@article{BoschClahsen2016,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Accessing morphosyntax in L1 and L2 word recognition A priming study of inflected German adjectives},
  series = {The mental lexicon},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {The mental lexicon},
  publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Co.},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {1871-1340},
  doi       = {10.1075/ml.11.1.02bos},
  pages     = {26 -- 54},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {In fusional languages, inflectional affixes may encode multiple morphosyntactic features such as case, number, and gender. To determine how these features are accessed during both native (L1) and non-native (L2) word recognition, the present study compares the results from a masked visual priming experiment testing inflected adjectives of German to those of a previous overt (cross-modal) priming experiment on the same phenomenon. While for the L1 group both experiments produced converging results, a group of highly-proficient Russian L2 learners of German showed native-like modulations of repetition priming effects under overt, but not under masked priming conditions. These results indicate that not only affixes but also their morphosyntactic features are accessible during initial form-based lexical access, albeit only for L1 and not for L2 processing. We argue that this contrast is in line with other findings suggesting that non-native language processing is less influenced by structural information than the L1.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{PattersonEsaulovaFelser2017,
  author    = {Patterson, Clare and Esaulova, Yulia and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {The impact of focus on pronoun resolution in native and non-native sentence comprehension},
  series = {Second language research},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Second language research},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0267-6583},
  doi       = {10.1177/0267658317697786},
  pages     = {403 -- 429},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{ClahsenFelser2017,
  author    = {Clahsen, Harald and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Some notes on the shallow structure hypothesis},
  series = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  volume    = {40},
  journal   = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0272-2631},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0272263117000250},
  pages     = {693 -- 706},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Since the Shallow Structure Hypothesis (SSH) was first put forward in 2006, it has inspired a growing body of research on grammatical processing in nonnative (L2) speakers. More than 10 years later, we think it is time for the SSH to be reconsidered in the light of new empirical findings and current theoretical assumptions about human language processing. The purpose of our critical commentary is twofold: to clarify some issues regarding the SSH and to sketch possible ways in which this hypothesis might be refined and improved to better account for L1 and L2 speakers' performance patterns.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Schunack2017,
  author    = {Schunack, Silke},
  title     = {Processing of non-canonical word orders in an L2},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-103750},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xvii, 443 Seiten},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This thesis investigates the processing of non-canonical word orders and whether non-canonical orders involving object topicalizations, midfield scrambling and particle verbs are treated the same by native (L1) and non-native (L2) speakers. The two languages investigated are Norwegian and German. 32 L1 Norwegian and 32 L1 German advanced learners of Norwegian were tested in two experiments on object topicalization in Norwegian. The results from the online self-paced reading task and the offline agent identification task show that both groups are able to identify the non-canonical word order and show a facilitatory effect of animate subjects in their reanalysis. Similarly high error rates in the agent identification task suggest that globally unambiguous object topicalizations are a challenging structure for L1 and L2 speakers alike. The same participants were also tested in two experiments on particle placement in Norwegian, again using a self-paced reading task, this time combined with an acceptability rating task. In the acceptability rating L1 and L2 speakers show the same preference for the verb-adjacent placement of the particle over the non-adjacent placement after the direct object. However, this preference for adjacency is only found in the L1 group during online processing, whereas the L2 group shows no preference for either order. Another set of experiments tested 33 L1 German and 39 L1 Slavic advanced learners of German on object scrambling in ditransitive clauses in German. Non-native speakers accept both object orders and show neither a preference for either order nor a processing advantage for the canonical order. The L1 group, in contrast, shows a small, but significant preference for the canonical dative-first order in the judgment and the reading task. The same participants were also tested in two experiments on the application of the split rule in German particle verbs. Advanced L2 speakers of German are able to identify particle verbs and can apply the split rule in V2 contexts in an acceptability judgment task in the same way as L1 speakers. However, unlike the L1 group, the L2 group is not sensitive to the grammaticality manipulation during online processing. They seem to be sensitive to the additional lexical information provided by the particle, but are unable to relate the split particle to the preceding verb and recognize the ungrammaticality in non-V2 contexts. Taken together, my findings suggest that non-canonical word orders are not per se more difficult to identify for L2 speakers than L1 speakers and can trigger the same reanalysis processes as in L1 speakers. I argue that L2 speakers' ability to identify a non-canonical word order depends on how the non-canonicity is signaled (case marking vs. surface word order), on the constituents involved (identical vs. different word types), and on the impact of the word order change on sentence meaning. Non-canonical word orders that are signaled by morphological case marking and cause no change to the sentence's content are hard to detect for L2 speakers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Felser2019,
  author    = {Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Do processing resource limitations shape heritage language grammars?},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {676},
  issn      = {1866-8364},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-46970},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-469703},
  pages     = {23 -- 24},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {kein abstract vorhanden},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GerthOttoFelseretal.2017,
  author    = {Gerth, Sabrina and Otto, Constanze and Felser, Claudia and Nam, Yunju},
  title     = {Strength of garden-path effects in native and non-native speakers' processing of object-subject ambiguities},
  series = {International journal of bilingualism : cross-disciplinary, cross-linguistic studies of language behavior},
  volume    = {21},
  journal   = {International journal of bilingualism : cross-disciplinary, cross-linguistic studies of language behavior},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1367-0069},
  doi       = {10.1177/1367006915604401},
  pages     = {125 -- 144},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Aims and objectives: Our study addresses the following research questions: To what extent is L2 comprehenders' online sensitivity to morphosyntactic disambiguation cues affected by L1 background? Does noticing the error signal trigger successful reanalysis in both L1 and L2 comprehension? Can previous findings suggesting that case is a better reanalysis cue than agreement be replicated and extended to L2 processing when using closely matched materials? Design/methodology/approach: We carried out a self-paced reading study using temporarily ambiguous object-initial sentences in German. These were disambiguated either by number marking on the verb or by nominative case marking on the subject. End-of-trial comprehension questions probed whether or not our participants ultimately succeeded in computing the correct interpretation. Data and analysis: We tested a total of 121 participants (25 Italian, 32 Russian, 32 Korean and 32 native German speakers), measuring their word-by-word reading times and comprehension accuracy. The data were analysed using linear mixed-effects and logistic regression modelling. Findings/conclusions: All three learner groups showed online sensitivity to both case and agreement disambiguation cues. Noticing case disambiguations did not necessarily lead to a correct interpretation, whereas noticing agreement disambiguations did. We conclude that intermediate to advanced learners are sensitive to morphosyntactic interpretation cues during online processing regardless of whether or not corresponding grammatical distinctions exist in their L1. Our results also suggest that case is not generally a better reanalysis cue than agreement. Significance/implications: L1 influence on L2 processing is more limited than might be expected. Contra previous findings, even intermediate learners show sensitivity to both agreement and case information during processing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BoschKrauseLeminen2017,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and Krause, Helena and Leminen, Alina},
  title     = {The time-course of morphosyntactic and semantic priming in late bilinguals: A study of German adjectives},
