@article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017, author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika}, title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks}, series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, volume = {97}, journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0016-3287}, doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004}, pages = {35 -- 46}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.}, language = {en} } @misc{Lang2020, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Lang, Simon}, title = {Die Neuausrichtung der Clusterpolitik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie und ihre Wirkung in den Mitgliedsstaaten Deutschland und Frankreich}, series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, journal = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe}, number = {3}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2701-391X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47286}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-472860}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXII, 88}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Clusterpolitik als Politikfeld an der Schnittstelle von Industrie-, Innovations- (F\&E) und Regionalpolitik entwickelte sich Mitte der 1990er Jahre zuerst in einigen EU Mitgliedsstaaten, darunter Deutschland. Mit einem Abstand von rund 10 Jahren begann die Herausbildung als eigenes Politikfeld in Frankreich. Die europ{\"a}ische Ebene begann ebenfalls erst ab Mitte der 2000er Jahre im Zusammenhang mit der Lissabon Strategie sich intensiver mit Clustern und Clusterpolitik zu besch{\"a}ftigen und entwickelte ab 2008 Jahren einen systematischen Politikansatz. Der Anstoß zur Politikfeldentwicklung auf dem Gebiet der Clusterpolitik ging in Europa also gerade nicht von der EU-Ebene aus. Auch wenn das Politikfeld „EU-Clusterpolitik" einem erheblichen Wandel im Zuge der Europa 2020 Strategie unterlag, findet eine Koordinierung der mitgliedsstaatlichen Politiken durch die EU-Ebene bislang nicht statt und ist - soweit ersichtlich - von Seiten der EU auch nicht angestrebt. Die EU Clusterpolitik ist vielmehr komplement{\"a}r und unterst{\"u}tzend zu den nationalen Politiken ausgerichtet. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird aufgezeigt, dass sich die drei clusterpolitischen Arenen EU, Deutschland, Frankreich weitestgehend unabh{\"a}ngig voneinander entwickelten und jeweils eigenen von unterschiedlichen Institutionen, Kontexten, Traditionen und Pfadabh{\"a}ngigkeiten bestimmten Logiken folgten. Sowohl der vertikale als auch der horizontale Verflechtungsgrad ist gering zwischen EU und Mitgliedsstaaten. Verflechtungsmuster beginnen gerade erst sich auszudifferenzieren. Jedoch sind Policy-Transfer oder sogar Policy-Learning Prozesse zwischen den drei Arenen EU, Deutschland und Frankreich schon in Ans{\"a}tzen erkennbar. Es gibt deutliche Unterschiede in den Clusterpolitiken Frankreichs und Deutschlands. Clusterpolitik wird in Deutschland in erster Linie auf Ebene der L{\"a}nder konzipiert und implementiert, w{\"a}hrend sie in Frankreich nach wie vor vom Zentralstaat gesteuert wird - wenn auch mit zunehmend konzeptioneller Beteiligung der regionalen Ebene. Die Neuausrichtung der EU Clusterpolitik im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie fand in Frankreich eine deutlich st{\"a}rkere Resonanz als in Deutschland. Die Handlungslogik hinter den clusterpolitischen Maßnahmen der EU mit Bezug zur Lissabon-Strategie lag in der Verbesserung der Innovationsf{\"a}higkeit - die Handlungslogik der clusterpolitischen Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie liegt in der Modernisierung der industriellen Basis Europas durch Entwicklung neuer Wertsch{\"o}pfungsketten. Die EU Clusterpolitik unterlag insofern einem erheblichen Wandel.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Hanschmann2019, author = {Hanschmann, Raffael Tino}, title = {Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the 'Great Recession'}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-44044}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXVIII, 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between 'beneficiaries' and 'losers' of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.}, language = {en} } @misc{SchmidtWellenburg2017, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Europeanisation, stateness, and professions}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {99}, issn = {1867-5808}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590}, pages = {28}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu's work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists.}, language = {en} } @article{KraheBergerVanwesenbeecketal.2015, author = {Krah{\´e}, Barbara and Berger, Anja and Vanwesenbeeck, Ine and Bianchi, Gabriel and Chliaoutakis, Joannes and Fernandez-Fuertes, Andres A. and Fuertes, Antonio and de Matos, Margarida Gaspar and Hadjigeorgiou, Eleni and Haller, Birgitt and Hellemans, Sabine and Izdebski, Zbigniew and Kouta, Christiana and Meijnckens, Dwayne and Murauskiene, Liubove and Papadakaki, Maria and Ramiro, Lucia and Reis, Marta and Symons, Katrien and Tomaszewska, Paulina and Vicario-Molina, Isabel and Zygadlo, Andrzej}, title = {Prevalence and correlates of young people's sexual aggression perpetration and victimisation in 10 European countries: a multi-level analysis}, series = {Culture, health \& sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care}, volume = {17}, journal = {Culture, health \& sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care}, number = {6}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1369-1058}, doi = {10.1080/13691058.2014.989265}, pages = {682 -- 699}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Data are presented on young people's sexual victimisation and perpetration from 10 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia and Spain) using a shared measurement tool (N = 3480 participants, aged between 18 and 27 years). Between 19.7 and 52.2\% of female and between 10.1 and 55.8\% of male respondents reported having experienced at least one incident of sexual victimisation since the age of consent. In two countries, victimisation rates were significantly higher for men than for women. Between 5.5 and 48.7\% of male and 2.6 and 14.8\% of female participants reported having engaged in a least one act of sexual aggression perpetration, with higher rates for men than for women in all countries. Victimisation rates correlated negatively with sexual assertiveness and positively with alcohol use in sexual encounters. Perpetration rates correlated positively with attitudes condoning physical dating violence and with alcohol use in men, and negatively with sexual assertiveness in women. At the country level, lower gender equality in economic power and in the work domain was related to higher male perpetration rates. Lower gender equality in political power and higher sexual assertiveness in women relative to men were linked to higher male victimisation rates.