@article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Einleitung zu Serene Khaders "Decolonizing universalism: transnational feminist ethic"}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.12}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Serene Khader ist eine der wenigen feministischen Philosoph:innen in der anglos{\"a}chsischen Philosophie, die sich gezielt mit globaler Ungerechtigkeit und Imperialismus aus Sicht jener Frauen besch{\"a}ftigen, die von kolonialer und kultureller Herrschaft betroffen sind. Hierbei entlarvt sie eindrucksvoll die oftmals westliche Pr{\"a}gung von Feminismus, Gleichstellungspolitik und Philosophie und verfolgt so das Ziel, die Autonomie und Entscheidungskraft aller Frauen anzuerkennen. So zielt Khader in Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die folgende Buchdiskussion begibt sich in eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Khaders interessanter wie wichtiger Theorie. Einleitend werden wir einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Khaders Grundgedanken geben. Es schließen sich kritische Kommentare von Tamara Jugov, Mirjam M{\"u}ller, Kerstin Reibold sowie Hilkje C. H{\"a}nel und Fabian Schuppert an, auf die Serene Khader abschließend antwortet.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {„Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!"}, series = {Politisches Lernen}, volume = {38}, journal = {Politisches Lernen}, number = {1+2}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich}, address = {Leverkusen-Opladen}, issn = {0937-2946}, pages = {32 -- 35}, year = {2020}, abstract = {In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ern{\"u}chternden Res{\"u}mee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, - soweit er {\"u}berhaupt noch besteht -, m{\"u}sste aufgegeben werden." (S. 32) In Tudykas Einf{\"u}hrung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten." (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund k{\"o}nnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder {\"u}ber das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gek{\"u}rzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung" dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.}, language = {de} } @article{TuttnauerWegmann2022, author = {Tuttnauer, Or and Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Voting for Votes}, series = {American political science review}, volume = {116}, journal = {American political science review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, issn = {0003-0554}, doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000338}, pages = {1357 -- 1374}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung}, series = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, journal = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holoz{\"a}n, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und {\"O}ffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropoz{\"a}n als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenw{\"a}rtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffssch{\"o}pfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel {\"a}ußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung}, series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, journal = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung}, publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".}, language = {de} } @article{GorupecBrehmerTiberiusetal.2022, author = {Gorupec, Natalia and Brehmer, Nataliia and Tiberius, Victor and Kraus, Sascha}, title = {Tackling uncertain future scenarios with real options}, series = {The Irish journal of management : incorporating IBAR}, volume = {41}, journal = {The Irish journal of management : incorporating IBAR}, number = {1}, publisher = {Orpen Press}, address = {Dublin}, issn = {1649-248X}, doi = {10.2478/ijm-2022-0003}, pages = {69 -- 88}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Real options are widely applied in strategic and operational decision-making, allowing for managerial flexibility in uncertain contexts. Increased scholarly interest has led to an extensive but fragmented research landscape. We aim to measure and systematize the research field quantitatively. To achieve this goal, we conduct bibliometric performance analyses and bibliographic coupling analyses with an in-depth content review. The results of the performance analyses show an increasing interest in real options since the beginning of the 2000s and identity the most influential journals and authors. The science mappings reveal six and seven research clusters over the last two decades. Based on an in-depth analysis of their themes, we develop a research framework comprising antecedents, application areas, internal and external contingencies, and uncertainty resolution through real option valuation or reasoning. We identify several gaps in that framework, which we propose to tackle in future research.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Narrationen in der f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden politischen Bildung}, publisher = {bbp, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {19}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In welchem Verh{\"a}ltnis stehen Literatur und das Politische? F{\"o}rdert narrative politische Bildung Ambiguit{\"a}tstoleranz und Mehrstimmigkeit? Der Beitrag diskutiert aktuelle didaktische Theorien und Beispiele.}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mit narrativen Medien lernen}, series = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, journal = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1362-9}, issn = {1435-7526}, pages = {476 -- 483}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2021, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Aporien des Rechts}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, volume = {15}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte}, number = {2}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1405-3}, issn = {1864-6492}, pages = {196 -- 206}, year = {2021}, language = {de} } @article{LambertFegleyCandelaetal.2023, author = {Lambert, Karras and Fegley, Tate and Candela, Rosolino and Boettke, Peter and Phelan, Steven and Wenzel, Nikolai G. and Dapprich, Jan Philipp}, title = {Reply and Counter-Reply}, series = {Journal of economic behavior \& organization}, journal = {Journal of economic behavior \& organization}, number = {212}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0167-2681}, doi = {10.1016/j.jebo.2023.03.026}, pages = {300 -- 310}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Justifying types of representative democracy}, series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, journal = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-8230}, doi = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.