  series = {Bilingualism : language and cognition.},
  volume    = {20},
  journal   = {Bilingualism : language and cognition.},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1366-7289},
  doi       = {10.1017/S1366728916000055},
  pages     = {435 -- 456},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {How do late proficient bilinguals process morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic information in their non-native language (L2)? How is this information represented in the L2 mental lexicon? And what are the neural signatures of L2 morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic processing? We addressed these questions in one behavioral and two ERP priming experiments on inflected German adjectives testing a group of advanced late Russian learners of German in comparison to native speaker (L1) controls. While in the behavioral experiment, the L2 learners performed native-like, the ERP data revealed clear L1/L2 differences with respect to the temporal dynamics of grammatical processing. Specifically, our results show that L2 morphosyntactic processing yielded temporally and spatially extended brain responses relative to L1 processing, indicating that grammatical processing of inflected words in an L2 is more demanding and less automatic than in the L1. However, this group of advanced L2 learners showed native-like lexical-semantic processing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{JeglinskiMende2019,
  author    = {Jeglinski-Mende, Melinda A.},
  title     = {Alcohol in the aging brain},
  series = {Frontiers in neuroscience},
  volume    = {13},
  journal   = {Frontiers in neuroscience},
  publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1662-453X},
  doi       = {10.3389/fnins.2019.00713},
  pages     = {7},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {As our society grows older new challenges for medicine and healthcare emerge. Age-related changes of the body have been observed in essential body functions, particularly in the loco-motor system, in the cardiovascular system and in cognitive functions concerning both brain plasticity and changes in behavior. Nutrition and lifestyle, such as nicotine intake and chronic alcohol consumption, also contribute to biological changes in the brain. This review addresses the effect of alcohol consumption on cognitive decline, changes in brain plasticity in the aging brain and on cardiovascular health in aging. Thus, studies on the interplay of chronic alcohol intake and either cognitive decline or cognitive preservation are outlined. Because of the inconsistency in the literature of whether alcohol consumption preserves cognitive functions in the aging brain or whether it accelerates cognitive decline, it is crucial to consider individual contributing factors such as culture, health and lifestyle in future studies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LagoHuvelleGracaninYuksekSafaketal.2018,
  author    = {Lago Huvelle, Maria Sol and Gracanin-Yuksek, Martina and Safak, Duygu Fatma and Demir, Orhan and Kirkici, Bilal and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Straight from the horse's mouth Agreement attraction effects with Turkish possessors},
  series = {Linguistic approaches to bilingualism},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Linguistic approaches to bilingualism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Co.},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {1879-9264},
  doi       = {10.1075/lab.17019.lag},
  pages     = {398 -- 426},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {We investigated the comprehension of subject-verb agreement in Turkish-German bilinguals using two tasks. The first task elicited speeded judgments to verb number violations in sentences that contained plural genitive modifiers. We addressed whether these modifiers elicited attraction errors, which have supported the use of a memory retrieval mechanism in monolingual comprehension studies. The second task examined the comprehension of a language-specific constraint of Turkish against plural-marked verbs with overt plural subjects. Bilinguals showed a reduced application of this constraint, as compared to Turkish monolinguals. Critically, both groups showed similar rates of attraction, but the bilingual group accepted ungrammatical sentences more often. We propose that the similarity in attraction rates supports the use of the same retrieval mechanism, but that bilinguals have more problems than monolinguals in the mapping of morphological to abstract agreement features during speeded comprehension, which results in increased acceptability of ungrammatical sentences.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{JessenFelser2018,
  author    = {Jessen, Anna and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Reanalysing object gaps during non-native sentence processing},
  series = {Second language research},
  volume    = {35},
  journal   = {Second language research},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0267-6583},
  doi       = {10.1177/0267658317753030},
  pages     = {285 -- 299},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The present study used event related potentials (ERPs) to investigate how native (L1) German-speaking second-language (L2) learners of English process sentences containing filler-gap dependencies such as Bill liked the house (women) that Bob built some ornaments for __ at his workplace. Using an experimental design which allowed us to dissociate filler integration from reanalysis effects, we found that fillers which were implausible as direct objects of the embedded verb (e.g. built the women) elicited similar brain responses (an N400) in L1 and L2 speakers when the verb was encountered. This confirms findings from behavioral and eye-movement studies indicating that both L1 and L2 speakers immediately try to integrate a filler with a potential lexical licensor. L1/L2 differences were observed when subsequent sentence material signaled that the direct-object analysis was in fact incorrect, however. We found reanalysis effects, in the shape of a P600 for sentences containing fillers that were plausible direct objects only for L2 speakers, but not for the L1 group. This supports previous findings suggesting that L2 comprehenders recover from an initially plausible first analysis less easily than L1 speakers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{PueblaAntunesFelser2022,
  author    = {Puebla Antunes, Cecilia and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Discourse Prominence and Antecedent MisRetrieval during Native and Non-Native Pronoun Resolution},
  series = {Discours : revue de linguistique, psycholinguistique et informatique},
  journal   = {Discours : revue de linguistique, psycholinguistique et informatique},
  number    = {29},
  publisher = {Universit{\´e} de Paris-Sorbonne, Maion Recherche},
  address   = {Paris},
  issn      = {1963-1723},
  doi       = {10.4000/discours.11720},
  pages     = {33},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Previous studies on non-native (L2) anaphor resolution suggest that L2 comprehenders are guided more strongly by discourse-level cues compared to native (L1) comprehenders. Here we examine whether and how a grammatically inappropriate antecedent's discourse status affects the likelihood of it being considered during L1 and L2 pronoun resolution. We used an interference paradigm to examine how the extrasentential discourse impacts the resolution of German object pronouns. In an eye-tracking-during-reading experiment we examined whether an elaborated local antecedent ruled out by binding Condition B would be mis-retrieved during pronoun resolution, and whether initially introducing this antecedent as the discourse topic would affect the chances of it being mis-retrieved. While both participant groups rejected the inappropriate antecedent in an offline questionnaire irrespective of its discourse prominence, their real-time processing patterns differed. L1 speakers initially mis-retrieved the inappropriate antecedent regardless of its contextual prominence. L1 Russian/L2 German speakers, in contrast, were affected by the antecedent's discourse status, considering it only when it was discourse-new but not when it had previously been introduced as the discourse topic. Our findings show that L2 comprehenders are highly sensitive to discourse dynamics such as topic shifts, supporting the claim that discourse-level cues are more strongly weighted during L2 compared to L1 processing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{PanedaLagoVaresetal.2020,
  author    = {Pa{\~n}eda, Claudia and Lago, Sol and Vares, Elena and Ver{\´i}ssimo, Jo{\~a}o Marques and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Island effects in Spanish comprehension},
  series = {Glossa : a journal of general linguistics},
  volume    = {5},
  journal   = {Glossa : a journal of general linguistics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Open Library of Humanities},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {2397-1835},
  doi       = {10.5334/gjgl.1058},
  pages     = {30},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {A growing body of experimental syntactic research has revealed substantial variation in the magnitude of island effects, not only across languages but also across different grammatical constructions. Adopting a well-established experimental design, the present study examines island effects in Spanish using a speeded acceptability judgment task. To quantify variation across grammatical constructions, we tested extraction from four different types of structure (subjects, complex noun phrases, adjuncts and interrogative clauses). The results of Bayesian mixed effects modelling showed that the size of island effects varied between constructions, such that there was clear evidence of subject, adjunct and interrogative island effects, but not of complex noun phrase island effects. We also failed to find evidence that island effects were modulated by participants' working memory capacity as measured by an operation span task. To account for our results, we suggest that variability in island effects across constructions may be due to the interaction of syntactic, semantic-pragmatic and processing factors, which may affect island types differentially due to their idiosyncratic properties.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Zona2024,