}, language = {en} } @article{TosunSchulze2015, author = {Tosun, Jale and Schulze, Kai}, title = {Compliance with EU biofuel targets in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe: Do interest groups matter?}, series = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy}, volume = {33}, journal = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy}, number = {5}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0263-774X}, doi = {10.1177/0263774X15605923}, pages = {950 -- 968}, year = {2015}, abstract = {The European Union requires its member states to establish national targets for the biofuel content of all diesel and petrol supplies for transport placed on the market. This study explores the adoption of this European Union policy across South-Eastern and Eastern Europe between 2003 and 2012. In theoretical terms, we are specifically interested in examining the role of interest groups for policy adoption. We argue that the oil industry in general and the producers of biofuels in particular will support the establishment of national biofuel targets because they expect economic gains. By contrast, we expect environmental groups with international and regional ties to oppose such targets because biofuels have come under attack for their potential environmental impact including deforestation, a loss in biodiversity, and food insecurity. Empirically, we concentrate on policy adoptions in 21 South-Eastern and Eastern European states with varied relations to the European Union and the Energy Community. Our analysis supports our main arguments in suggesting that a stronger presence of environmental groups decreases the chances of adopting national biofuel targets across our country sample while producer interests tend to increase adoptions. This finding holds true also when controlling for a country's European Union membership and accession perspective, membership in the Energy Community, and additional domestic-level factors. These results add more generally to our understanding about compliance with European Union policies and environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @misc{KraheTomaszewskaKuyperetal.2014, author = {Krah{\´e}, Barbara and Tomaszewska, Paulina and Kuyper, Lisette and Vanwesenbeeck, Ine}, title = {Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: a review of the evidence from 27 EU countries}, series = {Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa}, volume = {19}, journal = {Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa}, number = {5}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1359-1789}, doi = {10.1016/j.avb.2014.07.005}, pages = {545 -- 558}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Sexual aggression poses a serious threat to the sexual well-being of young people. This paper documents the available evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization from 27 EU countries, established as part of the Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimization (Y-SAV) project. A total of N = 113 studies were identified through a systematic review of the literature and consultations with experts in each country. Despite differences in the number of available studies, methodology, and sample composition, the review shows substantial prevalence rates of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization across Europe. A wide variation was found, both within and between countries. The lifetime prevalence rates of female sexual victimization, excluding childhood sexual abuse, ranged from 9 to 83\%, the rates of male sexual victimization ranged from 2 to 66\%, the rates of male sexual aggression ranged from 0 to 80\%, and the range of female sexual aggression ranged from 0.8 to 40\%. One-year prevalence rates showed a similar variability. Conceptual and methodological problems in the database are discussed, and an outline is presented for a more harmonized approach to studying the scale of sexual aggression among young people in Europe. (c) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @article{KlegerMehlhausen2013, author = {Kleger, Heinz and Mehlhausen, Thomas}, title = {Indisputable and still disputed - European solidarity during the Euro crisis}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft}, volume = {54}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Wissenschaft}, number = {1}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Hannover}, issn = {0032-3470}, pages = {50 -- 74}, year = {2013}, abstract = {The term solidarity is lacking a precise definition despite being embedded as primary law in the EU treaties and regardless of its pivotal role in the current debate on the euro crisis. Once the semantic core is unearthed we sketch three dimensions of European solidarity (motives, references, level of action). Through this we shall distil three ideal types of an intergovernmental European solidarity: a federal, an organic and a distributive type. Empirically we assign the most relevant measures, which were discussed and partially enacted in the course of the euro crisis, to the three ideal types where we identify an increasing tendency towards a distributive solidarity. Once the first elements will be upgraded to a full-blown distributive solidarity through further integration, several risks arise from a normative perspective.}, language = {de} } @book{Kleger2011, author = {Kleger, Heinz}, title = {Solidarit{\"a}t in der Euro-Krise}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, volume = {4}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, publisher = {WeltTrends e.V}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-941880-27-6}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {9}, year = {2011}, abstract = {Ende Juli 2011 jubelt die europ{\"a}ische Presse: Endlich gebe es die n{\"o}tige Solidarit{\"a}t in der Euro-Zone. Die Angriffe der Rating-Agenturen k{\"o}nnten abgewehrt, die Interessen der Finanzm{\"a}rkte befriedet werden. Was aber heißt Solidarit{\"a}t hier und heute? Wie ist sie in der Europ{\"a}ischen Union verankert, formal, rechtlich und politisch? Mit was f{\"u}r einer Krise haben wir es {\"u}berhaupt zu tun? Was verbindet die eingeforderte Solidarit{\"a}t mit der Demokratie? Und welche Rolle spielt Deutschland in dieser Krise? Antworten auf diese Fragen bietet der Text von Heinz Kleger.}, language = {de} } @book{Ersil2011, author = {Ersil, Wilhelm}, title = {Eine Wirtschaftsregierung f{\"u}r die Europ{\"a}ische Union}, series = {WeltTrends Spezial}, volume = {2}, journal = {WeltTrends Spezial}, publisher = {Welttrends}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {6}, year = {2011}, language = {de} }