@incollection{BalkInanSenneke2016, author = {Balk, Jennifer and Inan, Aylin and Senneke, Marie}, title = {Yasmina Reza: Der Gott des Gemetzels}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {205 -- 228}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{KoehnReinhardtSchmidt2016, author = {K{\"o}hn, Mathias and Reinhardt, Cindy and Schmidt, Henrike}, title = {William Shakespeare: Der Sturm}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {17 -- 45}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Janetschek2016, author = {Janetschek, Hannah}, title = {Water development programs in India}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-401337}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {279}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the past decades, development cooperation (DC) led by conventional bi- and multilateral donors has been joined by a large number of small, private or public-private donors. This pluralism of actors raises questions as to whether or not these new donors are able to implement projects more or less effectively than their conventional counterparts. In contrast to their predecessors, the new donors have committed themselves to be more pragmatic, innovative and flexible in their development cooperation measures. However, they are also criticized for weakening the function of local civil society and have the reputation of being an intransparent and often controversial alternative to public services. With additional financial resources and their new approach to development, the new donors have been described in the literature as playing a controversial role in transforming development cooperation. This dissertation compares the effectiveness of initiatives by new and conventional donors with regard to the provision of public goods and services to the poor in the water and sanitation sector in India. India is an emerging country but it is experiencing high poverty rates and poor water supply in predominantly rural areas. It lends itself for analyzing this research theme as it is currently being confronted by a large number of actors and approaches that aim to find solutions for these challenges . In the theoretical framework of this dissertation, four governance configurations are derived from the interaction of varying actor types with regard to hierarchical and non-hierarchical steering of their interactions. These four governance configurations differ in decision-making responsibilities, accountability and delegation of tasks or direction of information flow. The assumption on actor relationships and steering is supplemented by possible alternative explanations in the empirical investigation, such as resource availability, the inheritance of structures and institutions from previous projects in a project context, gaining acceptance through beneficiaries (local legitimacy) as a door opener, and asymmetries of power in the project context. Case study evidence from seven projects reveals that the actors' relationship is important for successful project delivery. Additionally, the results show that there is a systematic difference between conventional and new donors. Projects led by conventional donors were consistently more successful, due to an actor relationship that placed the responsibility in the hands of the recipient actors and benefited from the trust and reputation of a long-term cooperation. The trust and reputation of conventional donors always went along with a back-up from federal level and trickled down as reputation also at local level implementation. Furthermore, charismatic leaders, as well as the acquired structures and institutions of predecessor projects, also proved to be a positive influencing factor for successful project implementation. Despite the mixed results of the seven case studies, central recommendations for action can be derived for the various actors involved in development cooperation. For example, new donors could fulfill a supplementary function with conventional donors by developing innovative project approaches through pilot studies and then implementing them as a supplement to the projects of conventional donors on the ground. In return, conventional donors would have to make room the new donors by integrating their approaches into already programs in order to promote donor harmonization. It is also important to identify and occupy niches for activities and to promote harmonization among donors on state and federal sides. The empirical results demonstrate the need for a harmonization strategy of different donor types in order to prevent duplication, over-experimentation and the failure of development programs. A transformation to successful and sustainable development cooperation can only be achieved through more coordination processes and national self-responsibility.