  author    = {Zona, Carlotta Isabella},
  title     = {Visuo-linguistic integration for thematic-role assignment across speakers},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-63185},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-631857},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {147},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {This dissertation examines the integration of incongruent visual-scene and morphological-case information ("cues") in building thematic-role representations of spoken relative clauses in German. Addressing the mutual influence of visual and linguistic processing, the Coordinated Interplay Account (CIA) describes a mechanism in two steps supporting visuo-linguistic integration (Knoeferle \& Crocker, 2006, Cog Sci). However, the outcomes and dynamics of integrating incongruent thematic-role representations from distinct sources have been investigated scarcely. Further, there is evidence that both second-language (L2) and older speakers may rely on non-syntactic cues relatively more than first-language (L1)/young speakers. Yet, the role of visual information for thematic-role comprehension has not been measured in L2 speakers, and only limitedly across the adult lifespan. Thematically unambiguous canonically ordered (subject-extracted) and noncanonically ordered (object-extracted) spoken relative clauses in German (see 1a-b) were presented in isolation and alongside visual scenes conveying either the same (congruent) or the opposite (incongruent) thematic relations as the sentence did. 1 a Das ist der Koch, der die Braut verfolgt. This is the.NOM cook who.NOM the.ACC bride follows This is the cook who is following the bride. b Das ist der Koch, den die Braut verfolgt. This is the.NOM cook whom.ACC the.NOM bride follows This is the cook whom the bride is following. The relative contribution of each cue to thematic-role representations was assessed with agent identification. Accuracy and latency data were collected post-sentence from a sample of L1 and L2 speakers (Zona \& Felser, 2023), and from a sample of L1 speakers from across the adult lifespan (Zona \& Reifegerste, under review). In addition, the moment-by-moment dynamics of thematic-role assignment were investigated with mouse tracking in a young L1 sample (Zona, under review). The following questions were addressed: (1) How do visual scenes influence thematic-role representations of canonical and noncanonical sentences? (2) How does reliance on visual-scene, case, and word-order cues vary in L1 and L2 speakers? (3) How does reliance on visual-scene, case, and word-order cues change across the lifespan? The results showed reliable effects of incongruence of visually and linguistically conveyed thematic relations on thematic-role representations. Incongruent (vs. congruent) scenes yielded slower and less accurate responses to agent-identification probes presented post-sentence. The recently inspected agent was considered as the most likely agent ~300ms after trial onset, and the convergence of visual scenes and word order enabled comprehenders to assign thematic roles predictively. L2 (vs. L1) participants relied more on word order overall. In response to noncanonical clauses presented with incongruent visual scenes, sensitivity to case predicted the size of incongruence effects better than L1-L2 grouping. These results suggest that the individual's ability to exploit specific cues might predict their weighting. Sensitivity to case was stable throughout the lifespan, while visual effects increased with increasing age and were modulated by individual interference-inhibition levels. Thus, age-related changes in comprehension may stem from stronger reliance on visually (vs. linguistically) conveyed meaning. These patterns represent evidence for a recent-role preference - i.e., a tendency to re-assign visually conveyed thematic roles to the same referents in temporally coordinated utterances. The findings (i) extend the generalizability of CIA predictions across stimuli, tasks, populations, and measures of interest, (ii) contribute to specifying the outcomes and mechanisms of detecting and indexing incongruent representations within the CIA, and (iii) speak to current efforts to understand the sources of variability in sentence comprehension.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Knospe2018,
  author    = {Knospe, Gloria-Mona},
  title     = {Processing of pronouns and reflexives in Turkish-German bilinguals},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43644},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436442},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xxii, 410},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Previous studies on native language (L1) anaphor resolution have found that monolingual native speakers are sensitive to syntactic, pragmatic, and semantic constraints on pronouns and reflexive resolution. However, most studies have focused on English and other Germanic languages, and little is currently known about the online (i.e., real-time) processing of anaphors in languages with syntactically less restricted anaphors, such as Turkish. We also know relatively little about how 'non-standard' populations such as non-native (L2) speakers and heritage speakers (HSs) resolve anaphors. This thesis investigates the interpretation and real-time processing of anaphors in German and in a typologically different and as yet understudied language, Turkish. It compares hypotheses about differences between native speakers' (L1ers) and L2 speakers' (L2ers) sentence processing, looking into differences in processing mechanisms as well as the possibility of cross-linguistic influence. To help fill the current research gap regarding HS sentence comprehension, it compares findings for this group with those for L2ers. To investigate the representation and processing of anaphors in these three populations, I carried out a series of offline questionnaires and Visual-World eye-tracking experiments on the resolution of reflexives and pronouns in both German and Turkish. In the German experiments, native German speakers as well as L2ers of German were tested, while in the Turkish experiments, non-bilingual native Turkish speakers as well as HSs of Turkish with L2 German were tested. This allowed me to observe both cross-linguistic differences as well as population differences between monolinguals' and different types of bilinguals' resolution of anaphors. Regarding the comprehension of Turkish anaphors by L1ers, contrary to what has been previously assumed, I found that Turkish has no reflexive that follows Condition A of Binding theory (Chomsky, 1981). Furthermore, I propose more general cross-linguistic differences between Turkish and German, in the form of a stronger reliance on pragmatic information in anaphor resolution overall in Turkish compared to German. As for the processing differences between L1ers and L2ers of a language, I found evidence in support of hypotheses which propose that L2ers of German rely more strongly on non-syntactic information compared to L1ers (Clahsen \& Felser, 2006, 2017; Cunnings, 2016, 2017) independent of a potential influence of their L1. HSs, on the other hand, showed a tendency to overemphasize interpretational contrasts between different Turkish anaphors compared to monolingual native speakers. However, lower-proficiency HSs were likely to merge different forms for simplified representation and processing. Overall, L2ers and HSs showed differences from monolingual native speakers both in their final interpretation of anaphors and during online processing. However, these differences were not parallel between the two types of bilingual and thus do not support a unified model of L2 and HS processing (cf. Montrul, 2012). The findings of this thesis contribute to the field of anaphor resolution by providing data from a previously unexplored language, Turkish, as well as contributing to research on native and non-native processing differences. My results also illustrate the importance of considering individual differences in the acquisition process when studying bilingual language comprehension. Factors such as age of acquisition, language proficiency and the type of input a language learner receives may influence the processing mechanisms they develop and employ, both between and within different bilingual populations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LagoHuvelleFelser2018,
  author    = {Lago Huvelle, Maria Sol and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Agreement attraction in native and nonnative speakers of German},
  series = {Applied psycholinguistics : psychological and linguistic studies across languages and learners},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Applied psycholinguistics : psychological and linguistic studies across languages and learners},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0142-7164},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0142716417000601},
