@incollection{HartmannZimmermann2006, author = {Hartmann, Katharina and Zimmermann, Malte}, title = {Morphological focus marking in G{\`u}r{\`u}nt{\`u}m (West Chadic)}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19525}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2006}, abstract = {The paper presents an in-depth study of focus marking in G{\`u}r{\`u}nt{\`u}m, a West Chadic language spoken in Bauchi Province of Northern Nigeria. Focus in G{\`u}r{\`u}nt{\`u}m is marked morphologically by means of a focus marker a, which typically precedes the focus constituent. Even though the morphological focus-marking system of G{\`u}r{\`u}nt{\`u}m allows for a lot of fine-grained distinctions in information structure (IS) in principle, the language is not entirely free of focus ambiguities that arise as the result of conflicting IS- and syntactic requirements that govern the placement of focus markers. We show that morphological focus marking with a applies across different types of focus, such as newinformation, contrastive, selective and corrective focus, and that a does not have a second function as a perfectivity marker, as is assumed in the literature. In contrast, we show at the end of the paper that a can also function as a foregrounding device at the level of discourse structure.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kiss2007, author = {Kiss, Katalin {\´E}.}, title = {Topic and focus}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19639}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2007}, abstract = {The paper explicates the notions of topic, contrastive topic, and focus as used in the analysis of Hungarian. Based on distributional criteria, topic and focus are claimed to represent distinct structural positions in the left periphery of the Hungarian sentence, associated with logical rather than discourse functions. The topic is interpreted as the logical subject of predication. The focus is analyzed as a derived main predicate, specifying the referential content of the set denoted by the backgrounded post-focus section of the sentence. The exhaustivity associated with the focus and the existential presupposition associated with the background are shown to be properties following from their specificational predication relation.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Selkirk2007, author = {Selkirk, Elisabeth}, title = {Contrastive focus, givenness and the unmarked status of "Discourse-New"}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19670}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2007}, abstract = {New evidence is provided for a grammatical principle that singles out contrastive focus (Rooth 1996; Truckenbrodt 1995) and distinguishes it from discourse-new "informational" focus. Since the prosody of discourse-given constituents may also be distinguished from discourse-new, a three-way distinction in representation is motivated. It is assumed that an F-feature marks just contrastive focus (Jackendoff 1972, Rooth 1992), and that a G-feature marks discoursegiven constituents (F{\´e}ry and Samek-Lodovici 2006), while discoursenew is unmarked. A crucial argument for G-marking comes from second occurrence focus (SOF) prosody, which arguably derives from a syntactic representation where SOF is both F-marked and G-marked. This analysis relies on a new G-Marking Condition specifying that a contrastive focus may be G-marked only if the focus semantic value of its scope is discourse-given, i.e. only if the contrast itself is given.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Jannedy2007, author = {Jannedy, Stefanie}, title = {Prosodic focus in Vietnamese}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19478}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2007}, abstract = {This paper reports on pilot work on the expression of Information Structure in Vietnamese and argues that Focus in Vietnamese is exclusively expressed prosodically: there are no specific focus markers, and the language uses phonology to express intonational emphasis in similar ways to languages like English or German. The exploratory data indicates that (i) focus is prosodically expressed while word order remains constant, (ii) listeners show good recoverability of the intended focus structure, and (iii) that there is a trading relationship between several phonetic parameters (duration, f0, amplitude) involved to signal prosodic (acoustic) emphasis.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Ette2015, author = {Ette, Ottmar}, title = {Nanofilologia y teoria literaria}, series = {MicroBerl{\´i}n - de minificciones y microrrelatos}, booktitle = {MicroBerl{\´i}n - de minificciones y microrrelatos}, publisher = {Iberoamericana}, address = {Madrid}, isbn = {978-84-8489-929-7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {51 -- 84}, year = {2015}, language = {en} } @incollection{Prieto2015, author = {Prieto, Julio}, title = {Distancias cortas: microrrelato y derivas genercas en Marosa di Giorgio}, series = {MicroBerl{\´i}n - de minificciones y microrrelatos}, booktitle = {MicroBerl{\´i}n - de minificciones y microrrelatos}, publisher = {Iberoamericana}, address = {Madrid}, isbn = {978-84-8489-929-7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {235 -- 247}, year = {2015}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kuegler2017, author = {K{\"u}gler, Frank}, title = {Tone and intonation in Akan}, series = {Intonation in African Tone Languages}, volume = {24}, booktitle = {Intonation in African Tone Languages}, publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-11-050352-4; 978-3-11-048479-3}, issn = {1861-4191}, doi = {10.1515/9783110503524-004}, pages = {89 -- 129}, year = {2017}, abstract = {This chapter provides an account of the intonation patterns in Akan (Kwa, Niger-Congo). Tonal processes such as downstep, tonal spreading and tonal replacement influence the surface tone pattern of a sentence. In general, any Akan utterance independent of sentence type shows a characteristic down-trend in pitch. This chapter proposes that Akan employs a simple post-lexical tonal grammar that accounts for the shapes of an intonation contour. The unmarked post-lexical structure is found in simple declaratives. The downward trend of an intonation contour is shaped by local tonal interactions (downstep), and sentence-final tonal neutralization. In polar questions, an iota-phrase-final low boundary tone (L\%) accounts for the intensity increase and lengthening of the final vowel compared to a declarative. Complex declaratives and left-dislocations show a partial pitch reset at the left edge of an embedded iota-phrase. Underlying lexical tones are not affected by intonation with the exception of sentence-final H-tones.}, language = {en} }