@article{FarhyVerissimoClahsen2018,
  author    = {Farhy, Yael and Ver{\´i}ssimo, Joao Marques and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Universal and particular in morphological processing},
  series = {The quarterly journal of experimental psychology},
  volume    = {71},
  journal   = {The quarterly journal of experimental psychology},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1747-0218},
  doi       = {10.1080/17470218.2017.1310917},
  pages     = {1125 -- 1133},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Do properties of individual languages shape the mechanisms by which they are processed? By virtue of their non-concatenative morphological structure, the recognition of complex words in Semitic languages has been argued to rely strongly on morphological information and on decomposition into root and pattern constituents. Here, we report results from a masked priming experiment in Hebrew in which we contrasted verb forms belonging to two morphological classes, Paal and Piel, which display similar properties, but crucially differ on whether they are extended to novel verbs. Verbs from the open-class Piel elicited familiar root priming effects, but verbs from the closed-class Paal did not. Our findings indicate that, similarly to other (e.g., Indo-European) languages, down-to-the-root decomposition in Hebrew does not apply to stems of non-productive verbal classes. We conclude that the Semitic word processor is less unique than previously thought: Although it operates on morphological units that are combined in a non-linear way, it engages the same universal mechanisms of storage and computation as those seen in other languages.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FarhyVerissimoClahsen2018,
  author    = {Farhy, Yael and Verissimo, Joao Marques and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Do late bilinguals access pure morphology during word recognition?},
  series = {Bilingualism : language and cognition},
  volume    = {21},
  journal   = {Bilingualism : language and cognition},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {1366-7289},
  doi       = {10.1017/S1366728918000032},
  pages     = {945 -- 951},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This study extends research on morphological processing in late bilinguals to a rarely examined language type, Semitic, by reporting results from a masked-priming experiment with 58 non-native, advanced, second-language (L2) speakers of Hebrew in comparison with native (L1) speakers. We took advantage of a case of 'pure morphology' in Hebrew, the so-called binyanim, which represent (essentially arbitrary) morphological classes for verbs. Our results revealed a non-native priming pattern for the L2 group, with root-priming effects restricted to non-finite prime words irrespective of binyanim type. We conclude that root extraction in L2 Hebrew word recognition is less sensitive to both morphological and morphosyntactic cues than in the L1, in line with the Shallow-Structure Hypothesis of L2 processing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FarhyVerissimoClahsen2016,
  author    = {Farhy, Yael and Ver{\´i}ssimo, Joao Marques and Clahsen, Harald},
  title     = {Universal and particular in morphological processing},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412541},
  pages     = {9},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Do properties of individual languages shape the mechanisms by which they are processed? By virtue of their non-concatenative morphological structure, the recognition of complex words in Semitic languages has been argued to rely strongly on morphological information and on decomposition into root and pattern constituents. Here, we report results from a masked priming experiment in Hebrew in which we contrasted verb forms belonging to two morphological classes, Paal and Piel, which display similar properties, but crucially differ on whether they are extended to novel verbs. Verbs from the open-class Piel elicited familiar root priming effects, but verbs from the closed-class Paal did not. Our findings indicate that, similarly to other (e.g., Indo-European) languages, down-to-the-root decomposition in Hebrew does not apply to stems of non-productive verbal classes. We conclude that the Semitic word processor is less unique than previously thought: Although it operates on morphological units that are combined in a non-linear way, it engages the same universal mechanisms of storage and computation as those seen in other languages.},
  language  = {en}
}