  pages     = {619 -- 647},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Second language speakers often struggle to apply grammatical constraints such as subject-verb agreement. One hypothesis for this difficulty is that it results from problems suppressing syntactically unlicensed constituents in working memory. We investigated which properties of these constituents make them more likely to elicit errors: their grammatical distance to the subject head or their linear distance to the verb. We used double modifier constructions (e.g., the smell of the stables of the farmers), where the errors of native speakers are modulated by the linguistic relationships between the nouns in the subject phrase: second plural nouns, which are syntactically and semantically closer to the subject head, elicit more errors than third plural nouns, which are linearly closer to the verb (2nd-3rd-noun asymmetry). In order to dissociate between grammatical and linear distance, we compared embedded and coordinated modifiers, which were linearly identical but differed in grammatical distance. Using an attraction paradigm, we showed that German native speakers and proficient Russian speakers of German exhibited similar attraction rates and that their errors displayed a 2nd-3rd-noun asymmetry, which was more pronounced in embedded than in coordinated constructions. We suggest that both native and second language learners prioritize linguistic structure over linear distance in their agreement computations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DrummerFelser2018,
  author    = {Drummer, Janna-Deborah and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Cataphoric pronoun resolution in native and non-native sentence comprehension},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {101},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2018.04.001},
  pages     = {97 -- 113},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Encountering a cataphoric pronoun triggers a search for a suitable referent. Previous research indicates that this search is constrained by binding Condition C, which prohibits coreference between a cataphoric pronoun and a referential expression within its c-command domain. We report the results from a series of eye-movement monitoring and questionnaire experiments investigating cataphoric pronoun resolution in German. Given earlier findings suggesting that the application of structure-sensitive constraints on reference resolution may be delayed in non-native language processing, we tested both native and proficient non-native speakers of German. Our results show that cataphoric pronouns trigger an active search in both native and non-native comprehenders. Whilst both participant groups demonstrated awareness of Condition C in an offline task, we found Condition C effects to be restricted to later processing measures during online reading. This indicates that during natural reading, Condition C applies as a relatively late filter on potential coreference assignments.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BoschLeminen2018,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and Leminen, Alina},
  title     = {ERP priming studies of bilingual language processing},
  series = {Bilingualism : language and cognition.},
  volume    = {21},
  journal   = {Bilingualism : language and cognition.},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1366-7289},
  doi       = {10.1017/S1366728917000700},
  pages     = {462 -- 470},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The aim of this review is to provide a selective overview of priming studies which have employed the event-related brain potential (ERP) technique in order to investigate bilingual language processing. The priming technique can reveal an implicit memory effect in which exposure to one stimulus influences the processing of another stimulus. Behavioral approaches, such as measuring reaction times, may not always be enough for providing a full view on the exact mechanisms and the time-course of language comprehension. Instead, ERPs have a time-resolution of a millisecond and hence they offer a precise temporal overview of the underlying neural processes involved in language processing. In our review, we summarize experimental research that has combined priming with ERP measurements, thus creating a valuable tool for examining the neurophysiological correlates of language processing in the bilingual brain.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Patterson2013,
  author    = {Patterson, Clare},
  title     = {The role of structural and discourse-level cues during pronoun resolution},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-71280},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Pronoun resolution normally takes place without conscious effort or awareness, yet the processes behind it are far from straightforward. A large number of cues and constraints have previously been recognised as playing a role in the identification and integration of potential antecedents, yet there is considerable debate over how these operate within the resolution process. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the parser handles multiple antecedents in order to understand more about how certain information sources play a role during pronoun resolution. I consider how both structural information and information provided by the prior discourse is used during online processing. This is investigated through several eye tracking during reading experiments that are complemented by a number of offline questionnaire experiments. I begin by considering how condition B of the Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981; 1986) has been captured in pronoun processing models; some researchers have claimed that processing is faithful to syntactic constraints from the beginning of the search (e.g. Nicol and Swinney 1989), while others have claimed that potential antecedents which are ruled out on structural grounds nonetheless affect processing, because the parser must also pay attention to a potential antecedent's features (e.g. Badecker and Straub 2002). My experimental findings demonstrate that the parser is sensitive to the subtle changes in syntactic configuration which either allow or disallow pronoun reference to a local antecedent, and indicate that the parser is normally faithful to condition B at all stages of processing. Secondly, I test the Primitives of Binding hypothesis proposed by Koornneef (2008) based on work by Reuland (2001), which is a modular approach to pronoun resolution in which variable binding (a semantic relationship between pronoun and antecedent) takes place before coreference. I demonstrate that a variable-binding (VB) antecedent is not systematically considered earlier than a coreference (CR) antecedent online. I then go on to explore whether these findings could be attributed to the linear order of the antecedents, and uncover a robust recency preference both online and offline. I consider what role the factor of recency plays in pronoun resolution and how it can be reconciled with the first-mention advantage (Gernsbacher and Hargreaves 1988; Arnold 2001; Arnold et al., 2007). Finally, I investigate how aspects of the prior discourse affect pronoun resolution. Prior discourse status clearly had an effect on pronoun resolution, but an antecedent's appearance in the previous context was not always facilitative; I propose that this is due to the number of topic switches that a reader must make, leading to a lack of discourse coherence which has a detrimental effect on pronoun resolution. The sensitivity of the parser to structural cues does not entail that cue types can be easily separated into distinct sequential stages, and I therefore propose that the parser is structurally sensitive but not modular. Aspects of pronoun resolution can be captured within a parallel constraints model of pronoun resolution, however, such a model should be sensitive to the activation of potential antecedents based on discourse factors, and structural cues should be strongly weighted.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{ArslanBastiaanseFelser2015,
  author    = {Arslan, Se{\c{c}}kin and Bastiaanse, Roelien and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Looking at the evidence in visual world: eye-movements reveal how bilingual and monolingual Turkish speakers process grammatical evidentiality},
  series = {Frontiers in psychology},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Frontiers in psychology},
  publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1664-1078},
  doi       = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01387},
  pages     = {13},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {This study presents pioneering data on how adult early bilinguals (heritage speakers) and late bilingual speakers of Turkish and German process grammatical evidentiality in a visual world setting in comparison to monolingual speakers of Turkish. Turkish marks evidentiality, the linguistic reference to information source, through inflectional affixes signaling either direct (-DI) or indirect (-mls) evidentiality. We conducted an eyetracking-during-listening experiment where participants were given access to visual 'evidence' supporting the use of either a direct or indirect evidential form. The behavioral results indicate that the monolingual Turkish speakers comprehended direct and indirect evidential scenarios equally well. In contrast, both late and early bilinguals were less accurate and slower to respond to direct than to indirect evidentials. The behavioral results were also reflected in the proportions of looks data. That is, both late and early bilinguals fixated less frequently on the target picture in the direct than in the indirect evidential condition while the monolinguals showed no difference between these conditions. Taken together, our results indicate reduced sensitivity to the semantic and pragmatic function of direct evidential forms in both late and early bilingual speakers, suggesting a simplification of the Turkish evidentiality system in Turkish heritage grammars. We discuss our findings with regard to theories of incomplete acquisition and first language attrition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CunningsPattersonFelser2015,
  author    = {Cunnings, Ian and Patterson, Clare and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Structural constraints on pronoun binding and coreference: evidence from eye movements during reading},
