@misc{Pommerin2000,
  author    = {Pommerin, Reiner},
  title     = {Reif machen f{\"u}r die Welt! : Gedanken zur Ausbildung einer Elite f{\"u}r internationale Aufgaben},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11619},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today's Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master's of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HerrmannPillathQiuxia1998,
  author    = {Herrmann-Pillath, Carsten and Qiuxia, Zhu},
  title     = {Stille F{\"o}deralisierung oder kalte Desintegration? : Zum institutionellen Wandel des chinesischen Steuerstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11426},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27\%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60\% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Sprengel1999,
  author    = {Sprengel, Rainer},
  title     = {Politische Grenzen und politische Karten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11435},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HoffmannLonghurst1999,
  author    = {Hoffmann, Arthur and Longhurst, Kerry},
  title     = {German strategic culture and the changing role of the Bundeswehr},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11448},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Archer1999,
  author    = {Archer, Clive},
  title     = {The EU, security and the Baltic region},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11453},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states' return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Zaborowski1999,
  author    = {Zaborowski, Marcin},
  title     = {Polens Westgrenze : zwischen rationaler Politik und historischer Erinnerung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11466},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{ImhofRudolph1999,
  author    = {Imhof-Rudolph, Heike},
  title     = {Rentenversicherung in Singapur : der Central Provident Fund},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11478},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Krueger1999,
  author    = {Kr{\"u}ger, Joachim},
  title     = {Rußland und China : eine strategische Partnerschaft?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11489},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Fuhr1999,
  author    = {Fuhr, Harald},
  title     = {Institutional change and new incentive structures for development : can decentralization and better local governance help?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11492},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {This paper focuses on some of the factors explaining recent trends in decentralisation, and some areas where decentralisation has had a positive impact, including bringing citizens into public affairs, improving sub-national public administration, and stimulating local economic development. It concludes by exploring the dangers and the implications for governments of differing capabilities starting out on the decentralisation path. More specifically, the paper stresses the underlying incentive structures within states in reform. It suggests a country-specific discussion of both vertical and horizontal incentive structures in decentralisation, as well as clear-cut accountability within a public sector in change. While vertical incentive structures mean defined rules for intergovernmental relationships, horizontal incentive structures mean defined rules between local governments, their citizens and the local private sector. Both sets of incentives need to be reformed jointly to stimulate better results from decentralisation and for better performance of local government. Neglecting one of them, could harm development. Above all, politics and processes are key to understanding, and eventually, managing decentralisation effectively.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Hain1997,
  author    = {Hain, Simone},
  title     = {Der Berliner St{\"a}dtebaudiskurs als symbolisches Handeln und Ausdruck hegemonialer Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11348},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.},
  language  = {de}
}