@misc{OPUS4-4548,
  title     = {Dritte im Bund: die Geliebte},
  organization    = {Flitner, Elisabeth (Hg.) , Valtin, Renate (Hg.)},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47590},
  year      = {1987},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Brigitte Wormbs: Das Wort - Elisabeth Flitner: Verliebt, verlobt , verheiratet - und dann ? Soziologische Gedanken zum Arrangement der Geschlechter - Renate Valtin: Das Thema «Geliebte» in Zeitschriften und Illustrierten. Ein Lehrst{\"u}ck aus dem Patriarchat - Anke H{\"u}per: Alltag der Geliebten - Brigitte Weidenhammer, Siegfried Zepf: «Grenzenlose Erf{\"u}llung» durch Unerf{\"u}llbarkeit ? Die Geliebte und der Mann ihrer Wahl - Luise Reddemann: «Ein kleines Paradies zu dritt . . . » {\"U}ber den verbreiteten Wunschtraum, mit mehreren Partnern zu leben - G{\"u}nther Bittner: Die Geliebte als magische Vervollst{\"a}ndigung - Hildegard Baumgart: Die Bedeutung der «anderen» f{\"u}r die Ehefrau. Erfahrungen aus der Eheberatung - Elga Sorge: Geliebte oder Liebende ? Theologische Gedanken zur Befreiung vom Geliebtwerden - Vera Slupik: Henriette H{\"u}bsch und Ignaz Igel. Die Rechte der Geliebten - Christl Wickert: Politik vor Privatleben. Zum Selbstverst{\"a}ndnis alleinstehender Parlamentarierinnen in der Weimarer Republik - Gisela Breitling: Die Gesch{\"o}pfe des Pygmalion - Mechthild Zeul: Die Geliebte des franz{\"o}sischen Leutnants. Psychoanalytische Deutung eines Films von Karel Reisz - Sara Lennox: Schattenriß eines Liebhabers. Traum und Wirklichkeit der Geliebten in der Prosa von DDR - Autorinnen vor der Wende - Anna Maria Stuby: «Und doch, welch Gl{\"u}ck , geliebt zu werden !» Die Geliebte als literarischer Topos},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hain1997,
  author    = {Hain, Simone},
  title     = {Der Berliner St{\"a}dtebaudiskurs als symbolisches Handeln und Ausdruck hegemonialer Interessen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11348},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hettlage1997,
  author    = {Hettlage, Robert},
  title     = {Identit{\"a}tsmanagement : soziale Konstruktionsvorg{\"a}nge zwischen Rahmung und Brechung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11275},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Woderich1997,
  author    = {Woderich, Rudolf},
  title     = {Gelebte und inszenierte Identit{\"a}ten in Ostdeutschland},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11288},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kosman1997,
  author    = {Kosman, Marceli},
  title     = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiaupiene1997,
  author    = {Kiaupiene, Jurate},
  title     = {Replik zu Marceli Kosmans Version der litauischen Geschichte},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11307},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman's ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Brenner1997,
  author    = {Brenner, Neil},
  title     = {Globalisierung und Reterritorialisierung : St{\"a}dte, Staaten und die Politik der r{\"a}umlichen Redimensionierung im heutigen Europa},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11314},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{CromeFranzke1997,
  author    = {Crome, Erhard and Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Die DDR und Polen : Betrachtungen {\"u}ber das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Ostdeutschen zu den Polen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11261},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HerrmannPillathQiuxia1998,
  author    = {Herrmann-Pillath, Carsten and Qiuxia, Zhu},
  title     = {Stille F{\"o}deralisierung oder kalte Desintegration? : Zum institutionellen Wandel des chinesischen Steuerstaates},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11426},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27\%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60\% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Luebbe1998,
  author    = {L{\"u}bbe, Hermann},
  title     = {Technokratie : politische und wirtschaftliche Schicksale einer philosophischen Idee},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11355},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.},
  language  = {de}
}