  series = {Frontiers in psychology},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Frontiers in psychology},
  publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1664-1078},
  doi       = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00840},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {A number of recent studies have investigated how syntactic and non-syntactic constraints combine to cue memory retrieval during anaphora resolution. In this paper we investigate how syntactic constraints and gender congruence interact to guide memory retrieval during the resolution of subject pronouns. Subject pronouns are always technically ambiguous, and the application of syntactic constraints on their interpretation depends on properties of the antecedent that is to be retrieved. While pronouns can freely corefer with non-quantified referential antecedents, linking a pronoun to a quantified antecedent is only possible in certain syntactic configurations via variable binding. We report the results from a judgment task and three online reading comprehension experiments investigating pronoun resolution with quantified and non-quantified antecedents. Results from both the judgment task and participants' eye movements during reading indicate that comprehenders freely allow pronouns to corefer with non-quantified antecedents, but that retrieval of quantified antecedents is restricted to specific syntactic environments. We interpret our findings as indicating that syntactic constraints constitute highly weighted cues to memory retrieval during anaphora resolution.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{vandeKootSilvaFelseretal.2015,
  author    = {van de Koot, Hans and Silva, Renita and Felser, Claudia and Sato, Mikako},
  title     = {Does Dutch a-scrambling involve movement? Evidence from antecedent priming},
  series = {The linguistic review},
  volume    = {32},
  journal   = {The linguistic review},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0167-6318},
  doi       = {10.1515/tlr-2015-0010},
  pages     = {739 -- 776},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The present study focuses on A-scrambling in Dutch, a local word-order alternation that typically signals the discourse-anaphoric status of the scrambled constituent. We use cross-modal priming to investigate whether an A-scrambled direct object gives rise to antecedent reactivation effects in the position where a movement theory would postulate a trace. Our results indicate that this is not the case, thereby providing support for a base-generation analysis of A-scrambling in Dutch.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KrauseBoschClahsen2015,
  author    = {Krause, Helena and Bosch, Sina and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Morphosyntax in the bilingual mental lexicon : An Experimental Study of Strong Stems in German},
  series = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0272-2631},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0272263114000564},
  pages     = {597 -- 621},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{CunningsPattersonFelser2014,
  author    = {Cunnings, Ian and Patterson, Clare and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Variable binding and coreference in sentence comprehension: Evidence from eye movements},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {71},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2013.10.001},
  pages     = {39 -- 56},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{PanSchimkeFelser2015,
  author    = {Pan, Hui-Yu and Schimke, Sarah and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Referential context effects in non-native relative clause ambiguity resolution},
  series = {International journal of bilingualism : cross-disciplinary, cross-linguistic studies of language behavior},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {International journal of bilingualism : cross-disciplinary, cross-linguistic studies of language behavior},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1367-0069},
  doi       = {10.1177/1367006913515769},
  pages     = {298 -- 313},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {We report the results from two experiments investigating how referential context information affects native and non-native readers' interpretation of ambiguous relative clauses in sentences such as The journalist interviewed the assistant of the inspector who was looking very serious. The preceding discourse context was manipulated such that it provided two potential referents for either the first (the assistant) or the second (the inspector) of the two noun phrases that could potentially host the relative clause, thus biasing towards either an NP1 or an NP2 modification reading. The results from an offline comprehension task indicate that both native English speakers' and German and Chinese-speaking ESL learners' ultimate interpretation preferences were reliably influenced by the type of referential context. In contrast, in a corresponding self-paced-reading task we found that referential context information modulated only the non-native participants' disambiguation preferences but not the native speakers'. Our results corroborate and extend previous findings suggesting that non-native comprehenders' initial analysis of structurally ambiguous input is strongly influenced by biasing discourse information.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Demske2015,
  author    = {Demske, Ulrike},
  title     = {Adverbial Clauses, Main Clause Phenomena, and the composition of the Left Periphery},
  series = {Studies in language},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Studies in language},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Benjamins},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0378-4177},
  doi       = {10.1075/sl.39.1.09dem},
  pages     = {235 -- 243},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RadfordFelserBoxell2012,
  author    = {Radford, Andrew and Felser, Claudia and Boxell, Oliver},
  title     = {Preposition copying and pruning in present-day English},
  series = {English language and linguistics},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {English language and linguistics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {1360-6743},
  doi       = {10.1017/S1360674312000172},
  pages     = {403 -- 426},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {This article investigates the nature of preposition copying and preposition pruning structures in present-day English. We begin by illustrating the two phenomena and consider how they might be accounted for in syntactic terms, and go on to explore the possibility that preposition copying and pruning arise for processing reasons. We then report on two acceptability judgement experiments examining the extent to which native speakers of English are sensitive to these types of 'error' in language comprehension. Our results indicate that preposition copying creates redundancy rather than ungrammaticality, whereas preposition pruning creates processing problems for comprehenders that may render it unacceptable in timed (but not necessarily in untimed) judgement tasks. Our findings furthermore illustrate the usefulness of combining corpus studies and experimentally elicited data for gaining a clearer picture of usage and acceptability, and the potential benefits of examining syntactic phenomena from both a theoretical and a processing perspective.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FelserCunningsBatterhametal.2012,
  author    = {Felser, Claudia and Cunnings, Ian and Batterham, Claire and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {The timing of Island effects in nonnative sentence processing},
  series = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  volume    = {34},
  journal   = {Studies in second language acquisition},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0272-2631},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0272263111000507},
  pages     = {67 -- 98},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Using the eye-movement monitoring technique in two reading comprehension experiments, this study investigated the timing of constraints on wh-dependencies (so-called island constraints) in first- and second-language (L1 and L2) sentence processing. The results show that both L1 and L2 speakers of English are sensitive to extraction islands during processing, suggesting that memory storage limitations affect L1 and L2 comprehenders in essentially the same way. Furthermore, these results show that the timing of island effects in L1 compared to L2 sentence comprehension is affected differently by the type of cue (semantic fit versus filled gaps) signaling whether dependency formation is possible at a potential gap site. Even though L1 English speakers showed immediate sensitivity to filled gaps but not to lack of semantic fit, proficient German-speaking learners of English as a L2 showed the opposite sensitivity pattern. This indicates that initial wh-dependency formation in L2 processing is based on semantic feature matching rather than being structurally mediated as in L1 comprehension.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FelserDrummer2022,
  author    = {Felser, Claudia and Drummer, Janna-Deborah},
  title     = {Binding out of relative clauses in native and non-native sentence comprehension},
  series = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  volume    = {51},
  journal   = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0090-6905},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10936-022-09845-z},
