@phdthesis{Gunold2022,
  author    = {Gunold, Sascha},
  title     = {Abzug unter Beobachtung},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-57197},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-571977},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {391},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Mehr als vier Jahrzehnte lang beobachteten die Streitkr{\"a}fte und Milit{\"a}rnachrichtendienste der NATO-Staaten die sowjetischen Truppen in der DDR. Hierf{\"u}r {\"u}bernahm in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland der Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) die milit{\"a}rische Auslandsaufkl{\"a}rung unter Anwendung nachrichtendienstlicher Mittel und Methoden. Die Bundeswehr betrieb dagegen taktische Fernmelde- und elektronische Aufkl{\"a}rung und h{\"o}rte vor allem den Funkverkehr der „Gruppe der sowjetischen Streitkr{\"a}fte in Deutschland" (GSSD) ab. Mit der Aufstellung einer zentralen Dienststelle f{\"u}r das milit{\"a}rische Nachrichtenwesen, dem Amt f{\"u}r Nachrichtenwesen der Bundeswehr, b{\"u}ndelte und erweiterte zugleich das Bundesministerium f{\"u}r Verteidigung in den 1980er Jahren seine analytischen Kapazit{\"a}ten. Das Monopol des BND in der milit{\"a}rischen Auslandsaufkl{\"a}rung wurde von der Bundeswehr dadurch zunehmend infrage gestellt. Nach der deutschen Wiedervereinigung am 3. Oktober 1990 befanden sich immer noch mehr als 300.000 sowjetische Soldaten auf deutschem Territorium. Die 1989 in Westgruppe der Truppen (WGT) umbenannte GSSD sollte - so der Zwei-plus-Vier-Vertrag - bis 1994 vollst{\"a}ndig abziehen. Der Vertrag verbot auch den drei Westm{\"a}chten, in den neuen Bundesl{\"a}ndern milit{\"a}risch t{\"a}tig zu sein. Die f{\"u}r die Milit{\"a}raufkl{\"a}rung bis dahin unverzichtbaren Milit{\"a}rverbindungsmissionen der Westm{\"a}chte mussten ihre Dienste einstellen. Doch was geschah mit diesem „alliierten Erbe"? Wer {\"u}bernahm auf deutscher Seite die Aufkl{\"a}rung der sowjetischen Truppen und wer kontrollierte den Truppenabzug?  Die Studie untersucht die Rolle von Bundeswehr und BND beim Abzug der WGT zwischen 1990 und 1994 und fragt dabei nach Kooperation und Konkurrenz zwischen Streitkr{\"a}ften und Nachrichtendiensten. Welche milit{\"a}rischen und nachrichtendienstlichen Mittel und F{\"a}higkeiten stellte die Bundesregierung zur Bew{\"a}ltigung des Truppenabzugs zur Verf{\"u}gung, nachdem die westlichen Milit{\"a}rverbindungsmissionen aufgel{\"o}st wurden? Wie ver{\"a}nderten sich die Anforderungen an die milit{\"a}rische Auslandsaufkl{\"a}rung des BND? Inwieweit setzten sich Konkurrenz und Kooperation von Bundeswehr und BNDbeim Truppenabzug fort? Welche Rolle spielten dabei die einstigen Westm{\"a}chte? Die Arbeit versteht sich nicht nur als Beitrag zur Milit{\"a}rgeschichte, sondern auch zur deutschen Nachrichtendienstgeschichte.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kim2020,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Kim, Taeyeong},
  title     = {The involvement of the two German states in Korea during the 1950s in the context of the Cold War},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-52603},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-526039},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {100},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This master thesis will analyze the background of the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in Korea during the 1950s in the context of the Cold War. In both Korean states, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as well as the Republic of Korea (ROK), the so-called humanitarian aid that was provided to them in the form of medical and economic assistance to help surmount the hardship of the postwar period is remembered with great appreciation to this day. However, critical views on the German engagement in Korea are still relatively hard to find. In this paper, two exemplary cases will be studied: the GDR's city reconstruction project in the North Korean cities of Hamheung and Heungnam and the FRG's medical assistance to the ROK by means of the West German Red Cross Hospital in Busan. By looking at primary sources like governmental documents, this thesis will examine the geopolitical conditions and particular national interests that stood behind the German development and humanitarian aid for the Korean states at that time, thus shedding light on the political goals the two German states pursued, and the benefit they expected to derive from their engagement in Korea. Sources consulted include primary archival materials, secondary sources like monographs, journal articles, contemporary newspaper articles, and interviews with contemporary witnesses.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Scianna2019,
  author    = {Scianna, Bastian Matteo},
  title     = {Rebuilding an Austrian Army},
  series = {War in History},
  volume    = {26},
  journal   = {War in History},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0968-3445},
  doi       = {10.1177/0968344516682057},
