@misc{Stockhorst2003, author = {Stockhorst, Stefanie}, title = {Donahue, N.H.; Karl Krolow and the Poetics of Amnesia in Postwar Germany; Rochester, NY [u. a.]: Camden House, 2002}, year = {2003}, language = {en} } @misc{Stockhorst2019, author = {Stockhorst, Stefanie}, title = {Rezension zu: Sietske Fransen; Niall Hodson; Karl A. E. Enenkel (Editors). Translating Early Modern Science. (Intersections ; 51.) xvii + 344 pp., Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2017.- ISBN 978-90-04-34925-4.}, series = {ISIS}, volume = {110}, journal = {ISIS}, number = {2}, publisher = {Univ. of Chicago Press}, address = {Chicago}, issn = {0021-1753}, doi = {10.1086/703719}, pages = {411 -- 412}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{GaulanMarmorsteinKampf2023, author = {Gaulan, Yael and Marmorstein, Michal and Kampf, Zohar}, title = {"Say, are you a little ashamed?"}, series = {Discourse, context \& media}, volume = {56}, journal = {Discourse, context \& media}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2211-6958}, doi = {10.1016/j.dcm.2023.100742}, pages = {27}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In light of the growing emotionalization of public discourse, this article deals with the action of shame allocation in Israeli accountability interviews. A qualitative analysis of tokens of the Hebrew verb lehitbayesh 'to be ashamed' in political interviews was conducted using Discursive Psychology and Conversation Analysis methods. The findings show that in this public context the verb lehitbayesh is mostly not used to convey an emotional state, nor can its meaning be explained by the classic theoretical conceptualization of shame. Instead, lehitbayesh is mobilized to allocate shame to another actor, and portrays the allocator as morally superior and as someone who sacrifices for what is right. Lehitbayesh is part of the negotiations between journalists and politicians over the question of who is accountable for a transgressive act, what the desired response is, and who the relevant audience for the moral lesson is.}, language = {en} } @misc{Demske2018, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Rezension zu: Roehrs, Dorian ; Sapp, Christopher: Quantifying expressions in the history of German: Syntactic reanalysis and morphological change. - Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2016. - 299 S. - . ISBN 978-9-02725-713-0}, series = {Language : journal of the Linguistic Society of America}, volume = {94}, journal = {Language : journal of the Linguistic Society of America}, number = {1}, publisher = {Linguistic Society of America}, address = {Washington}, issn = {0097-8507}, doi = {10.1353/lan.2018.0009}, pages = {228 -- 231}, year = {2018}, language = {en} } @article{Demske2019, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Aspectual features and categorial shift}, series = {Language sciences}, volume = {73}, journal = {Language sciences}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0388-0001}, doi = {10.1016/j.langsci.2018.08.006}, pages = {50 -- 61}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The point of departure of this paper is the claim by Heyvaert, Maekelberghe \& Buyle (2019) that the suffix -ing has no aspectual meaning in English gerunds. Rather, the interpretation of nominal and verbal gerunds depends, so they argue, on situation or viewpoint aspect, a claim that contradicts the wide-spread view that the aspectual meaning of English gerunds is brought about by the nominalizing suffix. The present paper addresses the issue from a comparative perspective, focusing on German ung-nominals: while they share aspectual features with their English counterparts, empirical evidence from productivity, distribution, and argument linking shows (i) that the derivational suffix -ung imposes aspectual restrictions on possible verb bases, and (ii) that with respect to argument linking, the deverbal nominal favors the state component of a complex event predicate over its process component. From the historical record of German, we learn that these aspectual restrictions do not hold for ung-nominals in earlier periods of German. With the rise of aspectual restrictions, the nominalization pattern turns more nominal resulting in a position further towards the nominal end of the deverbalization continuum. It appears, then, that it is only in the historical pariods of German that ung-nominals pattern with English nominals as regards their aspectual features. Currently, German ung-nominals are more noun-like than nominal (and verbal) gerunds in English. (C) 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Jahns2024, author = {Jahns, Esther}, title = {Diglossic translanguaging}, series = {Language and Social Life [LSL]}, volume = {33}, journal = {Language and Social Life [LSL]}, publisher = {de Gruyter Mouton}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-11-132246-9}, doi = {10.1515/9783111322674}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XI, 245}, year = {2024}, abstract = {This book examines how German-speaking Jews living in Berlin make sense and make use of their multilingual repertoire. With a focus on lexical variation, the book demonstrates how