@article{DeCesare2023, author = {De Cesare, Ilaria}, title = {Quantitative Methoden in diachronen Studien}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik : ZGL}, volume = {51}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik : ZGL}, number = {1}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0301-3294}, doi = {10.1515/zgl-2023-2004}, pages = {124 -- 151}, year = {2023}, abstract = {On the basis of a case study on the linearisation of German infinitival complements, the present paper illustrates the advantages of selected quantitative and statistical methods in diachronic studies. In particular, it first discusses, the problem of the availability of balanced diachronic corpora and how mixed-effects modelling can help make the best of "bad data" and second, it deals with the question of periodisation and shows the advantages of a data-driven method.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Senyuk2014, author = {Senyuk, Ulyana}, title = {Zum Status relativ{\"a}hnlicher S{\"a}tze im Fr{\"u}hneuhochdeutschen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-91673}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {vi, 276}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit den sogenannten relativ{\"a}hnlichen S{\"a}tzen im Fr{\"u}hneuhochdeutschen und leistet somit einen Beitrag zur Subordinationsforschung des {\"a}lteren Deutsch. Relativ{\"a}hnliche S{\"a}tze sind formal durch ein satzinitiales anaphorisches d-Element und die Endstellung des finiten Verbs gekennzeichnet. Semantisch gesehen beziehen sie sich auf den vorangehenden Satz als Ganzes, indem sie ihn in bestimmter Weise weiterf{\"u}hren oder kommentieren. In der bisherigen Forschung werden diese S{\"a}tze satztypologisch als Haupts{\"a}tze mit Verbendstellung analysiert (vgl. dazu Maurer 1926, Behaghel 1932 und L{\"o}tscher 2000). Nach der ausf{\"u}hrlichen Diskussion der formalen Abh{\"a}ngigkeitsmarker im {\"a}lteren Deutsch sowie anhand einer umfangreichen korpusbasierten Untersuchung wird in dieser Arbeit gezeigt, dass relativ{\"a}hnliche S{\"a}tze im Fr{\"u}hneuhochdeutschen auch als abh{\"a}ngige S{\"a}tze - analog zu den weiterf{\"u}hrenden Relativs{\"a}tzen im Gegenwartsdeutschen - analysiert werden k{\"o}nnen. Die weiterf{\"u}hrenden Relativs{\"a}tze im Gegenwartsdeutschen enthalten satzinitial auch ein anaphorisches Element, das sich auf das Gesagte in dem vorangehenden Satz bezieht. Verbendstellung weisen sie ebenfalls auf (mehr zur Grammatik der weiterf{\"u}hrenden Relativs{\"a}tze vgl. insb. Brandt 1990 und Holler 2005). {\"U}ber die Untersuchung relativ{\"a}hnlicher S{\"a}tze hinaus befasst sich diese Arbeit ausf{\"u}hrlich mit formalen Abh{\"a}ngigkeitsmarkern des {\"a}lteren Deutsch, wie Verbendstellung, Einleiter und afinite Konstruktion.}, language = {de} } @article{Demske2019, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Aspectual features and categorial shift}, series = {Language sciences}, volume = {73}, journal = {Language sciences}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0388-0001}, doi = {10.1016/j.langsci.2018.08.006}, pages = {50 -- 61}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The point of departure of this paper is the claim by Heyvaert, Maekelberghe \& Buyle (2019) that the suffix -ing has no aspectual meaning in English gerunds. Rather, the interpretation of nominal and verbal gerunds depends, so they argue, on situation or viewpoint aspect, a claim that contradicts the wide-spread view that the aspectual meaning of English gerunds is brought about by the nominalizing suffix. The present paper addresses the issue from a comparative perspective, focusing on German ung-nominals: while they share aspectual features with their English counterparts, empirical evidence from productivity, distribution, and argument linking shows (i) that the derivational suffix -ung imposes aspectual restrictions on possible verb bases, and (ii) that with respect to argument linking, the deverbal nominal favors the state component of a complex event predicate over its process component. From the historical record of German, we learn that these aspectual restrictions do not hold for ung-nominals in earlier periods of German. With the rise of aspectual restrictions, the nominalization pattern turns more nominal resulting in a position further towards the nominal end of the deverbalization continuum. It appears, then, that it is only in the historical pariods of German that ung-nominals pattern with English nominals as regards their aspectual features. Currently, German ung-nominals are more noun-like than nominal (and verbal) gerunds in English. (C) 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Ramelli2015, author = {Ramelli, Christian}, title = {Die Rheinische Verlaufsform im rheinfr{\"a}nkischen Dialekt}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-102797}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 