  pages     = {105 -- 123},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {After the Second World War, a new Austrian Army (the Bundesheer) was formed to guarantee the country's armed neutrality. But the period between 1938 and 1945 remained a point of contention. While some Austrian officers had been sidelined, the majority had served in the Wehrmacht and thus shared experiences and soldierly values. As Cold War realities necessitated a professional experienced army, a group around Erwin Fussenegger (1908-1986) dominated the new Bundesheer and contemplations about reforming the military culture and value system were postponed; while at the same time, the Bundesheer managed to prevent becoming a mere continuation of the Wehrmacht.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-50816,
  title     = {Navigating Socialist Encounters},
  editor    = {Burton, Eric and Dietrich, Anne and Harisch, Immanuel R. and Schenck, Marcia C.},
  publisher = {De Gruyter},
  address   = {Oldenburg},
  isbn      = {978-3-11-062354-3},
  doi       = {10.1515/9783110623543},
  pages     = {406},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This edited volume examines entanglements and disentanglements between Africa and East Germany during and after the Cold War from a global history perspective. Extending the view beyond political elites, it asks for the negotiated and plural character of socialism in these encounters and sheds light on migration, media, development, and solidarity through personal and institutional agency. With its distinctive focus on moorings and unmoorings, the volume shows how the encounters, albeit often brief, significantly influenced both African and East German histories.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Steffensen2021,
  author    = {Steffensen, Nils},
  title     = {Ruhm, Ide(ologi)e, Macht},
  series = {thersites 12},
  volume    = {2020},
  journal   = {thersites 12},
  number    = {12},
  editor    = {Rollinger, Christian},
  issn      = {2364-7612},
  doi       = {10.34679/thersites.vol12.134},
  pages     = {1 -- 37},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The first Hollywood film adaptation of Alexander the Great is Robert Rossen's 1956 movie. Classicists have primarily been concerned with errors of historicity, Alexander's assumed tragic traits, and rather associative conclusions concerning the movie's political implications. This paper raises the question of Rossen's depiction of Alexander's motives and aims. His assessment of the king is surprisingly complicated. Therefore, for the first time, Rossen's interview comments on Alexander are analysed comprehensively and systematically. Furthermore, it is shown that neglected sources are central to the plot. Finally, the film is interpreted against the backdrop of Rossen's oeuvre. It can be demonstrated that Rossen's issue is the problem of ideology. He seeks a redefinition of glory. Military success is only an excuse for the pursuit of mere power. For Rossen, however, the true fame is nothing but the benefit of the people. It took a long time for Alexander to realize that his rule was inane, and to reshape his policy. This interpretation is due to fundamental convictions reflected in Rossen's oeuvre as well as to his personal experiences in politics. It is a plea for de-ideologization in times of the Cold War.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kim2020,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Kim, Taeyeong},
  title     = {The involvement of the two German states in Korea during the 1950s in the context of the Cold War},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-48731},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-487315},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {100},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This master thesis will analyze the background of the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in Korea during the 1950s in the context of the Cold War. In both Korean states, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as well as the Republic of Korea (ROK), the so-called humanitarian aid that was provided to them in the form of medical and economic assistance to help surmount the hardship of the postwar period is remembered with great appreciation to this day. However, critical views on the German engagement in Korea are still relatively hard to find. In this paper, two exemplary cases will be studied: the GDR's city reconstruction project in the North Korean cities of Hamheung and Heungnam and the FRG's medical assistance to the ROK by means of the West German Red Cross Hospital in Busan. By looking at primary sources like governmental documents, this thesis will examine the geopolitical conditions and particular national interests that stood behind the German development and humanitarian aid for the Korean states at that time, thus shedding light on the political goals the two German states pursued, and the benefit they expected to derive from their engagement in Korea. Sources consulted include primary archival materials, secondary sources like monographs, journal articles, contemporary newspaper articles, and interviews with contemporary witnesses.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{LeBonhomme2015,
  author    = {Le Bonhomme, Fanny},