  pages     = {763 -- 788},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Pronouns can sometimes covary with a non c-commanding quantifier phrase (QP). To obtain such 'telescoping' readings, a semantic representation must be computed in which the QP's semantic scope extends beyond its surface scope. Non-native speakers have been claimed to have more difficulty than native speakers deriving such non-isomorphic syntax-semantics mappings, but evidence from processing studies is scarce. We report the results from an eye-movement monitoring experiment and an offline questionnaire investigating whether native and non-native speakers of German can link personal pronouns to non c-commanding QPs inside relative clauses. Our results show that both participant groups were able to obtain telescoping readings offline, but only the native speakers showed evidence of forming telescoping dependencies during incremental parsing. During processing the non-native speakers focused on a discourse-prominent, non-quantified alternative antecedent instead. The observed group differences indicate that non-native comprehenders have more difficulty than native comprehenders computing scope-shifted representations in real time.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BoschDeCesareDemskeetal.2021,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and De Cesare, Ilaria and Demske, Ulrike and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {New empirical approaches to grammatical variation and change},
  series = {Languages : open access journal},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Languages : open access journal},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {MDPI},
  address   = {Basel},
  issn      = {2226-471X},
  doi       = {10.3390/languages6030113},
  pages     = {3},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{VasishthMertzenJaegeretal.2018,
  author    = {Vasishth, Shravan and Mertzen, Daniela and J{\"a}ger, Lena Ann and Gelman, Andrew},
  title     = {Corrigendum to: Shravan Vasishth, Daniela Mertzen, Lena A. J{\"a}ger, Andrew Gelman; The statistical significance filter leads to overoptimistic expectations of replicability. - Journal of Memory and Language. - 103 (2018), pg. 151 - 175},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {104},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2018.09.004},
  pages     = {128 -- 128},
  year      = {2018},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Bosch2015,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina},
  title     = {Morphosyntactic feature structure in the native and non-native mental lexicon},
  pages     = {VI, 166},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RaelingHanneSchroederetal.2017,
  author    = {R{\"a}ling, Romy and Hanne, Sandra and Schr{\"o}der, Astrid and Keßler, Carla and Wartenburger, Isabell},
  title     = {Judging the animacy of words},
  series = {Quarterly journal of experimental psychology},
  volume    = {70},
  journal   = {Quarterly journal of experimental psychology},
  number    = {10},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1747-0218},
  doi       = {10.1080/17470218.2016.1223704},
  pages     = {2094 -- 2104},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The age at which members of a semantic category are learned (age of acquisition), the typicality they demonstrate within their corresponding category, and the semantic domain to which they belong (living, non-living) are known to influence the speed and accuracy of lexical/semantic processing. So far, only a few studies have looked at the origin of age of acquisition and its interdependence with typicality and semantic domain within the same experimental design. Twenty adult participants performed an animacy decision task in which nouns were classified according to their semantic domain as being living or non-living. Response times were influenced by the independent main effects of each parameter: typicality, age of acquisition, semantic domain, and frequency. However, there were no interactions. The results are discussed with respect to recent models concerning the origin of age of acquisition effects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HollensteinTrondlePlomeckaetal.2023,
  author    = {Hollenstein, Nora and Trondle, Marius and Plomecka, Martyna and Kiegeland, Samuel and Ozyurt, Yilmazcan and J{\"a}ger, Lena Ann and Langer, Nicolas},
  title     = {The ZuCo benchmark on cross-subject reading task classification with EEG and eye-tracking data},
  series = {Frontiers in psychology},
  volume    = {13},
  journal   = {Frontiers in psychology},
  publisher = {Frontiers Media},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1664-1078},
  doi       = {10.3389/fpsyg.2022.1028824},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {We present a new machine learning benchmark for reading task classification with the goal of advancing EEG and eye-tracking research at the intersection between computational language processing and cognitive neuroscience. The benchmark task consists of a cross-subject classification to distinguish between two reading paradigms: normal reading and task-specific reading. The data for the benchmark is based on the Zurich Cognitive Language Processing Corpus (ZuCo 2.0), which provides simultaneous eye-tracking and EEG signals from natural reading of English sentences. The training dataset is publicly available, and we present a newly recorded hidden testset. We provide multiple solid baseline methods for this task and discuss future improvements. We release our code and provide an easy-to-use interface to evaluate new approaches with an accompanying public leaderboard: .},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BoschDeCesareDemskeetal.2023,
  author    = {Bosch, Sina and De Cesare, Ilaria and Demske, Ulrike and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Correction zu: Word-order variation and coherence in German infinitival complementation. - (The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics. - 26 (2023) 1) . - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-023-09140-8},
  series = {The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {The journal of comparative Germanic linguistics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1383-4924},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10828-023-09143-5},
  pages     = {2},
  year      = {2023},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{NicenboimVasishthGatteietal.2015,
  author    = {Nicenboim, Bruno and Vasishth, Shravan and Gattei, Carolina and Sigman, Mariano and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Working memory differences in long-distance dependency resolution},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-75694},
  pages     = {16},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {There is a wealth of evidence showing that increasing the distance between an argument and its head leads to more processing effort, namely, locality effects; these are usually associated with constraints in working memory (DLT: Gibson, 2000; activation-based model: Lewis and Vasishth, 2005). In SOV languages, however, the opposite effect has been found: antilocality (see discussion in Levy et al., 2013). Antilocality effects can be explained by the expectation-based approach as proposed by Levy (2008) or by the activation-based model of sentence processing as proposed by Lewis and Vasishth (2005). We report an eye-tracking and a self-paced reading study with sentences in Spanish together with measures of individual differences to examine the distinction between expectation- and memory-based accounts, and within memory-based accounts the further distinction between DLT and the activation-based model. The experiments show that (i) antilocality effects as predicted by the expectation account appear only for high-capacity readers; (ii) increasing dependency length by interposing material that modifies the head of the dependency (the verb) produces stronger facilitation than increasing dependency length with material that does not modify the head; this is in agreement with the activation-based model but not with the expectation account; and (iii) a possible outcome of memory load on low-capacity readers is the increase in regressive saccades (locality effects as predicted by memory-based accounts) or, surprisingly, a speedup in the self-paced reading task; the latter consistent with good-enough parsing (Ferreira et al., 2002). In sum, the study suggests that individual differences in working memory capacity play a role in dependency resolution, and that some of the aspects of dependency resolution can be best explained with the activation-based model together with a prediction component.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SkopeteasVerhoevenFanselow2022,
  author    = {Skopeteas, Stavros and Verhoeven, Elisabeth and Fanselow, Gisbert},
  title     = {Discontinuous noun phrases in Yucatec Maya},
  series = {Journal of linguistics : JL / publ. for the Linguistics Association of Great Britain},
  volume    = {58},
  journal   = {Journal of linguistics : JL / publ. for the Linguistics Association of Great Britain},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0022-2267},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0022226720000419},
  pages     = {609 -- 648},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Languages differ in whether or not they allow discontinuous noun phrases. If they do, they further vary in the ways the nominal projections interact with the available syntactic operations. Yucatec Maya has two left-peripheral configurations that differ syntactically: a preverbal position for foci or wh-elements that is filled in by movement, and the possibility to adjoin topics at the highest clausal layer. These two structural options are reflected in different ways of the formation of discontinuous patterns. Subextraction from nominal projections to the focus position yielding discontinuous NPs is possible, but subject to several restrictions. It observes conditions on extraction domains, and does not apply to the left branch of nominal structures. The topic position also appears to license discontinuity, typically involving a non-referential nominal expression as the topic and quantifiers/adjectives that form an elliptical nominal projection within the clause proper. Such constructions can involve several morphological and syntactic mismatches between their parts that are excluded for continuous noun phrases, and they are not sensitive to syntactic island restrictions. Thus, in a strict sense, discontinuities involving the topic position are only apparent, because the construction involves two independent nominal projections that are semantically linked.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{VicenteBarrosMessicketal.2021,