260}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rheinischen Verlaufsform (RV) im rheinfr{\"a}nkischen Dialekt. Nach dem DUDEN handelt es sich bei der RV um eine Konstruktion, die aus dem Kopulaverb sein und einer PP mit am und nominalisiertem Infinitiv besteht und dem Ausdruck von progressivem Aspekt dient. Die vorliegenden Arbeiten zur RV besch{\"a}ftigen sich im Wesentlichen entweder mit der Auspr{\"a}gung der Konstruktion im Standarddeutschen (z.B. Reimann (1999), Krause (2002), R{\"o}del (2003), R{\"o}del (2004a), R{\"o}del (2004b), van Pottelberge (2004)) oder im Ripuarischen (z.B. Andersson (1989), Bhatt \& Schmidt (1993)) und kommen zu unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen bez{\"u}glich der Verwendungsm{\"o}glichkeiten und des Aufbaus der Konstruktion, insbesondere des Status des Infinitivs in der Verlaufsform. Hauptziel dieser Arbeit ist es, zu zeigen, dass sich die Grammatikalisierung der Verlaufsform von der im DUDEN beschriebenen Konstruktion zu einer analytischen Verbform entlang eines festen Grammatikalisierungspfades vollzieht und die entsprechenden Teilschritte bei der Entwicklung zu einer analytischen Verbform herauszuarbeiten. Auf dieser Grundlage wird in der Arbeit dargestellt, wie sich mittels eines geeigneten Sets an Indikatoren der Grammatikalisierungsgrad der Verlaufsform in einem Dialektraum oder einem diatopischen Register konkret feststellen l{\"a}sst.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Jahns2024, author = {Jahns, Esther}, title = {Diglossic translanguaging}, series = {Language and Social Life [LSL]}, volume = {33}, journal = {Language and Social Life [LSL]}, publisher = {de Gruyter Mouton}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-11-132246-9}, doi = {10.1515/9783111322674}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XI, 245}, year = {2024}, abstract = {This book examines how German-speaking Jews living in Berlin make sense and make use of their multilingual repertoire. With a focus on lexical variation, the book demonstrates how speakers integrate Yiddish and Hebrew elements into German for indexing belonging and for positioning themselves within the Jewish community. Linguistic choices are shaped by language ideologies (e.g., authenticity, prescriptivism, nostalgia). Speakers translanguage when using their multilingual repertoire, but do so in a diglossic way, using elements from different languages for specific domains}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{DeCesare2021, author = {De Cesare, Ilaria}, title = {Word order variability and change in German infinitival complements}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52735}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-527358}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xii, 231}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The present work deals with the variation in the linearisation of German infinitival complements from a diachronic perspective. Based on the observation that in present-day German the position of infinitival complements is restricted by properties of the matrix verb (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), whereas this appears much more liberal in older stages of German (Demske, 2008, Mach{\´e} and Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), this dissertation investigates the emergence of those restrictions and the factors that have led to a reduced, yet still existing variability. The study contrasts infinitival complements of two types of matrix verbs, namely raising and control verbs. In present-day German, these show different syntactic behaviour and opposite preferences as far as the position of the infinitive is concerned: while infinitival complements of raising verbs build a single clausal domain with the with the matrix verb and occur obligatorily intraposed, infinitive complements of control verbs can form clausal constituents and occur predominantly extraposed. This correlation is not attested in older stages of German, at least not until Early New High German. Drawing on diachronic corpus data, the present work provides a description of the changes in the linearisation of infinitival complements from Early New High German to present-day German which aims at finding out when the correlation between infinitive type and word order emerged and further examines their possible causes. The study shows that word order change in German infinitival complements is not a case of syntactic change in the narrow sense, but that the diachronic variation results from the interaction of different language-internal and language-external factors and that it reflects, on the one hand, the influence of language modality on the emerging standard language and, on the other hand, a process of