Das Wort - Elisabeth Flitner: Verliebt, verlobt , verheiratet - und dann ? Soziologische Gedanken zum Arrangement der Geschlechter - Renate Valtin: Das Thema «Geliebte» in Zeitschriften und Illustrierten. Ein Lehrst{\"u}ck aus dem Patriarchat - Anke H{\"u}per: Alltag der Geliebten - Brigitte Weidenhammer, Siegfried Zepf: «Grenzenlose Erf{\"u}llung» durch Unerf{\"u}llbarkeit ? Die Geliebte und der Mann ihrer Wahl - Luise Reddemann: «Ein kleines Paradies zu dritt . . . » {\"U}ber den verbreiteten Wunschtraum, mit mehreren Partnern zu leben - G{\"u}nther Bittner: Die Geliebte als magische Vervollst{\"a}ndigung - Hildegard Baumgart: Die Bedeutung der «anderen» f{\"u}r die Ehefrau. Erfahrungen aus der Eheberatung - Elga Sorge: Geliebte oder Liebende ? Theologische Gedanken zur Befreiung vom Geliebtwerden - Vera Slupik: Henriette H{\"u}bsch und Ignaz Igel. Die Rechte der Geliebten - Christl Wickert: Politik vor Privatleben. Zum Selbstverst{\"a}ndnis alleinstehender Parlamentarierinnen in der Weimarer Republik - Gisela Breitling: Die Gesch{\"o}pfe des Pygmalion - Mechthild Zeul: Die Geliebte des franz{\"o}sischen Leutnants. Psychoanalytische Deutung eines Films von Karel Reisz - Sara Lennox: Schattenriß eines Liebhabers. Traum und Wirklichkeit der Geliebten in der Prosa von DDR - Autorinnen vor der Wende - Anna Maria Stuby: «Und doch, welch Gl{\"u}ck , geliebt zu werden !» Die Geliebte als literarischer Topos},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{WewerFischer2019,
  author    = {Wewer, G{\"o}ttrik and Fischer, Caroline},
  title     = {Wissensmanagement},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {139},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-50534},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-505341},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Wissen ist f{\"u}r die Bew{\"a}ltigung der Verwaltungsaufgaben eine wichtige Ressource. Das wirft die Frage auf, wie das notwendige Wissen erzeugt, bewahrt, verteilt und auffindbar gemacht werden kann. Ein solches Wissensmanagement kann die Arbeit der Beh{\"o}rden qualitativ verbessern und effizienter machen. Dennoch wird Wissen in der Verwaltungspraxis bisher nur unzureichend gemanagt. Ein systematisches Wissensmanagement erfordert personelle, finanzielle und technische Ressourcen. Sind diese nicht vorhanden, k{\"o}nnen Verwaltungen zun{\"a}chst auf einzelne Instrumente des Wissensmanagements zur{\"u}ckgreifen, um ihre Arbeit mit begrenztem Aufwand zu verbessern.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Tjaden2021,
  author    = {Tjaden, Jasper},
  title     = {Measuring migration 2.0},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {149},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-55387},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-553873},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The interest in human migration is at its all-time high, yet data to measure migration is notoriously limited. "Big data" or "digital trace data" have emerged as new sources of migration measurement complementing 'traditional' census, administrative and survey data. This paper reviews the strengths and weaknesses of eight novel, digital data sources along five domains: reliability, validity, scope, access and ethics. The review highlights the opportunities for migration scholars but also stresses the ethical and empirical challenges. This review intends to be of service to researchers and policy analysts alike and help them navigate this new and increasingly complex field.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SeržantMoroz2022,
  author    = {Seržant, Ilja A. and Moroz, George A.},
  title     = {Universal attractors in language evolution provide evidence for the kinds of efficiency pressures involved},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe},
  number    = {180},
  issn      = {1866-8380},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58397},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-583976},
  pages     = {9},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Efficiency is central to understanding the communicative and cognitive underpinnings of language. However, efficiency management is a complex mechanism in which different efficiency effects-such as articulatory, processing and planning ease, mental accessibility, and informativity, online and offline efficiency effects-conspire to yield the coding of linguistic signs. While we do not yet exactly understand the interactional mechanism of these different effects, we argue that universal attractors are an important component of any dynamic theory of efficiency that would be aimed at predicting efficiency effects across languages. Attractors are defined as universal states around which language evolution revolves. Methodologically, we approach efficiency from a cross-linguistic perspective on the basis of a world-wide sample of 383 languages from 53 families, balancing all six macro-areas (Eurasia, North and South America, Australia, Africa, and Oceania). We explore the grammatical domain of verbal person-number subject indexes. We claim that there is an attractor state in this domain to which languages tend to develop and tend not to leave if they happen to comply with the attractor in their earlier stages of evolution. The attractor is characterized by different lengths for each person and number combination, structured along Zipf's predictions. Moreover, the attractor strongly prefers non-compositional, cumulative coding of person and number. On the basis of these and other properties of the attractor, we conclude that there are two domains in which efficiency pressures are most powerful: strive towards less processing and articulatory effort. The latter, however, is overridden by constant information flow. Strive towards lower lexicon complexity and memory costs are weaker efficiency pressures for this grammatical category due to its order of frequency.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HoffmannWilbertLehoferetal.2021,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Lisa and Wilbert, J{\"u}rgen and Lehofer, Mike and Schwab, Susanne},
  title     = {Are we good friends?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {4},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-52535},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-525351},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Empirical studies already examined various facets of the friendship construct. Building on this, the present study examines the questions of how the number of friendships and their quality differ between students with and without SEN and whether a homophily-effect can be identified. The sample consists of 455 fourth-graders from 28 inclusive classes in Austria. The results indicate that students with SEN have fewer friends than students without SEN. Furthermore, students without SEN preferred peers without SEN as a friend. This homophily-effect was shown for students with SEN, too. However, students with and without SEN rated the quality of their friendships similarly and no interactions between the SEN status of oneself or of the friend was found for the quality of the friendship. The results show that, in the context of inclusion, the issue of friendship needs to be increasingly addressed to improve the situation of students with SEN.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SchmidtWellenburg2017,
  author    = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian},