}, language = {en} } @article{deGuevara2016, author = {de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann}, title = {visits in zones of conflict and intervention}, series = {Journal of intervention and statebuilding}, volume = {10}, journal = {Journal of intervention and statebuilding}, publisher = {Soil Science Society of America}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1750-2977}, doi = {10.1080/17502977.2015.1137394}, pages = {56 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This article explores the practice and political significance of politicians' journeys to conflict zones. It focuses on the German example, looking at field trips to theatres of international intervention as a way of first-hand knowledge in policymaking. Paying tribute to Lisa Smirl and her work on humanitarian spaces, objects and imaginaries and on liminality in aid worker biographies, two connected arguments are developed. First, through the exploration of the routinized practices of politicians' field trips the article shows how these journeys not only remain confined to the 'auxiliary space' of aid/intervention, but that it is furthermore a staged reality of this auxiliary space that most politicians experience on their journeys. The question is then asked, second, what politicians actually experience on their journeys and how their experiences relate to their policy knowledge about conflict and intervention. It is shown that political field trips enable sensory/affectual, liminoid and liminal experiences, which have functions such as authority accumulation, agenda setting, community building, and civilizing domestic politics, while at the same time reinforcing, in most cases, pre-existing conflict and intervention imaginaries.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumilHafner2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Hafner, Jonas}, title = {Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, series = {Verwaltung \& Management : VM ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r moderne Verwaltung}, journal = {Verwaltung \& Management : VM ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r moderne Verwaltung}, number = {3}, publisher = {Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0947-9856}, pages = {126 -- 136}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In dem Beitrag werden das Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise und m{\"o}gliche Ursachen der aufgetretenen Vollzugsprobleme untersucht. Im Fokus stehen vor allem die Vollzugsrealit{\"a}t und die Verwaltungsvarianz im Bereich der Erstaufnahme von Fl{\"u}chtlingen auf der L{\"a}nderebene sowie die durch das BAMF als auch die Bundes l{\"a}nder mittlerweile begonnenen Reformen im Verwaltungsvollzugssystem. Leitfrage des Aufsatzes ist, ob das bestehende Verwaltungsvollzugssystem nicht nur in den jeweiligen Zust{\"a}ndigkeiten reformbed{\"u}rftig ist, sondern ob es auch zu einer neuen Zust{\"a}ndigkeitsverteilung im Bundesstaat kommen sollte.}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannBogumilHafner2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Hafner, Jonas}, title = {Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, series = {Die Verwaltung : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Verwaltungsrecht und Verwaltungswissenschaften}, volume = {49}, journal = {Die Verwaltung : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Verwaltungsrecht und Verwaltungswissenschaften}, number = {2}, publisher = {Duncker und Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {1865-5211}, doi = {10.3790/verw.49.2.289}, pages = {289 -- 300}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @article{Terhalle2016, author = {Terhalle, Maximilian}, title = {Transnational Actors and Great Powers during Order Transition}, series = {International studies perspectives}, volume = {17}, journal = {International studies perspectives}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1528-3577}, doi = {10.1111/insp.12077}, pages = {287 -- 306}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This article rests on the assumption of the "complexity, messiness, power relations, and contested character of the contemporary dualistic system," which comprises great powers and "superimposed, functionally differentiated global subsystems of world society" (Cohen 2012:5). The article argues that this framework is being shaped by the current transition of global order. In turn, this raises the question how the state-led negotiation of today's order transition can be understood against the backdrop of a post-Westphalian environment. The article challenges the widespread argument pertaining to the "autonomy of transnational actors" by suggesting that the influence of nonstate actors is dependent on a particular institutional context in which the key political questions framing a social order are settled. Whereas research on international institutions and their design simply assumes that this is the case, here it is argued that unless these framing patterns are agreed upon by major powers, the respective order and its elements, that is, institutions and regimes, remain contested or deadlocked. When this happens, the political impact of non-state actors is largely neutralized or strongly weakened and their effective autonomy from great powers is minimized.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {The Regime-Trilemma: On the Relationship between the Executive and Legislature in advanced Democracies}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\~A}¼r Politische Wissenschaft}, volume = {57}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\~A}¼r Politische Wissenschaft}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Hannover}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.5771/0032-3470-2016-1-27}, pages = {27 -- +}, year = {2016}, abstract = {A comprehensive typology of basic executive formats is presented and linked to a discussion of tradeoffs in the design of executive-legislative relations. The focus is on the tradeoffs between three goals: (1) programmatic parties, (2) identifiable cabinets and (3) issue -specific legislative coalitions. To include semi-presidentialism into the typology in a logically consistent manner, a heretofore neglected executive format has to be defined, which is labelled semi-parliamentarism. Based on a discussion of Australian states, it is argued that semi-parliamentarism has the potential to mitigate the trilemma.