@misc{OPUS4-4548,
  title     = {Dritte im Bund: die Geliebte},
  organization    = {Flitner, Elisabeth (Hg.) , Valtin, Renate (Hg.)},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47590},
  year      = {1987},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Brigitte Wormbs: Das Wort - Elisabeth Flitner: Verliebt, verlobt , verheiratet - und dann ? Soziologische Gedanken zum Arrangement der Geschlechter - Renate Valtin: Das Thema «Geliebte» in Zeitschriften und Illustrierten. Ein Lehrst{\"u}ck aus dem Patriarchat - Anke H{\"u}per: Alltag der Geliebten - Brigitte Weidenhammer, Siegfried Zepf: «Grenzenlose Erf{\"u}llung» durch Unerf{\"u}llbarkeit ? Die Geliebte und der Mann ihrer Wahl - Luise Reddemann: «Ein kleines Paradies zu dritt . . . » {\"U}ber den verbreiteten Wunschtraum, mit mehreren Partnern zu leben - G{\"u}nther Bittner: Die Geliebte als magische Vervollst{\"a}ndigung - Hildegard Baumgart: Die Bedeutung der «anderen» f{\"u}r die Ehefrau. Erfahrungen aus der Eheberatung - Elga Sorge: Geliebte oder Liebende ? Theologische Gedanken zur Befreiung vom Geliebtwerden - Vera Slupik: Henriette H{\"u}bsch und Ignaz Igel. Die Rechte der Geliebten - Christl Wickert: Politik vor Privatleben. Zum Selbstverst{\"a}ndnis alleinstehender Parlamentarierinnen in der Weimarer Republik - Gisela Breitling: Die Gesch{\"o}pfe des Pygmalion - Mechthild Zeul: Die Geliebte des franz{\"o}sischen Leutnants. Psychoanalytische Deutung eines Films von Karel Reisz - Sara Lennox: Schattenriß eines Liebhabers. Traum und Wirklichkeit der Geliebten in der Prosa von DDR - Autorinnen vor der Wende - Anna Maria Stuby: «Und doch, welch Gl{\"u}ck , geliebt zu werden !» Die Geliebte als literarischer Topos},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hain1997,
  author    = {Hain, Simone},
  title     = {Der Berliner St{\"a}dtebaudiskurs als symbolisches Handeln und Ausdruck hegemonialer Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11348},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hettlage1997,
  author    = {Hettlage, Robert},
  title     = {Identit{\"a}tsmanagement : soziale Konstruktionsvorg{\"a}nge zwischen Rahmung und Brechung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11275},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Woderich1997,
  author    = {Woderich, Rudolf},
  title     = {Gelebte und inszenierte Identit{\"a}ten in Ostdeutschland},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11288},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kosman1997,
  author    = {Kosman, Marceli},
  title     = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiaupiene1997,
  author    = {Kiaupiene, Jurate},
  title     = {Replik zu Marceli Kosmans Version der litauischen Geschichte},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11307},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman's ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Brenner1997,
  author    = {Brenner, Neil},
  title     = {Globalisierung und Reterritorialisierung : St{\"a}dte, Staaten und die Politik der r{\"a}umlichen Redimensionierung im heutigen Europa},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11314},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{CromeFranzke1997,
  author    = {Crome, Erhard and Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Die DDR und Polen : Betrachtungen {\"u}ber das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Ostdeutschen zu den Polen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11261},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HerrmannPillathQiuxia1998,
  author    = {Herrmann-Pillath, Carsten and Qiuxia, Zhu},
  title     = {Stille F{\"o}deralisierung oder kalte Desintegration? : Zum institutionellen Wandel des chinesischen Steuerstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11426},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27\%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60\% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Luebbe1998,
  author    = {L{\"u}bbe, Hermann},
  title     = {Technokratie : politische und wirtschaftliche Schicksale einer philosophischen Idee},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11355},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Roesler1998,
  author    = {Roesler, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Demokratische und technokratische Wirtschaftsreformer in der DDR : die politischen Schicksale von Fritz Behrens und Wolfgang Berger},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11369},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens', he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pauer1998,
  author    = {Pauer, Jan},
  title     = {Moralisch-politischer Dissens in den deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11371},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols1998,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {"In the National Interest" : Australiens Außenpolitik am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11383},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia's international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia's national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author's judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia's international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country's predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Heuser1998,
  author    = {Heuser, Robert},
  title     = {Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11392},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People's Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Gottwald1998,
  author    = {Gottwald, J{\"o}rn},
  title     = {Democratizing Hainan : das Konzept "Kleine Regierung, große Gesellschaft"},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11407},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In 1988, the Government of the People's Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sprengel1999,
  author    = {Sprengel, Rainer},
  title     = {Politische Grenzen und politische Karten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11435},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HoffmannLonghurst1999,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Arthur and Longhurst, Kerry},
  title     = {German strategic culture and the changing role of the Bundeswehr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11448},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Archer1999,
  author    = {Archer, Clive},
  title     = {The EU, security and the Baltic region},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11453},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states' return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zaborowski1999,
  author    = {Zaborowski, Marcin},
  title     = {Polens Westgrenze : zwischen rationaler Politik und historischer Erinnerung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11466},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{ImhofRudolph1999,
  author    = {Imhof-Rudolph, Heike},
  title     = {Rentenversicherung in Singapur : der Central Provident Fund},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11478},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.},
  language  = {de}
}