@misc{Gottwald1998, author = {Gottwald, J{\"o}rn}, title = {Democratizing Hainan : das Konzept "Kleine Regierung, große Gesellschaft"}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11407}, year = {1998}, abstract = {In 1988, the Government of the People's Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.}, language = {de} } @misc{Thomi1999, author = {Thomi, Walter}, title = {Nationalstaatliche Regulation und Dezentralisierung : Local Government Reform in Ghana}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11523}, year = {1999}, abstract = {Ghana's local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments' need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana's 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5\% of the national tax income to the districts.}, language = {de} } @misc{Forsberg2000, author = {Forsberg, Randall Caroline}, title = {Das Dilemma der alleinigen Supermacht : zu einigen milit{\"a}rpolitischen Trends in den USA}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11537}, year = {2000}, abstract = {The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.}, language = {de} } @misc{Montag2000, author = {Montag, Claus}, title = {Die USA und die internationale Abwicklung der DDR im Vereinigungsprozeß}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11548}, year = {2000}, abstract = {The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.}, language = {de} } @misc{Sakson2000, author = {Sakson, Andrzej}, title = {Die Nationalit{\"a}tenpolitik der III. Republik}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11552}, year = {2000}, abstract = {The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4\% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.}, language = {de} } @misc{Sattar2000, author = {Sattar, Abdul}, title = {Pakistans Sicherheitspolitik : die Reduzierung der nuklearen Gefahr}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11585}, year = {2000}, abstract = {The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.}, language = {de} } @misc{Mols2000, author = {Mols, Manfred}, title = {Die internationale Qualifikation der außenpolitischen Elite Deutschlands}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11607}, year = {2000}, abstract = {Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.}, language = {de} } @misc{Hettlage1997, author = {Hettlage, Robert}, title = {Identit{\"a}tsmanagement : soziale Konstruktionsvorg{\"a}nge zwischen Rahmung und Brechung}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11275}, year = {1997}, abstract = {The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.}, language = {de} } @misc{Woderich1997, author = {Woderich, Rudolf}, title = {Gelebte und inszenierte Identit{\"a}ten in Ostdeutschland}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11288}, year = {1997}, abstract = {Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.}, language = {de} } @misc{Kosman1997, author = {Kosman, Marceli}, title = {Litauen : Legenden einer großen Vergangenheit und Realit{\"a}ten der Gegenwart}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11292}, year = {1997}, abstract = {Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.}, language = {de} }