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Schiller2016, author = {Schiller, Christof}, title = {The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany}, series = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, journal = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-315-62390-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {273}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @article{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators: Examining Use and Influence of Indicators in German Sustainability Policy Making}, series = {German politics}, volume = {25}, journal = {German politics}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0964-4008}, doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1193160}, pages = {480 -- 499}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.}, language = {en} } @article{Hartmann2016, author = {Hartmann, Eddie}, title = {Symbolic Boundaries and Collective Violence. A New Theoretical Argument for an Explanatory Sociology of Collective Violent Action}, series = {Journal for the theory of social behaviour}, volume = {46}, journal = {Journal for the theory of social behaviour}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0021-8308}, doi = {10.1111/jtsb.12093}, pages = {165 -- 186}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The sociology of violence still struggles with two critical questions: What motivates people to act violently on behalf of groups and how do they come to identify with the groups for which they act? Methodologically the article addresses these puzzling problems in favor of a relational sociology that argues against both micro- and macro-reductionist accounts, while theoretically it proposes a twofold reorientation: first, it makes a plea for the so called cognitive turn in social theory; second, it proposes following praxeological accounts of social action that focus on the dynamic interpenetration of cognition and socio-cultural practices. The argument is that symbolic boundaries constitute the "missing link" that allows for overcoming the micro-macro gap in violence research: Symbolic boundaries can cause people's participation in collective violence by providing the essential relational resources for violent action and by triggering the cognitive/affective mechanisms necessary for social actors to become drawn into mobilization processes that can cause their engaging in coordinated attacks on sites across the boundary. The article offers a new theoretical argument by drawing on knowledge from violence research, social action theory and cognitive science allowing for a non-reductionist theory of action that explains how and why people engage in collective violence.}, language = {en} } @misc{MielkeVermassenEllenbecketal.2016, author = {Mielke, Jahel and Vermassen, Hannah and Ellenbeck, Saskia and Milan, Blanca Fernandez and Jaeger, Carlo}, title = {Stakeholder involvement in sustainability science-A critical view}, series = {Global biogeochemical cycles}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global biogeochemical cycles}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2214-6296}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2016.04.001}, pages = {71 -- 81}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Discussions about the opening of science to society have led to the emergence of new fields such as sustainability science and transformative science. At the same time, the megatrend of stakeholder participation reached the academic world and thus scientific research processes. This challenges the way science is conducted and the tools, methods and theories perceived appropriate. Although researchers involve stakeholders, the scientific community still lacks comprehensive theoretical analysis of the practical processes behind their integration - for example what kind of perceptions scientists have about their roles, their objectives, the knowledge to gather, their understanding of science or the science-policy interface. Our paper addresses this research gap by developing four ideal types of stakeholder involvement in science - the technocratic, the functionalist, the neoliberal-rational and the democratic type. In applying the typology, which is based on literature review, interviews and practical experiences, we identify and discuss three major criticisms raised towards stakeholder involvement in science: the legitimacy of stakeholder claims, the question whether bargaining or deliberation are part of the stakeholder involvement process and the question of the autonomy of science. Thus, the typology helps scientists to better understand the major critical questions that stakeholder involvement raises and enables them to position themselves when conducting their research. