@misc{HoehleWeissenbornKieferetal.2004, author = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara and Weissenborn, J{\"u}rgen and Kiefer, Dorothea and Schulz, Antje and Schmitz, Michaela}, title = {Functional elements in infants' speech processing : the role of determiners in the syntactic categorization of lexical elements}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-16285}, year = {2004}, abstract = {How do children determine the syntactic category of novel words? In this article we present the results of 2 experiments that investigated whether German children between 12 and 16 months of age can use distributional knowledge that determiners precede nouns and subject pronouns precede verbs to syntactically categorize adjacent novel words. Evidence from the head-turn preference paradigm shows that, although 12- to 13-month-olds cannot do this, 14- to 16-month-olds are able to use a determiner to categorize a following novel word as a noun. In contrast, no categorization effect was found for a novel word following a subject pronoun. To understand this difference we analyzed adult child-directed speech. This analysis showed that there are in fact stronger co-occurrence relations between determiners and nouns than between subject pronouns and verbs. Thus, in German determiners may be more reliable cues to the syntactic category of an adjacent novel word than are subject pronouns. We propose that the capacity to syntactically categorize novel words, demonstrated here for the first time in children this young, mediates between the recognition of the specific morphosyntactic frame in which a novel word appears and the word-to-world mapping that is needed to build up a semantic representation for the novel word.}, language = {en} } @article{Fanselow2004, author = {Fanselow, Gisbert}, title = {Cyclic phonology-syntax-interaction}, series = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, journal = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, number = {1}, issn = {1866-4725}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8264}, pages = {1 -- 42}, year = {2004}, abstract = {This paper investigates the nature of the attraction of XPs to clauseinitial position in German (and other languages). It argues that there are two different types of preposing. First, an XP can move when it is attracted by an EPP-like feature of Comp. Comp can, however, also attract elements that bear the formal marker of some semantic or pragmatic (information theoretic) function. This second type of movement is driven by the attraction of a formal property of the moved element. It has often been misanalysed as "operator" movement in the past. Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out.}, language = {en} } @article{Ishihara2004, author = {Ishihara, Shinichiro}, title = {Prosody by phase}, series = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, journal = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, number = {1}, issn = {1866-4725}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8391}, pages = {77 -- 119}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out.}, language = {en} } @article{FeryHerbst2004, author = {F{\´e}ry, Caroline and Herbst, Laura}, title = {German sentence accent revisited}, series = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, journal = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, number = {1}, editor = {Ishihara, Shinichiro and Schmitz, Michaela and Schwarz, Anne}, issn = {1614-4708}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8273}, pages = {43 -- 75}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Results of a production experiment on the placement of sentence accent in German are reported. The hypothesis that German fulfills some of the most widely accepted rules of accent assignment— predicting focus domain integration—was only partly confirmed. Adjacency between argument and verb induces a single accent on the argument, as recognized in the literature, but interruption of this sequence by a modifier often induces remodeling of the accent pattern with a single accent on the modifier. The verb is rarely stressed. All models based on linear alignment or adjacency between elements belonging to a single accent domain fail to account for this result. A cyclic analysis of prosodic domain formation is proposed in an optimality-theoretic framework that can explain the accent pattern. Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out.}, language = {en} } @article{Fanselow2004, author = {Fanselow, Gisbert}, title = {M{\"u}nchhausen-style head movement and the analysis of verb second}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {22}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-1857}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32497}, pages = {9 -- 49}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Content: 1 Introduction 2 A restrictive theory of head movement 2.1 Preliminary Remarks 2.2 Theoretical Problems of Head Movement 2.3 Remnant Phrasal Movement 2.4 M{\"u}nchhausen Style Head Movement 3 Verb Second Movement 3.1 Introductory Remarks 3.2 Problems of V/2 constructions: Does V really move to Comp? 3.3 The preverbal position 3.4 The Second Position 4 References}, language = {en} } @article{Vogel2004, author = {Vogel, Ralf}, title = {Dialectal variation in German 3-verb clusters}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {22}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-1857}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32516}, pages = {83 -- 118}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Content: 1 The Typology 1.1 Object Placement 2 Treatment of StG in terms of LF Movement - with and without Head Movement 3 An OT-solution in terms of linearisation ('LF-to-PF-Mapping') 3.1 The trigger for additional orders: Focus 3.2 Competitions 3.3 Summary 4 RP 4.1 LF Movement - with and without Head Movement 4.2 The OT-account for RP 4.3 Competitions 5 Summary}, language = {en} } @article{Meinunger2004, author = {Meinunger, Andr{\´e}}, title = {Interface restrictions on verb second}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {22}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32502}, pages = {51 -- 81}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Content: 0 Introduction 1 Elements that block verb raising - a discussion 1.1 Haider's observation 1.2 The other constructions 1.3 A possible explanation 1.4 Riemsdijk's grafting approach as a possible alternative? 