}, language = {en} } @article{TsebelisThiesCheibubetal.2023, author = {Tsebelis, George and Thies, Michael and Cheibub, Jos{\´e} Antonio and Dixon, Rosalind and Bog{\´e}a, Daniel and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review symposium}, series = {European political science}, journal = {European political science}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1680-4333}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Steffen Ganghof's Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that "in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not" (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, Jos{\´e} Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bog{\´e}a review Steffen Ganghof's book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A\&M University in 2022. We thank Prof Jos{\´e} Cheibub (Texas A\&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesYesilkagit2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {Political time in public bureaucracies}, series = {Public administration review}, volume = {83}, journal = {Public administration review}, number = {6}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0033-3352}, doi = {10.1111/puar.13740}, pages = {1813 -- 1832}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Structural duration conveys stability but also resilience in central government and is therefore a key issue in the debate on the structure and organization of government. This paper discusses three core variants of structural duration to study the explanatory relevance of politics. We compare these durations across ministerialunits in four European democracies (Germany, France, The Netherlands, and Norway) from 1980 to 2013, totaling over 17,000 units. Our empirical analyses show that cabinets' ideological turnover and extremism are the most significant predictors of all variants of duration, whereas polarization in parliament as well as new prime ministers without office experience yield the predicted significant negative effects for most models. We discuss these findings and avenues for futureresearch that acknowledge the definition and measures for structural change as well as temporal aspects of the empirical phenomenon more explicitly.}, language = {en} } @article{YesilkagitBezesFleischer2022, author = {Yesilkagit, Kutsal and Bezes, Philippe and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {What's in a name? The politics of name changes inside bureaucracy}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {100}, journal = {Public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12827}, pages = {1091 -- 1106}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Creativity in policy capacity}, series = {Public administration review}, journal = {Public administration review}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0033-3352}, doi = {10.1111/puar.13676}, pages = {15}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Creativity is a crucial part of policy capacity in governments. Existing studies on creative behavior in the public sector assess employees' openness to new ideas and creative solutions, and they confirm the relevance of organizational and individual determinants for pro-creativity attitudes. Yet we lack systemic evidence on the explicit level of work-related creativity among policy officials in government organizations. At the same time, novel technologies and particularly social networking services change the working environment of policy officials radically, alter organizational features, and may also yield crucial individual effects. Our study analyses "policy creativity" of policy officials in three European governments. We demonstrate the importance of organizational and individual features, including the stress triggered by using social networking services. Our study captures officials' creativity explicitly and adds to debates on creativity and innovation in the public sector as well as the micro-level foundations of the digital transformation in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector}, series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, journal = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0734-371X}, doi = {10.1177/0734371X221148403}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerPruin2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree}, title = {Organizational reputation in executive politics}, series = {International review of administrative sciences}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Los Angeles, Calif.}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523221132228}, pages = {16}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.}, language = {en} } @article{Reiners2021, author = {Reiners, Nina}, title = {Despite or because of contestation?}, series = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law}, volume = {43}, journal = {Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law}, number = {2}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ. Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {0275-0392}, doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021}, pages = {329 -- 343}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.}, language = {en} } @article{TjadenDunsch2021, author = {Tjaden, Jasper Dag and Dunsch, Felipe Alexander}, title = {The effect of peer-to-peer risk information on potential migrants}, series = {World development : the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development}, volume = {145}, journal = {World development : the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {0305-750X}, doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2021.105488}, pages = {13}, year = {2021}, abstract = {In response to mounting evidence on the dangers of irregular migration from Africa to Europe, the number of information campaigns which aim to raise awareness about the potential risks has rapidly increased. Governments, international organizations and civil society organizations implement a variety of campaigns to counter the spread of misinformation accelerated by smuggling and trafficking networks. The evidence on the effects of such information interventions on potential migrants remains limited and largely anecdotal. More generally, the role of risk perceptions in the decision-making process of potential irregular migrants is rarely explicitly tested, despite the fact that the concept of risk pervades conventional migration models, particularly in the field of economics. We address this gap by assessing the effects of a peer-to-peer information intervention on the perceptions, knowledge and intentions of potential migrants in Dakar, Senegal, using a randomized controlled trial design. The results show that - three months after the intervention - peer-to-peer information events increase potential migrants' subjective information levels, raise risk awareness, and reduce intentions to migrate irregularly. We find no substantial effects on factual migration knowledge. We discuss how the effects may be driven by the trust and identification-enhancing nature of peer-to-peer communication.
(c) 2021 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} }