@techreport{GraeberHilbertKoenig2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Graeber, Daniel and Hilbert, Viola and K{\"o}nig, Johannes}, title = {Inequality of Opportunity in Wealth}, series = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, journal = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, number = {69}, issn = {2628-653X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-60967}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-609673}, pages = {54}, year = {2023}, abstract = {While inequality of opportunity (IOp) in earnings is well studied, the literature on IOp in individual net wealth is scarce to non-existent. This is problematic because both theoretical and empirical evidence show that the position in the wealth and income distribution can significantly diverge.We measure ex-ante IOp in net wealth for Germany using data from the Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP). Ex-ante IOp is defined as the contribution of circumstances to the inequality in net wealth before effort is exerted. The SOEP allows for a direct mapping from individual circumstances to individual net wealth and for a detailed decomposition of net wealth inequality into a variety of circumstances; among them childhood background, intergenerational transfers, and regional characteristics. The ratio of inequality of opportunity to total inequality is stable from 2002 to 2019. This is in sharp contrast to labor earnings, where ex-ante IOp is declining over time. Our estimates suggest that about 62\% of the inequality in net wealth is due to circumstances. The most important circumstances are intergenerational transfers, parental occupation, and the region of birth. In contrast, gender and individuals' own education are the most important circumstances for earnings.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Dehnen2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Dehnen, Elias}, title = {Juridifying Bolsonaro's mass deforestation policies in Brazil through the International Criminal Court}, series = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere}, journal = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere}, number = {14}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2509-6974}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-58174}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-581742}, pages = {15}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Under Brazil's ex-president Bolsonaro, deforestation of the Amazon increased dramatically. An Austrian NGO filed a complaint to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Bolsonaro in October 2021, accusing him of crimes against humanity against the backdrop of his involvement in environmental destruction. This paper deals with the question of whether this initi-ative constitutes a promising means of juridification to mitigate conflicts revolving around mass deforestation in Brazil. It thematizes attempts to juridify environmental destruction in international criminal law and examines the Climate Fund Case at the Brazilian Supreme Court. Finally, emerging problems and arguments in favour of starting preliminary examinations at the ICC against Bolsonaro are illuminated. This paper provides arguments as to why the initiative might be a promising undertaking, even though it is unlikely that Bolsonaro will be arrested.}, language = {en} } @techreport{BaganzdeTeresaLinggetal.2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Baganz, Melissa and de Teresa, Aurelia G{\´o}mez and Lingg, Rosana T. and Montijo, Yuriditzi Pascacio}, title = {A critical assessment on National Action Plans}, series = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere}, journal = {Staat, Recht und Politik - Forschungs- und Diskussionspapiere}, number = {13}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2509-6974}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57679}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-576797}, pages = {11}, year = {2023}, abstract = {National Action Plans (NAPs) have been increas-ingly adopted world-wide after the Vienna Dec-laration in 1993, where it was urged to consider the improvement and promotion of Human Rights. In this paper, we discuss their usefulness and success by analysing the challenges present-ed during NAP processes as well as the benefits this set of actions entails: The challenges for their implementation outweigh its actual benefits. Nevertheless, NAPs have great potential. Based on new research, we elaborate a set of recom-mendations for improving the design and imple-mentation of national action planning. In order to effectively bring NAP into practice, we consider it crucial to plan and analyse every state local circumstances in detail. The latter is important, since the implementation of a concrete set of actions is intended to directly transform and improve the local living conditions of the people. In a long-term perspective, we defend the benefit of NAP's implementation for complying obliga-tions set up by HR treaties.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MarcusSiedlerZiebarth2021, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Marcus, Jan and Siedler, Thomas and Ziebarth, Nicolas R.}, title = {The Long-Run Effects of Sports Club Vouchers for Primary School Children}, series = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, journal = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, number = {34}, issn = {2628-653X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-50897}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-508978}, pages = {72}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Starting in 2009, the German state of Saxony distributed sports club membership vouchers among all 33,000 third graders in the state. The policy's objective was to encourage them to develop a long-term habit of exercising. In 2018, we carried out a large register-based survey among several cohorts in Saxony and two neighboring states. Our difference-in-differences estimations show that, even after a decade, awareness of the voucher program was significantly higher in the treatment group. We also find that youth received and redeemed the vouchers. However, we do not find significant short- or long-term effects on sports club membership, physical activity, overweightness, or motor skills.}, language = {en} } @techreport{GraeberSchikora2021, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Graeber, Daniel and Schikora, Felicitas}, title = {Hate is too great a burden to bear}, series = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, journal = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, number = {31}, issn = {2628-653X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-50797}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-507972}, pages = {53}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Against a background of increasing violence against non-natives, we estimate the effect of hate crime on refugees' mental health in Germany. For this purpose, we combine two datasets: administrative records on xenophobic crime against refugee shelters by the Federal Criminal Office and the IAB-BAMF-SOEP Survey of Refugees. We apply a regression discontinuity in time design to estimate the effect of interest. Our results indicate that hate crime has a substantial negative effect on several mental health indicators, including the Mental Component Summary score and the Patient Health Questionnaire-4 score. The effects are stronger for refugees with closer geographic proximity to the focal hate crime and refugees with low country-specific human capital. While the estimated effect is only transitory, we argue that negative mental health shocks during the critical period after arrival have important long-term consequences. Keywords: Mental health, hate crime, migration, refugees, human capital.}, language = {en} } @techreport{McLachlan2020, type = {Working Paper}, author = {McLachlan, Campbell A}, title = {Populism, the Pandemic \& Prospects for International Law}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {45}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-48347}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-483479}, pages = {31}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Populism has fatally weakened the world's ability to respond to COVID-19, by undermining the capacity of the structures and mechanisms of international law to address the pandemic. The pandemic has exposed as a fallacy a key tenet of populism - to protect the 'people' of a nation from external forces, including international law. In fact international law, through the principle of self-determination, enshrines the ability of peoples to determine their own political organization. But this does not preclude agreement at the international level on matters of common interest to humanity as a whole that require community action. The prevention of infectious disease is just such a case, which states have long agreed could not remain solely the preserve of national polities, but requires a common international response. This paper, placing the current crisis in light of the development of international health law, critically examines the response of key populist governments to COVID-19 in order to address the larger issue of the implications of populism for the fate of international law.