speakers integrate Yiddish and Hebrew elements into German for indexing belonging and for positioning themselves within the Jewish community. Linguistic choices are shaped by language ideologies (e.g., authenticity, prescriptivism, nostalgia). Speakers translanguage when using their multilingual repertoire, but do so in a diglossic way, using elements from different languages for specific domains}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{DeCesare2021, author = {De Cesare, Ilaria}, title = {Word order variability and change in German infinitival complements}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52735}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-527358}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xii, 231}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The present work deals with the variation in the linearisation of German infinitival complements from a diachronic perspective. Based on the observation that in present-day German the position of infinitival complements is restricted by properties of the matrix verb (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), whereas this appears much more liberal in older stages of German (Demske, 2008, Mach{\´e} and Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), this dissertation investigates the emergence of those restrictions and the factors that have led to a reduced, yet still existing variability. The study contrasts infinitival complements of two types of matrix verbs, namely raising and control verbs. In present-day German, these show different syntactic behaviour and opposite preferences as far as the position of the infinitive is concerned: while infinitival complements of raising verbs build a single clausal domain with the with the matrix verb and occur obligatorily intraposed, infinitive complements of control verbs can form clausal constituents and occur predominantly extraposed. This correlation is not attested in older stages of German, at least not until Early New High German. Drawing on diachronic corpus data, the present work provides a description of the changes in the linearisation of infinitival complements from Early New High German to present-day German which aims at finding out when the correlation between infinitive type and word order emerged and further examines their possible causes. The study shows that word order change in German infinitival complements is not a case of syntactic change in the narrow sense, but that the diachronic variation results from the interaction of different language-internal and language-external factors and that it reflects, on the one hand, the influence of language modality on the emerging standard language and, on the other hand, a process of specialisation.}, language = {en} } @article{Demske2015, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Towards coherent infinitival patterns in the history of German}, series = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics}, volume = {2015}, journal = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics}, number = {5.1}, editor = {Demske, Ulrike and Jędrzejowski, Łukasz}, publisher = {Benjamins}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2210-2116 print}, doi = {10.1075/jhl.5.1.01dem}, pages = {6 -- 40}, year = {2015}, abstract = {According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.}, language = {en} } @misc{OPUS4-44332, title = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns}, series = {Journal of Historical Linguistics}, volume = {2015}, journal = {Journal of Historical Linguistics}, number = {5.1}, editor = {Demske, Ulrike and Jędrzejowski, Łukasz}, publisher = {Benjamins}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2210-2116 print}, doi = {10.1075/jhl.5.1}, pages = {174}, year = {2015}, abstract = {According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.}, language = {en} } @inproceedings{DemskeLogacevGoldschmidt2014, author = {Demske, Ulrike and Logacev, Pavel and Goldschmidt, Katrin}, title = {POS-Tagging Historical Corpora: The Case of Early New High German}, series = {Proceedings of the thirteenth workshop on treebanks and linguistic theories (TLT 13)}, volume = {2014}, booktitle = {Proceedings of the thirteenth workshop on treebanks and linguistic theories (TLT 13)}, publisher = {TALAR - T{\"u}bingen Archive of Language Resources}, address = {T{\"u}bingen}, pages = {103 -- 112}, year = {2014}, abstract = {A key problem in automatic annotation of historical corpora is inconsistent spelling. Because the spelling of some word forms can differ between texts, a language model trained on already annotated treebanks may fail to recognize known word forms due to differences in spelling. In the present work, we explore the feasibility of an unsupervised method for spelling-adjustment for the purpose of improved part of speech (POS) tagging. To this end, we present a method for spelling normalization based on weighted edit distances, which exploits within-text spelling variation. We then evaluate the improvement in taging accuracy resulting from between-texts spelling normalization in two tagging experiments on several Early New High German (ENHG) texts.}, language = {en} }