@misc{Rothermel2023,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {„Fake Science" ― Wissenschaft und Universit{\"a}t in transnationalen Anti-Gender-Diskursen},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-3-8474-2679-0},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-60132},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-601325},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {{\"U}ber kaum ein Thema werden so hitzige Debatten gef{\"u}hrt wie {\"u}ber Geschlechtsidentit{\"a}t. Das Wissen darum, dass Gender sozial konstruiert ist, wird von Anti-Gender Aktivist*innen h{\"a}ufig als ‚Gender-Ideologie' bezeichnet und ruft heftige Gegenreaktionen hervor. Dies gilt nicht nur in Deutschland - sondern l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend. Auff{\"a}llig viele der transnationalen Anti- Gender Mobilisierungen der letzten 20 Jahre finden bezogen auf Bildungseinrichtungen statt. Dieser Beitrag widmet sich der besonderen Rolle der Universit{\"a}t und der Wissenschaft f{\"u}r transnationale Anti-Gender Diskurse. Anhand verschiedener Beispiele zeige ich auf, dass das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen Anti-Gender Bewegungen und Wissenschaft gepr{\"a}gt ist von widerspr{\"u}chlichen Dynamiken, von Abgrenzung aber auch Imitation. In ihrem Zusammenspiel wirken beide Dynamiken mobilisierend und tragen zum Erstarken regressiver Rollenbilder und antidemokratischer rechter Bewegungen in der breiteren Gesellschaft bei. Der letzte Teil des Beitrags ruft daher zu mehr Selbstreflexion der wissenschaftlichen Praxis auf Grundlage feministischer und intersektionaler Ans{\"a}tze auf.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Roesler1998,
  author    = {Roesler, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Demokratische und technokratische Wirtschaftsreformer in der DDR : die politischen Schicksale von Fritz Behrens und Wolfgang Berger},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11369},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens', he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pommerin2000,
  author    = {Pommerin, Reiner},
  title     = {Reif machen f{\"u}r die Welt! : Gedanken zur Ausbildung einer Elite f{\"u}r internationale Aufgaben},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11619},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today's Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master's of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Pichler2017,
  author    = {Pichler, Edith},
  title     = {Double emigration: geographical and cultural?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-395354},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Already at the beginning of the fifties on the initiative of Italy, negotiations began between the Italian and German governments for the recruitment of migrant-workers, which ended in 1955 with a bilateral agreement between the two countries. Through this recruitment policy and because of the labour-market (Industry and Building) the Italian migration was composed prevalently of men. Female immigration happened in the setting of family reunification and less as an independent movement project. After years of stagnation of italian emigration in the eighties it may also be noted that, since the early nineties, there has been a revival of immigration to Germany. This and modernisation processes in Italy changed the gender composition of the Italian immigration flow to Germany: the distance between male and female immigration is decreasing. A peculiarity of the Italians in Germany is the low occupational participation of women in comparison with other women from EU countries. However, we could observe regional differences, which depend on the migration typologies and the dominating economic structure in the areas. The paper will analyse this different aspects (immigration-processes, migrant-typologies and labour-market participation) by female Italian migrants.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Pauer1998,
  author    = {Pauer, Jan},
  title     = {Moralisch-politischer Dissens in den deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11371},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{OmranianNikoloski2022,
  author    = {Omranian, Sara and Nikoloski, Zoran},
  title     = {CUBCO+: prediction of protein complexes based on min-cut network partitioning into biclique spanned subgraphs},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {1315},
  issn      = {1866-8372},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58686},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-586863},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {High-throughput proteomics approaches have resulted in large-scale protein-protein interaction (PPI) networks that have been employed for the prediction of protein complexes. However, PPI networks contain false-positive as well as false-negative PPIs that affect the protein complex prediction algorithms. To address this issue, here we propose an algorithm called CUBCO+ that: (1) employs GO semantic similarity to retain only biologically relevant interactions with a high similarity score, (2) based on link prediction approaches, scores the false-negative edges, and (3) incorporates the resulting scores to predict protein complexes. Through comprehensive analyses with PPIs from Escherichia coli, Saccharomyces cerevisiae, and Homo sapiens, we show that CUBCO+ performs as well as the approaches that predict protein complexes based on recently introduced graph partitions into biclique spanned subgraphs and outperforms the other state-of-the-art approaches. Moreover, we illustrate that in combination with GO semantic similarity, CUBCO+ enables us to predict more accurate protein complexes in 36\% of the cases in comparison to CUBCO as its predecessor.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{NiehusKettler2023,
  author    = {Niehus-Kettler, Melinda},
  title     = {Naturalising perceived otherness},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-3-8474-2679-0},
  issn      = {1866-8380},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-60133},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-601332},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {This essay takes an Anglophone Cultural Studies approach to reflect on the interdependence among as well as the individual (implicit) impact of the elements constituting our (embodied) power structures. These are, e.g., bodily experience/s such as shame and fear, everyday and institutional discourses and practices, but also manifestations of differences and particularities that we transform into phenomena such as "norms", "binary systems" and "binary organisations". The analysis of seemingly cyclic "Othering processes" and patterns of violence shows how people who identify as trans*, inter*, or non-binary have to live through and embody epistemological, emotional, and/or physical violence. At the same time, the descriptions illustrate numberless potential forms of resistance and change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Montag2000,
  author    = {Montag, Claus},
  title     = {Die USA und die internationale Abwicklung der DDR im Vereinigungsprozeß},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11548},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols1998,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {"In the National Interest" : Australiens Außenpolitik am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11383},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia's international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia's national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author's judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia's international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country's predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Mols2000,
  author    = {Mols, Manfred},
