@article{RisseKliegl2012, author = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {Evidence for delayed Parafoveal-on-Foveal effects from word n+2 in reading}, series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance}, volume = {38}, journal = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance}, number = {4}, publisher = {American Psychological Association}, address = {Washington}, issn = {0096-1523}, doi = {10.1037/a0027735}, pages = {1026 -- 1042}, year = {2012}, abstract = {During reading information is acquired from word(s) beyond the word that is currently looked at. It is still an open question whether such parafoveal information can influence the current viewing of a word, and if so, whether such parafoveal-on-foveal effects are attributable to distributed processing or to mislocated fixations which occur when the eyes are directed at a parafoveal word but land on another word instead. In two display-change experiments, we orthogonally manipulated the preview and target difficulty of word n+2 to investigate the role of mislocated fixations on the previous word n+1. When the eyes left word n, an easy or difficult word n+2 preview was replaced by an easy or difficult n+2 target word. In Experiment 1, n+2 processing difficulty was manipulated by means of word frequency (i.e., easy high-frequency vs. difficult low-frequency word n+2). In Experiment 2, we varied the visual familiarity of word n+2 (i.e., easy lower-case vs. difficult alternating-case writing). Fixations on the short word n+1, which were likely to be mislocated, were nevertheless not influenced by the difficulty of the adjacent word n+2, the hypothesized target of the mislocated fixation. Instead word n+1 was influenced by the preview difficulty of word n+2, representing a delayed parafoveal-on-foveal effect. The results challenge the mislocated-fixation hypothesis as an explanation of parafoveal-on-foveal effects and provide new insight into the complex spatial and temporal effect structure of processing inside the perceptual span during reading.}, language = {en} } @article{TrukenbrodEngbert2012, author = {Trukenbrod, Hans Arne and Engbert, Ralf}, title = {Eye movements in a sequential scanning task - evidence for distributed processing}, series = {Journal of vision}, volume = {12}, journal = {Journal of vision}, number = {1}, publisher = {Association for Research in Vision and Opthalmology}, address = {Rockville}, issn = {1534-7362}, doi = {10.1167/12.1.5}, pages = {12}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Current models of eye movement control are derived from theories assuming serial processing of single items or from theories based on parallel processing of multiple items at a time. This issue has persisted because most investigated paradigms generated data compatible with both serial and parallel models. Here, we study eye movements in a sequential scanning task, where stimulus n indicates the position of the next stimulus n + 1. We investigate whether eye movements are controlled by sequential attention shifts when the task requires serial order of processing. Our measures of distributed processing in the form of parafoveal-on-foveal effects, long-range modulations of target selection, and skipping saccades provide evidence against models strictly based on serial attention shifts. We conclude that our results lend support to parallel processing as a strategy for eye movement control.}, language = {en} } @article{BarthelmeTrukenbrodEngbertetal.2013, author = {Barthelme, Simon and Trukenbrod, Hans Arne and Engbert, Ralf and Wichmann, Felix A.}, title = {Modeling fixation locations using spatial point processes}, series = {Journal of vision}, volume = {13}, journal = {Journal of vision}, number = {12}, publisher = {Association for Research in Vision and Opthalmology}, address = {Rockville}, issn = {1534-7362}, doi = {10.1167/13.12.1}, pages = {34}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Whenever eye movements are measured, a central part of the analysis has to do with where subjects fixate and why they fixated where they fixated. To a first approximation, a set of fixations can be viewed as a set of points in space; this implies that fixations are spatial data and that the analysis of fixation locations can be beneficially thought of as a spatial statistics problem. We argue that thinking of fixation locations as arising from point processes is a very fruitful framework for eye-movement data, helping turn qualitative questions into quantitative ones. We provide a tutorial introduction to some of the main ideas of the field of spatial statistics, focusing especially on spatial Poisson processes. We show how point processes help relate image properties to fixation locations. In particular we show how point processes naturally express the idea that image features' predictability for fixations may vary from one image to another. We review other methods of analysis used in the literature, show how they relate to point process theory, and argue that thinking in terms of point processes substantially extends the range of analyses that can be performed and clarify their interpretation.