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Wiener2020, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Wiener, Antje}, title = {Norm(ative) Change in International Relations}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {44}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47607}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-476076}, pages = {27}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Current contestations of the liberal international order stand in notable contrast with the earlier rise of international law during the post-cold war period. As Krieger and Liese argue, this situation calls for assessment of the type of change that is currently observed, i.e. norm change (Wandel) or a more fundamental transformation of international law - a metamorphosis (Verwandlung)? To address this question, this paper details the bi-focal approach to norms in order to reflect and take account of the complex interrelation between fact-based and value-based conceptions of norms. The paper is organised in three sections. The first section presents three axioms underlying the conceptual framework to study norm(ative) change which are visualised by a triangular operation to analyse this change in relation with practices and norms. The second section recalls three key interests that have guided IR norms research after the return to norms in the late 1980s. They include, first, allocating change in and through practice, second, identifying behavioural change with reference to norm- following, and third, identifying norm(ative) change with reference to discursive practice. The third section presents the two analytical tools of the conceptual frame, namely, the norm-typology and the cycle-grid model. It also indicates how to apply these tools with reference to illustrative case scenarios. The conclusion recalls the key elements of the conceptual framework for research on norm(ative) change in international relations in light of the challenge of establishing sustainable normativity in the global order.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Jorgensen2020, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Jorgensen, Malcolm}, title = {The United States and the International Law of Global Security}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {43}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47603}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-476030}, pages = {22}, year = {2020}, abstract = {For the United States the 'international law of global security' is, in a unique sense, synonymous with the entire project of constructing global legal order. Uniquely preponderant power enjoyed since the end of the Second World War has allowed US preferences to manifest not merely in specific rules and regimes, but in purposive development of the entire structure of global legal order to favour American security interests. Perceptions of a recent decline in this order now find expression in advocacy for a 'liberal' or 'rules-based' international order, as the claimed foundation for global prosperity and security. This working paper seeks to map out the parameters of US contributions to the global security order by uncovering the strategic and political foundations of its engagement with the international law of global security. The paper begins by reflecting on competing US conceptions of the relationship between national security and global order as they evolved across the twentieth century. The focus then turns to three significant trends defining the contemporary field. First are US attitudes toward multilateral institutions and global security, and the ongoing contest between beliefs that they are mutually reinforcing versus beliefs that US security and global institutions sit in zero-sum opposition. Second is the impact of the generational 'War on Terror', which has yielded more permissive interpretation and development of laws governing the global use of violence. The final trend is that towards competitive geopolitical interests restructuring international law, which are evident across diverse areas ranging from global economics, to cybersecurity, to the fragmentation of global order into spheres of influence. Looking ahead, a confluence of rising geopolitical competitors with divergent legal conceptions, and conflicted domestic support for the legitimacy and desirability of US global leadership, emerge as leading forces already reshaping the global security order.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Baeumler2020, type = {Working Paper}, author = {B{\"a}umler, Jelena}, title = {The WTO's Crisis}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {42}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47601}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-476017}, pages = {34}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The perception of the WTO is currently one of an organisation in crisis. Yet, appraisal varies regarding its extent and seriousness: Is it merely a rough time or are we standing on the edge of destruction? The article will trace developments inside as well as outside the WTO in order to assess the magnitude of the crisis. It will be argued that while certain developments inside the organisation, when seen in accumulation would already warrant serious attention, only together with developments taking place outside of the WTO, the two strands of developments unfold their full potential for the crisis. The overall situation renders the WTO in a difficult position, as it is currently unable to adapt to these challenges, while keeping calm and carrying on might similarly further the crisis. While States might improve and further develop their trade relations in bi- and plurilateral agreements, it is only the WTO that reflects and stands for the multilateral post (cold) war order.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Gulati2020, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Gulati, Rishi}, title = {Judicial Independence at International Courts and Tribunals}, series = {KFG Working Paper Series}, journal = {KFG Working Paper Series}, number = {41}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47599}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-475997}, pages = {32}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The guarantee of judicial independence is undoubtedly one of the most important institutional design features of international courts and tribunals. An independence deficit can adversely impact a court's authority, create a crisis of legitimacy, and undermine the very effectiveness of an international court or tribunal. It can hardly be denied that for an international court to be considered legitimate, a basic degree of independence is a must. An independent judiciary is a precondition to the fair and just resolution of legal disputes. In the context of interstate dispute settlement where the jurisdiction of courts is based on the principle of consent, in the absence of a basic degree of judicial independence, states may not be willing to submit to the jurisdiction of international courts. Comparing and contrasting the International Court of Justice and the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organisation, I assess whether those international judicial mechanisms possess the basic degree of independence required for a court to be able to maintain its credibility so that it can continue to perform its core function of adjudicating interstate disputes. With both those interstate adjudicative bodies constituting the two leading international courts in terms of participation and the sheer number of cases decided, much may be learned from comparing them. I argue there is a case for bolstering the independence of the ICJ; and without immediate reforms to the Appellate Body's institutional design, its recent demise may become permanent. I conclude that if a basic degree of judicial independence cannot be guaranteed, it is preferable to let a court vanish for a while than to maintain a significantly deficient one.}, language = {en} }