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hirschmann2016, author = {Hirschmann, Nathalie}, title = {Sicherheit als professionelle Dienstleistung und Mythos}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-13111-1}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {286}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Nathalie Hirschmann geht der Frage nach, auf welche Weise sich die Sicherheitswirtschaft im System der Sicherheit zu etablieren sucht und wie erfolgreich ihr dies gelingt. Ihre Analyse verdeutlicht, wie Schmuddelimage und begrenzte Kompetenzzuschreibung der Branche einerseits erschweren, neben der Polizei als institutionelle Tr{\"a}gerin der {\"o}ffentlichen Sicherheit zu bestehen, und andererseits, gegen{\"u}ber dem Kunden bzw. Auftraggeber in ein professionelleres Gef{\"u}ge zu treten. Einen inhaltsanalytisch theoriegeleiteten, soziologisch-konzeptionellen Blick einnehmend wird deutlich, welche Ausbaubestrebungen kognitiver und sozialer Art die Sicherheitswirtschaft vorgenommen hat und wo diese an ihre Grenzen stoßen.}, language = {de} } @article{Seyfried2016, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Setting a fox to guard the henhouse? Determinants in elections for presidents of supreme audit institutions Evidence from the German federal states (1991-2011)}, series = {Managerial auditing journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Managerial auditing journal}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0268-6902}, doi = {10.1108/MAJ-03-2015-1168}, pages = {492 -- 511}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to provide evidence regarding the selection procedures for and characteristics of senior officials in supreme audit institutions (SIAs). Design/methodology/approach - This study follows a quantitative approach using original data collected for presidential elections of SIAs in the 16 federal states in Germany. A fractional logit model is calculated to test different theoretical assumptions in relation to structural, political and individual factors. Findings - The descriptive results confirm the findings of prior research that presidential candidates are elected with very high approval rates. The main determinants are the vote share of the ruling coalition and the executive experience of the presidential candidate. Research limitations/implications - This study focuses on 16 federal states in Germany, but an international comparative perspective covering subnational levels would further augment analysis through the variance of selection procedures and electoral outcomes. Social implications - Independence of auditors is a fundamental issue for the control of the executive, but it seems that there are inevitable trade-offs therein, such as between knowledge of the auditing objects or the politicization of the election process and the independence of the auditor. Originality/value - This study provides novel empirical insights into the election and selection procedures for senior SIA officials at the subnational level, and shows that the executive exerts strong, but functionally reasonable, influence on candidate selection.}, language = {en} } @article{SchulzeTosun2016, author = {Schulze, Kai and Tosun, Jale}, title = {RIVAL REGULATORY REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF BIOSAFETY}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {94}, journal = {Public administration}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12176}, pages = {57 -- 72}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The literature on international regulatory regimes has highlighted how rival standards can create different points of convergence. Scholarly attention has also focused on how the European Union (EU) and the United States (USA) attempt to 'export' their environmental standards internationally. Here, we explore the effectiveness of these attempts by means of third states' decisions to ratify the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, a multilateral environmental agreement regulating genetically modified organisms that is promoted by the EU but opposed by the USA. Our findings confirm that both rivals are able to influence the ratification decision of states, but they also suggest that these effects may have different origins. Countries relying more heavily on US markets for food exports tend to be less likely to ratify the Cartagena Protocol, while countries that have applied for EU membership are more likely to ratify the protocol.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Research Design in Political Science - Causal perspectives versus contrastive theory testing}, series = {Austrian journal of political science}, volume = {45}, journal = {Austrian journal of political science}, publisher = {{\~A}-sterreichische Gesellschaft f{\~A}¼r Politikwissenschaft}, address = {Wien}, issn = {2313-5433}, doi = {10.15203/ozp.1037.vol45iss1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die politikwissenschaftliche Literatur unterscheidet zwei Grundtypen von Forschungsdesigns: x- und y-zentriert. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass ein „kontrastives" Forschungsdesign als dritter Grundtyp abgegrenzt werden sollte. Die drei Designs unterscheiden sich durch die Anzahl der betrachteten Theorien und dadurch, ob mehrere Theorien konkurrierend oder komplement{\"a}r sind. Die typologische Abgrenzung des kontrastiven Designs verdeutlicht auch die Vor- und Nachteile x- und y-zentrierter Designs. Anhand verschiedener Beispielstudien (experimentell und nicht-experimentell, quantitativ und qualitativ) werden die Charakteristika der drei Designs sowie ihre Kombinationsm{\"o}glichkeiten herausgearbeitet. