@misc{Kluemper2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Kl{\"u}mper, Hannah},
  title     = {From Brock to Brett},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-62329},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-623293},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {110},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Diese Masterarbeit in der US-amerikanischen Kulturwissenschaft stellt die These auf, dass das Ph{\"a}nomen der rape culture ein soziokulturelles System gesellschaftlicher Machtstrukturen und kultureller Mythen darstellt. Basierend auf sogenannten Vergewaltigungsmythen konstituiert dieses System zudem eine Ideologie. Ziel der Arbeit ist es zu zeigen, wie diese Vergewaltigungsmythen instrumentalisiert werden, um (prim{\"a}r weiße, cis-m{\"a}nnliche) T{\"a}ter zu besch{\"u}tzen und stattdessen Betroffenen von sexualisierter Gewalt die Verantwortung zuzuweisen. So soll aufgezeigt werden, dass junge M{\"a}nner wie Brock Turner, die von patriarchalen Machtstrukturen profitieren, zu M{\"a}nnern wie Brett Kavanaugh aufwachsen, und dass diese nicht nur davon profitieren, dass die rape culture ihr {\"u}bergriffiges Verhalten entschuldigt, sondern dass sie zudem darauf gest{\"u}tzt an Machtpositionen gelangen, durch die sie als Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger diese der rape culture zugrundeliegenden Strukturen im Gegenzug aufrechterhalten k{\"o}nnen. Dabei konzentriert sich die Arbeit auf die Vergewaltigungsmythen des sogenannten Victim-Blamings und Shamings sowie der Viktimisierung von T{\"a}tern. Diese Mythen werden im Rahmen einer Analyse von Zeitungsartikeln aus dem 19. Jahrhundert herausgearbeitet und in das 21. Jahrhundert verfolgt. Basierend auf Mary Douglas' Theorie zu Reinheitsvorstellungen wird aufgezeigt, inwiefern sich nicht nur soziale Kategorien, n{\"a}mlich Geschlecht, race, sozio{\"o}konomischer Status und Alter, sondern auch die sexuelle Reinheit oder Unreinheit von Betroffenen auf die gesellschaftliche Bewertung von Vergewaltigungsf{\"a}llen auswirken. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus zeigt die Arbeit, wie weibliche K{\"o}rper als ideologisches Schlachtfeld f{\"u}r politische und gesellschaftliche Ver{\"a}nderungen in den USA fungieren, und dass empfundene Bedrohungen des patriarchalen Status Quo im {\"o}ffentlichen Diskurs als moralische Gefahren dargestellt werden, die von weiblichen K{\"o}rpern ausgehen. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass die rape culture von (weißem cis-) m{\"a}nnlichem Anspruchsdenken auf weibliche K{\"o}rper, aber dar{\"u}ber hinaus auch auf Machtpositionen im patriarchalen System angetrieben wird. Sie zeigt auf, wie dieses System die rape culture instrumentalisiert, um seine zugrundeliegenden Strukturen aufrechtzuerhalten, die (cis) M{\"a}nner beg{\"u}nstigen und im Gegensatz (cis) Frauen sowie andere marginalisierte und nicht-heteronormative Gruppen benachteiligen. Dies wird anhand einer Analyse des Stanford-Vergewaltigungsfalls von 2016 sowie der Kavanaugh-Anh{\"o}rung von 2018 dargestellt.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Spille2015,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Spille, Lea},
  title     = {Deciding who to blame for rape and robbery in Turkey},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-42327},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-423279},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {v, 123},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The present study investigated the attribution of responsibility to victims and perpetrators in rape compared to robbery cases in Turkey. Each participant read three short case scenarios (vignettes) and completed items pertaining to the female victim and male perpetrator. The vignettes were systematically varied with regard to the type of crime that was committed (rape or robbery), the perpetrator's coercive strategy (physical force or exploiting the victim's alcohol-induced defenselessness), and the victim-perpetrator relationship prior to the incident (stranger, acquaintance, or ex-partner). Furthermore, participant gender and acceptance of rape myths (beliefs that justify or trivialize sexual violence) were taken into account. One half of the participants completed the rape myth acceptance (RMA) scales first and then received the vignettes, while the other half were given the vignettes first and then completed the RMA scales. As expected, more blame was attributed to victims of rape than to victims of robbery. Conversely, perpetrators of rape were blamed less than perpetrators of robbery. The more participants endorsed rape myths, the more blame was attributed to the victim and the less blame was attributed to the perpetrators. Increasing levels of RMA were associated with an increase in victim blame (VB) in both