}, language = {en} } @article{LuoYanZhou2013, author = {Luo, Yingyi and Yan, Ming and Zhou, Xiaolin}, title = {Prosodic boundaries delay the processing of upcoming lexical information during silent sentence reading}, series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition}, volume = {39}, journal = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition}, number = {3}, publisher = {American Psychological Association}, address = {Washington}, issn = {0278-7393}, doi = {10.1037/a0029182}, pages = {915 -- 930}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Prosodic boundaries can be used to guide syntactic parsing in both spoken and written sentence comprehension, but it is unknown whether the processing of prosodic boundaries affects the processing of upcoming lexical information. In 3 eye-tracking experiments, participants read silently sentences that allow for 2 possible syntactic interpretations when there is no comma or other cue specifying which interpretation should be taken. In Experiments 1 and 2, participants heard a low-pass filtered auditory version of the sentence, which provided a prosodic boundary cue prior to each sentence. In Experiment 1, we found that the boundary cue helped syntactic disambiguation after the cue and led to longer fixation durations on regions right before the cue than on identical regions without prosodic boundary information. In Experiments 2 and 3, we used a gaze-contingent display-change paradigm to manipulate the parafoveal visibility of the first constituent character of the target word after the disambiguating position. Results of Experiment 2 showed that previewing the first character significantly reduced the reading time of the target word, but this preview benefit was greatly reduced when the prosodic boundary cue was introduced at this position. In Experiment 3, instead of the acoustic cues, a visually presented comma was inserted at the disambiguating position in each sentence. Results showed that the comma effect on lexical processing was essentially the same as the effect of prosodic boundary cue. These findings demonstrate that processing a prosodic boundary could impair the processing of parafoveal information during sentence reading.}, language = {en} } @article{HohensteinKliegl2014, author = {Hohenstein, Sven and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {Semantic preview benefit during reading}, series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition}, volume = {40}, journal = {Journal of experimental psychology : Learning, memory, and cognition}, number = {1}, publisher = {American Psychological Association}, address = {Washington}, issn = {0278-7393}, doi = {10.1037/a0033670}, pages = {166 -- 190}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Word features in parafoveal vision influence eye movements during reading. The question of whether readers extract semantic information from parafoveal words was studied in 3 experiments by using a gaze-contingent display change technique. Subjects read German sentences containing 1 of several preview words that were replaced by a target word during the saccade to the preview (boundary paradigm). In the 1st experiment the preview word was semantically related or unrelated to the target. Fixation durations on the target were shorter for semantically related than unrelated previews, consistent with a semantic preview benefit. In the 2nd experiment, half the sentences were presented following the rules of German spelling (i.e., previews and targets were printed with an initial capital letter), and the other half were presented completely in lowercase. A semantic preview benefit was obtained under both conditions. In the 3rd experiment, we introduced 2 further preview conditions, an identical word and a pronounceable nonword, while also manipulating the text contrast. Whereas the contrast had negligible effects, fixation durations on the target were reliably different for all 4 types of preview. Semantic preview benefits were greater for pretarget fixations closer to the boundary (large preview space) and, although not as consistently, for long pretarget fixation durations (long preview time). The results constrain theoretical proposals about eye movement control in reading.