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus wird das kontrastive Design als verbindendes Element zwischen den quantitativen und qualitativen Forschungs-„Kulturen" hervorgehoben. The political science literature distinguishes two basic types of research designs: x- and y-centered. The article argues for the distinction of a third basic type: the "contrastive" design. The three designs differ in the number of relevant theories and in whether they see theories as competing or complementary. The typological differentiation of the contrastive research design helps to clarify the pros and cons of x- and y-centered designs. The article uses exemplary studies (experimental and observational, quantitative and qualitative) to illustrate the characteristics of the three designs as well as the possibilities of combining them. The contrastive design also constitutes a common element of the quantitative and qualitative research, "cultures".}, language = {de} } @misc{Goffrier2016, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Goffrier, Benjamin}, title = {Regionale Unterschiede der Inanspruchnahme von Pr{\"a}ventionsleistungen in der ambulanten Versorgung}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-88833}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {127}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Das Ziel dieser Studie war es die regionalen Unterschiede der Inanspruchnahme sekund{\"a}rpr{\"a}ventiver Leistungen in Deutschland auf Kreisebene zu analysieren. Hierbei sollte eine L{\"u}cke in der deutschen Forschung geschlossen werden, indem neben individuellen Faktoren auch {\"o}kologische Faktoren durch einen Mehrebenenansatz einbezogen wurden. Auf {\"o}kologischer Ebene wurde die Effekte der regionalen sozialen Deprivation, der Urbanisierung und der Arztdichte der ambulanten {\"A}rzte analysiert. Variablen auf Individualebene waren Geschlecht und Gesundheitsstatus. In der Studie wurden drei verschiedene Datenbanken miteinander verkn{\"u}pft. Zur Berechnung der regionalen sozialen Deprivation und der Urbanisierung wurden Daten von INKAR f{\"u}r alle 402 Kreise verwendet. Das Bundesarztregister lieferte die Datengrundlage zur Bestimmung der Arztdichte. Die Abrechnungsdaten aller Kassen{\"a}rztlichen Vereinigungen nach \S 295 SGB V lieferten die Zahlen f{\"u}r die Inanspruchnahme der spezifischen Pr{\"a}ventionsangebote als auch f{\"u}r Geschlecht und Gesundheitsstatus. Hierdurch war es m{\"o}glich eine Vollerhebung aller gesetzlich Krankenversicherten zwischen 50 und 55 Jahren durchzuf{\"u}hren, die 2013 einen Arzt aufgesucht haben (N = 6,6 Mio.). Die unabh{\"a}ngigen Variablen der regionalen sozialen Deprivation und Urbanisierung sowie die Kontrollvariable Gesundheitsstatus wurden mit Hilfe der Faktorenanalyse gebildet. Um die regionalen Unterschiede analysieren zu k{\"o}nnen, wurde eine hierarchische multivariate Regression durchgef{\"u}hrt. Rund 80\% aller sekund{\"a}rpr{\"a}ventiven Leistungen wurden von Frauen in Anspruch genommen. Ein schlechterer Gesundheitsstatus war mit einer h{\"o}heren Rate der Inanspruchnahme assoziiert. Die Ergebnisse weisen auf regionale Unterschiede hin, die sich nach Geschlecht unterscheiden wobei die unabh{\"a}ngigen Variablen nur kleine Effekte aufweisen. Entgegen der Hypothese war eine h{\"o}here regionale soziale Deprivation mit einer h{\"o}heren Inanspruchnahme bei M{\"a}nnern und Frauen assoziiert. Urbanit{\"a}t war bei M{\"a}nnern positiv und bei Frauen negativ mit der Inanspruchnahme assoziiert. Die Interaktion beider Variablen hat keinen Effekt auf M{\"a}nner aber einen negativen Effekt auf Frauen. Die Arztdichte wurde aus dem finalen statistischen Modell ausgeschlossen, da die Variable Multikollinearit{\"a}t aufwies. Bisherige Theorien sind nicht in der Lage die Ergebnisse zu erkl{\"a}ren, da sie bisherigen Forschungsergebnissen widersprechen. Zus{\"a}tzliche Berechnungen legen die Schlussfolgerung nahe, dass die herrschenden Ost-West-Unterschiede zu einer Konfundierung der Ergebnisse gef{\"u}hrt haben. Ber{\"u}cksichtigt man das Alter der Patienten, kann vermutet werden, dass die Sozialisation der Inanspruchnahme sekund{\"a}rpr{\"a}ventiver Leistungen in der DDR bis heute das Gesundheitsverhalten beeinflusst. Allerdings sind weitere Forschungen notwendig um die Gr{\"u}nde f{\"u}r die regionalen Unterschiede der Inanspruchnahme sekund{\"a}rpr{\"a}ventiver Leistungen besser zu verstehen.}, language = {de} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Reconciling Representation and Accountability: Three Visions of Democracy Compared}, series = {Government \& opposition : an international journal of comparative politics}, volume = {51}, journal = {Government \& opposition : an international journal of comparative politics}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0017-257X}, doi = {10.1017/gov.2015.15}, pages = {209 -- 233}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to 'clarity of responsibility', widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned - as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict.}, language = {en} } @misc{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Reconciling representation and accountability}, series = {Government and Opposition}, journal = {Government and Opposition}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413456}, pages = {25}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to clarity of responsibility', widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned - as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Produktivit{\"a}t als Antwort}, series = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2016}, language = {de} }