rape and robbery cases, but the increase in rape VB was significantly more pronounced than in robbery VB. Increasing RMA was associated with an attenuation of perpetrator blame (PB) that was more pronounced for rape than for robbery cases, but the difference was not significant. As expected, victims of rape were blamed more when the perpetrator exploited their defenselessness due to alcohol intoxication than when they were overpowered by physical force. Contrary to the hypothesis, this was also true for robbery victims. Rape victims who knew their attacker (ex-partner or acquaintance) were blamed more than victims who were assaulted by strangers. Contrary to the hypothesis, robbery victims who were assaulted by an ex-partner were blamed more than acquaintance or stranger robbery victims. As predicted, the closer the relationship between victim and perpetrator, the less blame was attributed to perpetrators of rape while this factor had no effect on PB in robbery cases. Men compared to women attributed more blame to the victims and less blame to the perpetrators. As expected, these gender differences in blame attributions were partially mediated by gender differences in RMA: After RMA was taken into account, the gender differences disappeared nearly completely for VB and were significantly reduced in PB. The order of presentation of the vignettes and the RMA measures was systematically varied to test the causal influence of RMA on rape blame attributions. The hypothesis that RMA causes VB and PB in rape cases (as opposed to the other way around or both are caused by a third variable) was not supported. Possible reasons for this failed manipulation and its implications for the mediation model are discussed. With regard to blame attribution in rape cases, the present results match what was expected from previous studies which were mainly conducted in "Western" countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or Germany. The present results support the notion that the victim-perpetrator relationship and the victim's alcohol consumption are cross-culturally stable factors for blame attribution in rape cases. It was expected that blame attribution in robbery cases would be unaffected by the perpetrator's coercive strategy and the victim-perpetrator relationship, but the results were inconsistent. One unexpected effect is particularly noteworthy: When the perpetrator used physical force, more blame was attributed to rape than to robbery victims, but intoxicated victims were blamed more and almost equally so for both types of crime. Perpetrators who exploited drunk victims were blamed less in both rape and robbery cases. These results contradict German results collected with the German version of the same instruments (Bieneck \& Krah{\´e}, 2011). Turkey is a Muslim country and alcohol is surrounded by a certain taboo. Possibly, the results reflect a cultural difference in that intoxicated victims are generally blamed more for their victimization and this factor is not limited to rape cases.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Verlaan2018,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Verlaan, Stephanie},
  title     = {Male victims of wartime sexual violence: an ignored phenomenon},
  series = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere},
  journal   = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {2509-6974},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412632},
  pages     = {13},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The phenomenon of male-to-male sexual assault undoubtedly occurs, both in domestic and conflict contexts. There is a small but growing discourse supporting the analysis of this phenomenon, however it remains significantly limited and its growth disproportionate to the concerns it warrants. The international law, NGO and State actors are largely responsible for this inhibition, predominately attributable to their intent in preserving the feminist and patriarchal values on which their institutions are founded. The strength with which the feminist discourse has embedded itself into the agendas of relevant actors is obstructing attempts at unbiased analysis of gender-based violence and the development of a discourse dedicated to understanding male sexual assault. It appears to be a prevailing sector-wide perception that females are the only victims of sexual violence and that creating space for a discussion on male-sexual assault will detract worth from the feminist discourse on female sexual assault. This paper discusses the means in which the sectors ignorance towards male sexual assault manifests and the harmful implications of ignoring this phenomenon. The author uses contextual analyses from development, international law, and cultural examples.},
  subject      = {Geschlechterrolle},
  language  = {en}
}