specialisation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Jedrzejowski2015, author = {Jedrzejowski, Lukasz}, title = {Subjektanhebungsverben im Deutschen}, pages = {vii, 307}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @article{Demske2015, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Sprachwandel}, series = {Einf{\"u}hrung in die germanistische Linguistik}, journal = {Einf{\"u}hrung in die germanistische Linguistik}, editor = {Meibauer, J{\"o}rg and Demske, Ulrike and Geilfuß-Wolfgang, Jochen and Pafel, J{\"u}rgen and Ramers, Karl-Heinz and Rothweiler, Monika and Steinbach, Markus}, edition = {3}, publisher = {Metzler}, address = {Stuttgart}, isbn = {978-3-476-02566-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-476-05424-1_8}, pages = {296 -- 340}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Unsere Sprache wandelt sich unabl{\"a}ssig. Beispiele daf{\"u}r lassen sich in der Alltagssprache t{\"a}glich aufs Neue entdecken. Meistens handelt es sich um F{\"a}lle lexikalischen Wandels, wie die Entlehnung von W{\"o}rtern aus einer anderen Sprache in das Deutsche. Eine besondere Rolle spielt hier in den letzten Jahren das Englische. Bekannte Beispiele solcher Entlehnungen sind W{\"o}rter aus der Computersprache wie scannen, e-mailen, chatten, aber auch Punk oder Hooligan sind aus dem Englischen entlehnt. Aus anderen Sprachen sind Lexeme wie Plateau (aus dem Franz{\"o}sischen), Cello (aus dem Italienischen) oder Fatzke (aus dem Polnischen) {\"u}bernommen worden. Informationen {\"u}ber die Geschichte einzelner W{\"o}rter lassen sich aus etymologischen W{\"o}rterb{\"u}chern beziehen. - Diese Einf{\"u}hrung informiert {\"u}ber die linguistischen Kerngebiete Lexikon und Morphologie, Phonologie, Syntax, Semantik und Pragmatik . Sie erl{\"a}utert Grundbegriffe, illustriert sie an Beispielen aus dem Deutschen und gibt einen Einblick in die linguistische Theoriebildung. Kindlicher Spracherwerb und Sprachwandel - zwei Gebiete, die von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r ein tieferes Verst{\"a}ndnis der menschlichen Sprache sind - werden in weiteren Kapiteln vorgestellt. Mit {\"U}bungen, einem Glossar der wichtigsten Fachtermini, einer weiterf{\"u}hrenden Schlussbibliographie und einem Sachregister. F{\"u}r die 3. Auflage wurde der Band umfassend {\"u}berarbeitet und aktualisiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Demske2015, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Towards coherent infinitival patterns in the history of German}, series = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics}, volume = {2015}, journal = {The Diachrony of Infinitival Patterns: Their origin, development and loss. In: Journal of Historical Linguistics}, number = {5.1}, editor = {Demske, Ulrike and Jędrzejowski, Łukasz}, publisher = {Benjamins}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2210-2116 print}, doi = {10.1075/jhl.5.1.01dem}, pages = {6 -- 40}, year = {2015}, abstract = {According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.}, language = {en} } @article{Demske2019, author = {Demske, Ulrike}, title = {Zur Autonomie indirekter Redewiedergabe - eine diachrone Perspektive}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik}, volume = {47}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r germanistische Linguistik}, number = {1}, editor = {{\´A}gel, Vilmos and Feilke, Helmuth and Linke, Angelika and L{\"u}deling, Anke and Tophinke, Doris}, publisher = {De Gruyter}, address = {Berlin, New York}, issn = {0301-3294 print}, doi = {10.1515/zgl-2019-0003}, pages = {70 -- 101}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Regarding verbal mood and complementation patterns of reporting verbs, the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is well established in present-day German. This paper looks into the history of German: Common knowledge has it that both the use of verbal mood as well as the quality of clause linkage undergo considerable changes giving rise to the question how these changes affect the manifestations of indirect reported speech in earlier stages of German. The historical record of the 16th century (with an outlook on the 17th century) shows that the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is not yet grammaticalized in historical sources at the time. In particular with respect to dependent (in)direct reported speech, both types prefer V2-complements with only verbal mood differentiating between the types. Although present and past subjunctive have a much wider distribution in earlier stages of German, the occurrence of free indirect speech likewise testifies to its increasing use as a marker of indirect reported speech. The growing conventionalization of patterns of indirect reported speech in the course of Early Modern German may be considered as an example for an increase of subjectification in its development.}, language = {de} }