  title     = {Europeanisation, stateness, and professions},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {99},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590},
  pages     = {28},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu's work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Daviter2017,
  author    = {Daviter, Falk},
  title     = {Coping, taming or solving},
  series = {Policy Studies},
  journal   = {Policy Studies},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412684},
  pages     = {19},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KlenkPieper2017,
  author    = {Klenk, Tanja and Pieper, Jonas},
  title     = {Accountability in a privatized welfare state},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403251},
  pages     = {31},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Pichler2017,
  author    = {Pichler, Edith},
  title     = {Double emigration: geographical and cultural?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-395354},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Already at the beginning of the fifties on the initiative of Italy, negotiations began between the Italian and German governments for the recruitment of migrant-workers, which ended in 1955 with a bilateral agreement between the two countries. Through this recruitment policy and because of the labour-market (Industry and Building) the Italian migration was composed prevalently of men. Female immigration happened in the setting of family reunification and less as an independent movement project. After years of stagnation of italian emigration in the eighties it may also be noted that, since the early nineties, there has been a revival of immigration to Germany. This and modernisation processes in Italy changed the gender composition of the Italian immigration flow to Germany: the distance between male and female immigration is decreasing. A peculiarity of the Italians in Germany is the low occupational participation of women in comparison with other women from EU countries. However, we could observe regional differences, which depend on the migration typologies and the dominating economic structure in the areas. The paper will analyse this different aspects (immigration-processes, migrant-typologies and labour-market participation) by female Italian migrants.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FayUrbachScheithauer2019,
  author    = {Fay, Doris and Urbach, Tina and Scheithauer, Linda},
  title     = {What motivates you right now?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {545},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-42735},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-427350},
  pages     = {17},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Regulatory focus is a motivational construct that describes humans' motivational orientation during goal pursuit. It is conceptualized as a chronic, trait-like, as well as a momentary, state-like orientation. Whereas there is a large number of measures to capture chronic regulatory focus, measures for its momentary assessment are only just emerging. This paper presents the development and validation of a measure of Momentary-Chronic Regulatory Focus. Our development incorporates the distinction between self-guide and reference-point definitions of regulatory focus. Ideals and ought striving are the promotion and prevention dimension in the self-guide system; gain and non-loss regulatory focus are the respective dimensions within the reference-point system. Three-survey-based studies test the structure, psychometric properties, and validity of the measure in its version to assess chronic regulatory focus (two samples of working participants, N = 389, N = 672; one student sample [time 1, N = 105; time 2, n = 91]). In two further studies, an experience sampling study with students (N = 84, k = 1649) and a daily-diary study with working individuals (N = 129, k = 1766), the measure was applied to assess momentary regulatory focus. Multilevel analyses test the momentary measure's factorial structure, provide support for its sensitivity to capture within-person fluctuations, and provide evidence for concurrent construct validity.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{UrbachFay2018,
  author    = {Urbach, Tina and Fay, Doris},
  title     = {When proactivity produces a power struggle},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {447},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412968},
  pages     = {17},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Previous research informs us about facilitators of employees' promotive voice. Yet little is known about what determines whether a specific idea for constructive change brought up by an employee will be approved or rejected by a supervisor. Drawing on interactionist theories of motivation and personality, we propose that a supervisor will be least likely to support an idea when it threatens the supervisor's power motive, and when it is perceived to serve the employee's own striving for power. The prosocial versus egoistic intentions attributed to the idea presenter are proposed to mediate the latter effect. We conducted three scenario-based studies in which supervisors evaluated fictitious ideas voiced by employees that - if implemented - would have power-related consequences for them as a supervisor. Results show that the higher a supervisors' explicit power motive was, the less likely they were to support a power-threatening idea (Study 1, N = 60). Moreover, idea support was less likely when this idea was proposed by an employee that was described as high (rather than low) on power motivation (Study 2, N = 79); attributed prosocial intentions mediated this effect. Study 3 (N = 260) replicates these results.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DorbandJakobKalkuhletal.2018,
  author    = {Dorband, Ira Irina and Jakob, Michael and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Steckel, Jan Christoph},
  title     = {Poverty and distributional effects of carbon pricing in low- and middle- income countries},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {103},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-42459},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-424592},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Even though concerns about adverse distributional implications for the poor are one of the most important political challenges for carbon pricing, the existing literature reveals ambiguous results. For this reason, we assess the expected incidence of moderate carbon price increases for different income groups in 87 mostly low- and middle-income countries. Building on a consistent dataset and method, we find that for countries with per capita incomes of below USD 15,000 per year (at PPP-adjusted 2011 USD) carbon pricing has, on average, progressive distributional effects. We also develop a novel decomposition technique to show that distributional outcomes are primarily determined by differences among income groups in consumption patterns of energy, rather than of food, goods or services. We argue that an inverse U-shape relationship between energy expenditure shares and income explains why carbon pricing tends to be regressive in countries with relatively higher income. Since these countries are likely to have more financial resources and institutional capacities to deal with distributional issues, our findings suggest that mitigating climate change, raising domestic revenue and reducing economic inequality are not mutually exclusive, even in low- and middle-income countries.},
  language  = {en}
}