  author    = {Vicente, Luis and Barros, Matthew and Messick, Troy and Saab, Andres},
  title     = {On a nonargument for cleft sources in sluicing},
  series = {Linguistic inquiry},
  volume    = {52},
  journal   = {Linguistic inquiry},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {MIT Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0024-3892},
  doi       = {10.1162/ling_a_00390},
  pages     = {867 -- 880},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {On the basis of certain semantic intuitions, Barros (2012) argues that ellipsis does not require structural isomorphism between elided structure and its antecedent. We tackle this claim. Semantic intuitions cannot be a pointer to the analysis of silent structure. We provide empirical evidence that raises the question of to what extent semantic intuitions about plausible articulable syntax must inform one's analysis of silent structure. We conclude that the answer to this question must be crosslinguistically informed. We conjecture that ellipsis introduces ellipsis-specific interpretive mechanisms, so that intuitions about "how the unelided structure would be interpreted" are not empirically relevant.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RossettoToraldoLarattaetal.2023,
  author    = {Rossetto, Alessia and Toraldo, Alessio and Laratta, Stefania and Tonin, Paolo and Poletto, Cecilia and Bencini, Giulia and Semenza, Carlo},
  title     = {Linguistic structure modulates attention in reading: evidence from negative concord in Italian},
  series = {Cognitive neuropsychology},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Cognitive neuropsychology},
  number    = {5-8},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London [u.a.]},
  issn      = {0264-3294},
  doi       = {10.1080/02643294.2023.2199918},
  pages     = {356 -- 374},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {We report the reading performance of an Italian speaker with egocentric Neglect Dyslexia on sentences with Negative Concord structures, which contain a linguistic cue to the presence of a preceding negative marker and compare it to sentences with no such cue. As predicted, the frequency of reading the whole sentence, including the initial negative marker non, was higher in Negative Concord structures than in sentences which also started with non, but crucially, lacked the medially positioned linguistic cue to the presence of non. These data support the claim that the presence of linguistic cues to sentence structure modulates attention during reading in Neglect Dyslexia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FerchlandBaatzHeideetal.2017,
  author    = {Ferchland, Lisa and Baatz, Charlotte and Heide, Judith and Netzebandt, Jonka},
  title     = {Komplexit{\"a}t als wirksames Prinzip der Sprechapraxie-Therapie},
  series = {Spektrum Patholinguistik (Band 10) - Schwerpunktthema: Panorama Patholinguistik: Sprachwissenschaft trifft Sprachtherapie},
  journal   = {Spektrum Patholinguistik (Band 10) - Schwerpunktthema: Panorama Patholinguistik: Sprachwissenschaft trifft Sprachtherapie},
  number    = {10},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1866-9085},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-405279},
  pages     = {199 -- 202},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Netzebandt},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{LorenzHeideBurchert2014,
  author    = {Lorenz, Antje and Heide, Judith and Burchert, Frank},
  title     = {Compound naming in aphasia: effects of complexity, part of speech, and semantic transparency},
  series = {Language, cognition and neuroscience},
  volume    = {29},
  journal   = {Language, cognition and neuroscience},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {2327-3798},
  doi       = {10.1080/01690965.2013.766357},
  pages     = {88 -- 106},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{WenglarczykWeiseHeide2012,
  author    = {Wenglarczyk, Anke and Weise, Stefanie and Heide, Judith},
  title     = {Mapping-Therapie mit reversiblen Passivs{\"a}tzen bei einer Patientin mit Agrammatismus},
  year      = {2012},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HeideFritzscheMeyeretal.2012,
  author    = {Heide, Judith and Fritzsche, Tom and Meyer, Corinna B. and Ott, Susan},
  title     = {Vorwort},
  year      = {2012},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{KrugStuebnerHoffmannetal.2019,
  author    = {Krug, Ragna and St{\"u}bner, Hanna and Hoffmann, Sophie and Heide, Judith},
  title     = {Die Behandlung dysprosodischer Symptome bei Sprechapraxie},
  series = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  journal   = {Spektrum Patholinguistik},
  number    = {11},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-448-7},
  issn      = {1866-9085},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43780},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-437808},
  pages     = {135 -- 142},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BrownFanselowHalletal.2021,
  author    = {Brown, J. M. M. and Fanselow, Gisbert and Hall, Rebecca and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Middle ratings rise regardless of grammatical construction},
  series = {PLOS ONE / Public Library of Science},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {PLOS ONE / Public Library of Science},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {PLOS},
  address   = {San Fransisco},
  issn      = {1932-6203},
  doi       = {10.1371/journal.pone.0251280},
  pages     = {26},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {People perceive sentences more favourably after hearing or reading them many times. A prominent approach in linguistic theory argues that these types of exposure effects (satiation effects) show direct evidence of a generative approach to linguistic knowledge: only some sentences improve under repeated exposure, and which sentences do improve can be predicted by a model of linguistic competence that yields natural syntactic classes. However, replications of the original findings have been inconsistent, and it remains unclear whether satiation effects can be reliably induced in an experimental setting at all. Here we report four findings regarding satiation effects in wh-questions across German and English. First, the effects pertain to zone of well-formedness rather than syntactic class: all intermediate ratings, including calibrated fillers, increase at the beginning of the experimental session regardless of syntactic construction. Second, though there is satiation, ratings asymptote below maximum acceptability. Third, these effects are consistent across judgments of superiority effects in English and German. Fourth, wh-questions appear to show similar profiles in English and German, despite these languages being traditionally considered to differ strongly in whether they show effects on movement: violations of the superiority condition can be modulated to a similar degree in both languages by manipulating subject-object initiality and animacy congruency of the wh-phrase. We improve on classic satiation methods by distinguishing between two crucial tests, namely whether exposure selectively targets certain grammatical constructions or whether there is a general repeated exposure effect. We conclude that exposure effects can be reliably induced in rating experiments but exposure does not appear to selectively target certain grammatical constructions. Instead, they appear to be a phenomenon of intermediate gradient judgments.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SchlesewskyFanselowKliegletal.2000,
  author    = {Schlesewsky, Matthias and Fanselow, Gisbert and Kliegl, Reinhold and Krems, J.},
  title     = {The subject preference in the processing of locally ambiguous Wh-questions in german},
  isbn      = {0-7923-6104- 0},
  year      = {2000},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BostonHaleVasishthetal.2011,
  author    = {Boston, Marisa Ferrara and Hale, John T. and Vasishth, Shravan and Kliegl, Reinhold},
  title     = {Parallel processing and sentence comprehension difficulty},
  series = {Language and cognitive processes},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {Language and cognitive processes},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hove},
  issn      = {0169-0965},
  doi       = {10.1080/01690965.2010.492228},
  pages     = {301 -- 349},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Eye fixation durations during normal reading correlate with processing difficulty, but the specific cognitive mechanisms reflected in these measures are not well understood. This study finds support in German readers' eye fixations for two distinct difficulty metrics: surprisal, which reflects the change in probabilities across syntactic analyses as new words are integrated; and retrieval, which quantifies comprehension difficulty in terms of working memory constraints. We examine the predictions of both metrics using a family of dependency parsers indexed by an upper limit on the number of candidate syntactic analyses they retain at successive words. Surprisal models all fixation measures and regression probability. By contrast, retrieval does not model any measure in serial processing. As more candidate analyses are considered in parallel at each word, retrieval can account for the same measures as surprisal. This pattern suggests an important role for ranked parallelism in theories of sentence comprehension.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{VogelClausAhringetal.2022,