  title     = {Die internationale Qualifikation der außenpolitischen Elite Deutschlands},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11607},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{McLaughlin2017,
  author    = {McLaughlin, Carly},
  title     = {They don't look like children},
  series = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  journal   = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412803},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {In October 2016, following a campaign led by Labour Peer Lord Alfred Dubs, the first child asylum-seekers allowed entry to the UK under new legislation (the 'Dubs amendment') arrived in England. Their arrival was captured by a heavy media presence, and very quickly doubts were raised by right-wing tabloids and politicians about their age. In this article, I explore the arguments underpinning the Dubs campaign and the media coverage of the children's arrival as a starting point for interrogating representational practices around children who seek asylum. I illustrate how the campaign was premised on a universal politics of childhood that inadvertently laid down the terms on which these children would be given protection, namely their innocence. The universality of childhood fuels public sympathy for child asylum-seekers, underlies the 'child first, migrant second' approach advocated by humanitarian organisations, and it was a key argument in the 'Dubs amendment'. Yet the campaign highlights how representations of child asylum-seekers rely on codes that operate to identify 'unchildlike' children. As I show, in the context of the criminalisation of undocumented migrants', childhood is no longer a stable category which guarantees protection, but is subject to scrutiny and suspicion and can, ultimately, be disproved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Luebbe1998,
  author    = {L{\"u}bbe, Hermann},
  title     = {Technokratie : politische und wirtschaftliche Schicksale einer philosophischen Idee},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11355},
  year      = {1998},
  abstract  = {Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Leiteritz2000,
  author    = {Leiteritz, Ralf J.},
  title     = {Deutsche Eliten, ihre Universit{\"a}tsausbildung und Global Public Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11592},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{KoesterMattHess2020,
  author    = {K{\"o}ster, Antonia and Matt, Christian and Hess, Thomas},
  title     = {Do all roads lead to Rome?},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {4},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-54511},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-545117},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Content website providers have two main goals: They seek to attract consumers and to keep them on their websites as long as possible. To reach potential consumers, they can utilize several online channels, such as paid search results or advertisements on social media, all of which usually require a substantial marketing budget. However, with rising user numbers of online communication tools, website providers increasingly integrate social sharing buttons on their websites to encourage existing consumers to facilitate referrals to their social networks. While little is known about this social form of guiding consumers to a content website, the study proposes that the way in which consumers reach a website is related to their stickiness to the website and their propensity to refer content to others. By using a unique clickstream data set of a video-on-demand website, the study compares consumers referred by their social network to those consumers arriving at the website via organic search or social media advertisements in terms of stickiness to the website (e.g., visit length, number of page views, video starts) and referral likelihood. The results show that consumers referred through social referrals spend more time on the website, view more pages, and start more videos than consumers who respond to social media advertisements, but less than those coming through organic search. Concerning referral propensity, the results indicate that consumers attracted to a website through social referrals are more likely to refer content to others than those who came through organic search or social media advertisements. The study offers direct insights to managers and recommends an increase in their efforts to promote social referrals on their websites.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KwarikundaSchiefeleMuwongeetal.2022,
  author    = {Kwarikunda, Diana and Schiefele, Ulrich and Muwonge, Charles Magoba and Ssenyonga, Joseph},
  title     = {Profiles of learners based on their cognitive and metacognitive learning strategy use: occurrence and relations with gender, intrinsic motivation, and perceived autonomy support},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {819},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58262},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-582621},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {For life-long learning, an effective learning strategy repertoire is particularly important during acquisition of knowledge in lower secondary school—an educational level characterized with transition into more autonomous learning environments with increased complex academic demands. Using latent profile analysis, we explored the occurrence of different secondary school learner profiles depending on their various combinations of cognitive and metacognitive learning strategy use, as well as their differences in perceived autonomy support, intrinsic motivation, and gender. Data were collected from 576 ninth grade students in Uganda using self-report questionnaires. Four learner profiles were identified: competent strategy user, struggling user, surface-level learner, and deep-level learner profiles. Gender differences were noted in students' use of elaboration and organization strategies to learn Physics, in favor of girls. In terms of profile memberships, significant differences in gender, intrinsic motivation and perceived autonomy support were also noted. Girls were 2.4-2.7 times more likely than boys to be members of the competent strategy user and surface-level learner profiles. Additionally, higher levels of intrinsic motivation predicted an increased likelihood membership into the deep-level learner profile, while higher levels of perceived teacher autonomy predicted an increased likelihood membership into the competent strategy user profile as compared to other profiles. Further, implications of the findings were discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Krueger1999,
  author    = {Kr{\"u}ger, Joachim},
  title     = {Rußland und China : eine strategische Partnerschaft?},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11489},
  year      = {1999},
  abstract  = {During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kosman1997,
  author    = {Kosman, Marceli},
  title     = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Klose2000,
  author    = {Klose, Hans-Ulrich},
  title     = {Wo stehen wir? Was wollen wir? : Zur Debatte um deutsche Eliten und Außenpolitik},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11648},
  year      = {2000},
  abstract  = {According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{KlenkPieper2017,
  author    = {Klenk, Tanja and Pieper, Jonas},
  title     = {Accountability in a privatized welfare state},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403251},
  pages     = {31},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Kiaupiene1997,
  author    = {Kiaupiene, Jurate},
  title     = {Replik zu Marceli Kosmans Version der litauischen Geschichte},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11307},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman's ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.},
  language  = {de}
}