1.5 Intermediate Summary 2 Parsing problems with speech act adverbials in the pre-field}, language = {en} } @misc{AllefeldFrisch2004, author = {Allefeld, Carsten and Frisch, Stefan}, title = {Phase synchronization analysis of event-related potentials in language processing}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-20113}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Phase synchronization analysis, including our recently introduced multivariate approach, is applied to event-related EEG data from an experiment on language processing, following a classic psycholinguistic paradigm. For the two types of experimental manipulation distinct effects in overall synchronization are found; for one of them they can also be localized. The synchronization effects occur earlier than those found by the conventional analysis method, indicating that the new approach provides additional information on the underlying neuronal process.}, language = {en} } @article{JasinskajaMayerSchlangen2004, author = {Jasinskaja, Ekaterina and Mayer, J{\"o}rg and Schlangen, David}, title = {Discourse structure and information structure}, series = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, journal = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, number = {1}, issn = {1866-4725}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8414}, pages = {151 -- 206}, year = {2004}, abstract = {In this paper we review the current state of research on the issue of discourse structure (DS)/information structure (IS) interface. This field has received a lot of attention from discourse semanticists and pragmatists, and has made substantial progress in recent years. In this paper we summarize the relevant studies. In addition, we look at the issue of DS/ISinteraction at a different level - that of phonetics. It is known that both information structure and discourse structure can be realized prosodically, but the issue of phonetic interaction between the prosodic devices they employ has hardly ever been discussed in this context. We think that a proper consideration of this aspect of DS/IS-interaction would enrich our understanding of the phenomenon, and hence we formulate some related research-programmatic positions.}, language = {en} } @article{EndrissHinterwimmer2004, author = {Endriss, Cornelia and Hinterwimmer, Stefan}, title = {The influence of tense in adverbial quantification}, series = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, journal = {Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632}, number = {1}, issn = {1866-4725}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8409}, pages = {121 -- 151}, year = {2004}, abstract = {We argue that there is a crucial difference between determiner and adverbial quantification. Following Herburger [2000] and von Fintel [1994], we assume that determiner quantifiers quantify over individuals and adverbial quantifiers over eventualities. While it is usually assumed that the semantics of sentences with determiner quantifiers and those with adverbial quantifiers basically come out the same, we will show by way of new data that quantification over events is more restricted than quantification over individuals. This is because eventualities in contrast to individuals have to be located in time which is done using contextual information according to a pragmatic resolution strategy. If the contextual information and the tense information given in the respective sentence contradict each other, the sentence is uninterpretable. We conclude that this is the reason why in these cases adverbial quantification, i.e. quantification over eventualities, is impossible whereas quantification over individuals is fine.}, language = {en} } @article{Kuegler2003, author = {K{\"u}gler, Frank}, title = {Do we know the answer?}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, number = {21}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32424}, pages = {9 -- 29}, year = {2003}, abstract = {Content: 1. Introduction 2. The corpus 2.1 Subjects 2.2 Recordings 2.3 Data processing 2.4 Materials 3. Intonation in Upper Saxon German yes-no-questions 4. Intonational variation and information structure 5. Conclusions and discussion}, language = {en} } @article{SchlesewskyFanselowFrisch2003, author = {Schlesewsky, Matthias and Fanselow, Gisbert and Frisch, Stefan}, title = {Case as a trigger for reanalysis}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, number = {21}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32431}, pages = {31 -- 60}, year = {2003}, abstract = {In the recent literature there is a hypothesis that the human parser uses number and case information in different ways to resolve an initially incorrect case assignment. This paper investigates what role morphological case information plays during the parser's detection of an ungrammaticality or its recognition that a reanalysis is necessary. First, we compare double nominative with double accusative ungrammaticalities in a word by word, speeded grammaticality task and in this way show that only double nominatives lead to a so-called "illusion of grammaticality" (a low rate of ungrammaticality detection). This illusion was found to disappear when the second argument was realized by a pronoun rather than by a full definite determiner phrase, i.e. when the saliency of the second argument was increased. Thus, the accuracy in recognizing an ungrammaticality induced by the case feature of the second argument is dependent on the type of this argument. Furthermore, we found that the accuracy in detecting such case ungrammaticalities is distance sensitive insofar as a shorter distance leads to a higher accuracy. The results are taken as support for an "expectationdriven" parse strategy in which the way the parser uses the information of a current input item depends on the expectation resulting from the parse carried out so far. By contrast, "input-driven" parse strategies, such as the diagnosis model (Fodor \& Inoue, 1999) are unable to explain the data presented here.