  author    = {Vogel, Annemarie and Claus, Inga and Ahring, Sigrid and Gruber, Doreen and Haghikia, Aiden and Frank, Ulrike and Dziewas, Rainer and Ebersbach, Georg and Gandor, Florin and Warnecke, Tobias},
  title     = {Endoscopic characteristics of dysphagia in multiple system atrophy},
  series = {Movement disorders : official journal of the Movement Disorder Society},
  volume    = {37},
  journal   = {Movement disorders : official journal of the Movement Disorder Society},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0885-3185},
  doi       = {10.1002/mds.28854},
  pages     = {535 -- 544},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Background Dysphagia is a major clinical concern in multiple system atrophy (MSA). A detailed evaluation of its major endoscopic features compared with Parkinson's disease (PD) is lacking. Objective This study systematically assessed dysphagia in MSA compared with PD and correlated subjective dysphagia to objective endoscopic findings. Methods Fifty-seven patients with MSA (median, 64 [interquartile range (IQR): 59-71] years; 35 women) underwent flexible endoscopic evaluation of swallowing using a specific MSA-flexible endoscopic evaluation of swallowing task protocol. Findings were compared with an age-matched cohort of 57 patients with PD (median, 67 [interquartile range: 60-73] years; 28 women). In a subcohort, subjective dysphagia was assessed using the Swallowing Disturbance Questionnaire and correlated to endoscopy findings. Results Patients with MSA predominantly showed symptoms suggestive of oral-phase disturbance (premature spillage, 75.4\%, piecemeal deglutition, 75.4\%). Pharyngeal-phase symptoms occurred less often (pharyngeal residues, 50.9\%; penetration/aspiration, 28.1\%). In contrast, pharyngeal symptoms were the most common finding in PD (pharyngeal residues, 47.4\%). Oral symptoms occurred less frequently in PD (premature spillage, 15.8\%, P < 0.001; piecemeal deglutition, 1.8\%, P < 0.01). Patients with MSA had a greater risk for oral-phase disturbances with increased disease severity (P < 0.05; odds ratio, 3.15). Patients with MSA showed a significantly higher intraindividual interswallow variability compared with PD. When correlating Swallowing Disturbance Questionnaire scores with endoscopy results, its cutoff, validated for PD, was not sensitive enough to identify patients with MSA with dysphagia. We developed a subscore for identifying dysphagia in MSA and calculated a new cutoff (sensitivity 85\%, specificity 100\%). Conclusions In contrast with patients with PD, patients with dysphagic MSA more frequently present with oral-phase symptoms and a significantly higher intraindividual interswallow variability. A novel Swallowing Disturbance Questionnaire MSA subscore may be a valuable tool to identify patients with MSA with early oropharyngeal dysphagia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{RaelingHanneSchroederetal.2016,
  author    = {R{\"a}ling, Romy and Hanne, Sandra and Schr{\"o}der, Astrid and Keßler, Carla and Wartenburger, Isabell},
  title     = {Judging the animacy of words},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-98402},
  pages     = {11},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The age at which members of a semantic category are learned (age of acquisition), the typicality they demonstrate within their corresponding category, and the semantic domain to which they belong (living, non-living) are known to influence the speed and accuracy of lexical/semantic processing. So far, only a few studies have looked at the origin of age of acquisition and its interdependence with typicality and semantic domain within the same experimental design. Twenty adult participants performed an animacy decision task in which nouns were classified according to their semantic domain as being living or non-living. Response times were influenced by the independent main effects of each parameter: typicality, age of acquisition, semantic domain, and frequency. However, there were no interactions. The results are discussed with respect to recent models concerning the origin of age of acquisition effects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Haendler2016,
  author    = {Haendler, Yair},
  title     = {Effects of embedded pronouns on relative clause processing},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396883},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xvi, 186},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Difficulties with object relative clauses (ORC), as compared to subject relative clauses (SR), are widely attested across different languages, both in adults and in children. This SR-ORC asymmetry is reduced, or even eliminated, when the embedded constituent in the ORC is a pronoun, rather than a lexical noun phrase. The studies included in this thesis were designed to explore under what circumstances the pronoun facilitation occurs; whether all pronouns have the same effect; whether SRs are also affected by embedded pronouns; whether children perform like adults on such structures; and whether performance is related to cognitive abilities such as memory or grammatical knowledge. Several theoretical approaches that explain the pronoun facilitation in relative clauses are evaluated. The experimental data have been collected in three languages-German, Italian and Hebrew-stemming from both children and adults. In the German study (Chapter 2), ORCs with embedded 1st- or 3rd-person pronouns are compared to ORCs with an embedded lexical noun phrase. Eye-movement data from 5-year-old children show that the 1st-person pronoun facilitates processing, but not the 3rd-person pronoun. Moreover, children's performance is modulated by additive effects of their memory and grammatical skills. In the Italian study (Chapter 3), the 1st-person pronoun advantage over the 3rd-person pronoun is tested in ORCs and SRs that display a similar word order. Eye-movement data from 5-year-olds and adult controls and reading times data from adults are pitted against the outcome of a corpus analysis, showing that the 1st-/3rd-person pronoun asymmetry emerges in the two relative clause types to an equal extent. In the Hebrew study (Chapter 4), the goal is to test the effect of a special kind of pronoun-a non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun-on ORC comprehension, in the light of potential confounds in previous studies that used this pronoun. Data from a referent-identification task with 4- to 5-year-olds indicate that, when the experimental material is controlled, the non-referential pronoun does not necessarily facilitate ORC comprehension. Importantly, however, children have even more difficulties when the embedded constituent is a referential pronoun. The non-referentiality / referentiality asymmetry is emphasized by the relation between children's performance on the experimental task and their memory skills. Together, the data presented in this thesis indicate that sentence processing is not only driven by structural (or syntactic) factors, but also by discourse-related ones, like pronouns' referential properties or their discourse accessibility mechanism, which is defined as the level of ease or difficulty with which referents of pronouns are identified and retrieved from the discourse model. Although independent in essence, these structural and discourse factors can in some cases interact in a way that affects sentence processing. Moreover, both types of factors appear to be strongly related to memory. The data also support the idea that, from early on, children are sensitive to the same factors that affect adults' sentence processing, and that the processing strategies of both populations are qualitatively similar. In sum, this thesis suggests that a comprehensive theory of human sentence processing needs to account for effects that are due to both structural and discourse-related factors, which operate as a function of memory capacity.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KoukouliotiStavrakakiVomvaetal.2022,
  author    = {Koukoulioti, Vasiliki and Stavrakaki, Stavroula and Vomva, Maria and Adani, Flavia},
  title     = {Gender marking and clitic pronoun resolution in simultaneous bilingual children},
  series = {Languages : open access journal},
  volume    = {7},
  journal   = {Languages : open access journal},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {MDPI},
  address   = {Basel},
  issn      = {2226-471X},
  doi       = {10.3390/languages7040250},
  pages     = {49},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The acquisition of clitics still remains a highly controversial issue in Greek acquisition literature despite the bulk of studies performed. Object clitics have been shown to be early acquired by monolingual children in terms of production rates, whereas only highly proficient bilingual children achieve target-like performance. Crucially, errors in gender marking are persistent for monolingual and bilingual children even when adult-like production rates are achieved. This study aims to readdress the acquisition of clitics in an innovative way, by entering the variable of gender in an experimental design targeting to assess production and processing by bilingual and monolingual children. Moreover, we examined the role of language proficiency (in terms of general verbal intelligence and syntactic production abilities). The groups had comparable performance in both tasks (in terms of correct responses and error distribution in production and reaction times in comprehension). However, verbal intelligence had an effect on the performance of the monolingual but not of the bilingual group in the production task, and bilingual children were overall slower in the comprehension task. Syntactic production abilities did not have any effect. We argue that gender marking affects clitic processing, and we discuss the implications of our findings for bilingual acquisition.},
  language  = {en}
}