  title     = {Psychiatrie et soci{\´e}t{\´e} en R{\´e}publique D{\´e}mocratique Allemande},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407164},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {480},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The patients of the Charité Psychiatry and Neurology clinic (East-Berlin, GDR) during the 1960s are at the center of this study. While taking into account the interpretation provided by the medical discourse, this research aims at reconstructing the experiences and the trajectories of these individuals by inscribing them in the context of the socialist society. Relying on patients' records - these records being the main source of this study - the goal of this research is to reach a better understanding of underlying tensions in the socialist society in relation to the political and ideological context. As these sources show, when they talk to the therapist, patients can speak according to rules which differ from the rules implemented in the socialist society. Because they may contain traces of speeches that would usually be silenced as a result of censorship or self-censorship, or of the unspeakable, shameful or delirious nature of this speech, the patients' records prove to be a valuable source for the historian. From marital tensions caused by ideological disagreements to the inner conflicts of an "ardent marxist", from the pain triggered by the exclusion from the party to the pain caused by the construction of the Berlin Wall, from the "reuniting delirium" to the delusions according to which the West appears as a threat, the individual and singular experiences of the patients allow to reconstruct, through a microhistorical approach, certain tensions inherent to the working of the socialist society.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@article{BruhnHuschkaWagner2012,
  author    = {Bruhn, Anja and Huschka, Denis and Wagner, Gert G.},
  title     = {Naming and war in modern Germany},
  series = {Names : a journal of onomastics},
  volume    = {60},
  journal   = {Names : a journal of onomastics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Leeds},
  issn      = {0027-7738},
  doi       = {10.1179/0027773812Z.00000000011},
  pages     = {74 -- 89},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {This paper analyzes naming behavior in Germany in the context of rapid social change. It begins with an overview of general developments in naming in Germany over the last one hundred years, based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP), which supplies us with almost 45,000 datasets. The paper focuses on the periods of World War II and the Cold War since we conclude that general developments in naming were disrupted by these two phenomena. Wartime brings accelerated social change in its wake and people react to this social change - often on an apparently individual level. Here, our findings are in accordance with established sociological theories.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Siegmund2013,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Siegmund, Michael},
  title     = {General Douglas MacArthur und der Koreakrieg},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-67378},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Zu Beginn des Koreakrieges hatte im benachbarten Japan ein Mann de facto alle Macht in seinen H{\"a}nden, der seit 1942 Oberbefehlshaber der alliierten Truppen im Pazifik gewesen war und am 2. September 1945 mit der Entgegennahme der japanischen Kapitulation den Zweiten Weltkrieg beendete - Douglas MacArthur. Der General, der den Pazifik einst als angels{\"a}chsischen See bezeichnet hatte, war unter seiner administrativen Leitung maßgeblich verantwortlich f{\"u}r die japanische Nachkriegsentwicklung und stand nun vor der neuen Herausforderung des Oberbefehls {\"u}ber die Truppen der Vereinten Nationen in Korea. Der {\"u}ber alle Maßen erfolgsverw{\"o}hnte MacArthur hatte die an Profilierungsm{\"o}glichkeiten nicht zu {\"u}berbietenden Weltkriege genutzt, um zu einem der h{\"o}chstdekorierten Offiziere der US-Milit{\"a}rgeschichte aufzusteigen. Innerhalb seines pazifischen Machtbereiches hatte er sich {\"u}ber die Jahre den Status eines quasi souver{\"a}nen Staatsoberhauptes aufgebaut - mit einem eigenen Verwaltungsapparat, einer eigenen Armee und einem eigenen Geheimdienst, und er betrieb, einem souver{\"a}nen Herrscher entsprechend, auch seine ganz eigene Politik. In dieser Arbeit wird, ausgehend von der These - MacArthur habe, einen Plan verfolgend, seine Position genutzt, um den Versuch zu unternehmen, den f{\"u}r ihn sehr gelegen und keineswegs {\"u}berraschend kommenden Krieg in Korea zu einem Entscheidungsschlag gegen den asiatischen Kommunismus auszuweiten, nationalistischen Kr{\"a}ften zur Macht zu verhelfen und den dann endlich nicht mehr zu {\"u}bertreffenden milit{\"a}rischen Ruhm politisch zu instrumentalisieren, um zur republikanischen Pr{\"a}sidentschaftskandidatur zu gelangen - zun{\"a}chst das Hauptaugenmerk auf MacArthurs Beziehung zu Mao Tse-tungs Gegenspieler Chiang Kai-shek, dem Machthaber im S{\"u}den Koreas, Syngman Rhee, und deren m{\"o}gliche strategische Einbeziehung sowie zur demokratischen Truman-Administration gelegt. Im zweiten Schwerpunkt werden, beginnend mit dem kurzen Entwurf eines Pers{\"o}nlichkeitsprofils MacArthurs, seine milit{\"a}rischen und politischen Ziele plausibilisiert. Dabei dient die weiter oben formulierte These als Blaupause f{\"u}r die Betrachtung des Kriegsverlaufes mit einem agierenden, aktiv seinen Plan verfolgenden General MacArthur, dessen (politisches) Handeln auch nach seiner Absetzung durch Pr{\"a}sident Truman noch unter dem Licht dieses Plans betrachtet werden kann.},
  language  = {de}
}