}, language = {en} } @article{SchlesewskyFrisch2003, author = {Schlesewsky, Matthias and Frisch, Stefan}, title = {Nominative case as a multidimensional default}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, number = {21}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32447}, pages = {61 -- 72}, year = {2003}, abstract = {The present paper addresses a current view in the psycholinguistic literature that case exhibits processing properties distinct from those of other morphological features such as number (cf. Fodor \& Inoue, 2000; Meng \& Bader, 2000a/b). In a speeded-acceptability judgement experiment, we show that the low performance previously found for case in contrast to number violations is limited to nominative case, whereas violations involving accusative and dative are judged more accurately. The data thus do not support the proposal that case per se is associated with special properties (in contrast to other features such as number) in reanalysis processes. Rather, there are significant judgement differences between the object cases accusative and dative on the one hand and the subject nominative case on the other. This may be explained by the fact that nominative has a specific status in German (and many other languages) as a default case.}, language = {en} } @article{Fischer2003, author = {Fischer, Susann}, title = {Partitive vs. Genitive in Russian and Polish}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, number = {21}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32457}, pages = {73 -- 89}, year = {2003}, abstract = {The present paper addresses a current view in the psycholinguistic literature that case exhibits processing properties distinct from those of other morphological features such as number (cf. Fodor \& Inoue, 2000; Meng \& Bader, 2000a/b). In a speeded-acceptability judgement experiment, we show that the low performance previously found for case in contrast to number violations is limited to nominative case, whereas violations involving accusative and dative are judged more accurately. The data thus do not support the proposal that case per se is associated with special properties (in contrast to other features such as number) in reanalysis processes. Rather, there are significant judgement differences between the object cases accusative and dative on the one hand and the subject nominative case on the other. This may be explained by the fact that nominative has a specific status in German (and many other languages) as a default case.}, language = {en} } @article{TrutkowskiZugckBlaszczaketal.2003, author = {Trutkowski, Ewa and Zugck, Marco and Blaszczak, Joanna and Fanselow, Gisbert and Fischer, Susann and Vogel, Ralf}, title = {Superiorit{\"a}t in europ{\"a}ischen Sprachen}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {21}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32485}, pages = {123 -- 137}, year = {2003}, abstract = {Inhalt: 1. Superiorit{\"a}t in einfachen S{\"a}tzen 2. Transitive S{\"a}tze mit Dativ-Objekten 3. Effekte durch extrem markierte Abfolgen?}, language = {de} } @article{VogelZugck2003, author = {Vogel, Ralf and Zugck, Marco}, title = {Counting Markedness}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {21}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-1857}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32476}, pages = {105 -- 122}, year = {2003}, abstract = {This paper reports the results of a corpus investigation on case conflicts in German argument free relative constructions. We investigate how corpus frequencies reflect the relative markedness of free relative and correlative constructions, the relative markedness of different case conflict configurations, and the relative markedness of different conflict resolution strategies. Section 1 introduces the conception of markedness as used in Optimality Theory. Section 2 introduces the facts about German free relative clauses, and section 3 presents the results of the corpus study. By and large, markedness and frequency go hand in hand. However, configurations at the highest end of the markedness scale rarely show up in corpus data, and for the configuration at the lowest end we found an unexpected outcome: the more marked structure is preferred.}, language = {en} } @article{VogelFrisch2003, author = {Vogel, Ralf and Frisch, Stefan}, title = {The resolution of case conflicts}, series = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, volume = {21}, journal = {Linguistics in Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1616-7392}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32466}, pages = {91 -- 103}, year = {2003}, abstract = {This paper reports the results of a pilot study on the resolution of case conflicts in German free relative constructions. Section 1 gives a brief introduction into the phenomenon, section 2 presents the experiment and its results, section 3 ends the paper with a brief more general discussion.}, language = {en} }