}, language = {en} } @article{RisseKliegl2014, author = {Risse, Sarah and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {Dissociating preview validity and preview difficulty in parafoveal processing of word n+1 during reading}, series = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance}, volume = {40}, journal = {Journal of experimental psychology : Human perception and performance}, number = {2}, publisher = {American Psychological Association}, address = {Washington}, issn = {0096-1523}, doi = {10.1037/a0034997}, pages = {653 -- 668}, year = {2014}, abstract = {Many studies have shown that previewing the next word n + 1 during reading leads to substantial processing benefit (e.g., shorter word viewing times) when this word is eventually fixated. However, evidence of such preprocessing in fixations on the preceding word n when in fact the information about the preview is acquired is far less consistent. A recent study suggested that such effects may be delayed into fixations on the next word n + 1 (Risse \& Kliegl, 2012). To investigate the time course of parafoveal information-acquisition on the control of eye movements during reading, we conducted 2 gaze-contingent display-change experiments and orthogonally manipulated the processing difficulty (i.e., word frequency) of an n + 1 preview word and its validity relative to the target word. Preview difficulty did not affect fixation durations on the pretarget word n but on the target word n + 1. In fact, the delayed preview-difficulty effect was almost of the same size as the preview benefit associated with the n + 1 preview validity. Based on additional results from quantile-regression analyses on the time course of the 2 preview effects, we discuss consequences as to the integration of foveal and parafoveal information and potential implications for computational models of eye guidance in reading.}, language = {en} } @article{FernandezShalomKliegletal.2014, author = {Fernandez, Gerardo and Shalom, Diego E. and Kliegl, Reinhold and Sigman, Mariano}, title = {Eye movements during reading proverbs and regular sentences: the incoming word predictability effect}, series = {Language, cognition and neuroscience}, volume = {29}, journal = {Language, cognition and neuroscience}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2327-3798}, doi = {10.1080/01690965.2012.760745}, pages = {260 -- 273}, year = {2014}, language = {en} } @article{CunningsPattersonFelser2015, author = {Cunnings, Ian and Patterson, Clare and Felser, Claudia}, title = {Structural constraints on pronoun binding and coreference: evidence from eye movements during reading}, series = {Frontiers in psychology}, volume = {6}, journal = {Frontiers in psychology}, publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation}, address = {Lausanne}, issn = {1664-1078}, doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00840}, pages = {18}, year = {2015}, abstract = {A number of recent studies have investigated how syntactic and non-syntactic constraints combine to cue memory retrieval during anaphora resolution. In this paper we investigate how syntactic constraints and gender congruence interact to guide memory retrieval during the resolution of subject pronouns. Subject pronouns are always technically ambiguous, and the application of syntactic constraints on their interpretation depends on properties of the antecedent that is to be retrieved. While pronouns can freely corefer with non-quantified referential antecedents, linking a pronoun to a quantified antecedent is only possible in certain syntactic configurations via variable binding. We report the results from a judgment task and three online reading comprehension experiments investigating pronoun resolution with quantified and non-quantified antecedents. Results from both the judgment task and participants' eye movements during reading indicate that comprehenders freely allow pronouns to corefer with non-quantified antecedents, but that retrieval of quantified antecedents is restricted to specific syntactic environments. We interpret our findings as indicating that syntactic constraints constitute highly weighted cues to memory retrieval during anaphora resolution.}, language = {en} } @article{LaubrockKliegl2015, author = {Laubrock, Jochen and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {The eye-voice span during reading aloud}, series = {Frontiers in psychology}, volume = {6}, journal = {Frontiers in psychology}, publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation}, address = {Lausanne}, issn = {1664-1078}, doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01437}, pages = {19}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Although eye movements during reading are modulated by cognitive processing demands, they also reflect visual sampling of the input, and possibly preparation of output for speech or the inner voice. By simultaneously recording eye movements and the voice during reading aloud, we obtained an output measure that constrains the length of time spent on cognitive processing. Here we investigate the dynamics of the eye-voice span (EVS), the distance between eye and voice. We show that the EVS is regulated immediately during fixation of a word by either increasing fixation duration or programming a regressive eye movement against the reading direction. EVS size at the beginning of a fixation was positively correlated with the likelihood of regressions and refixations. Regression probability was further increased if the EVS was still large at the end of a fixation: if adjustment of fixation duration did not sufficiently reduce the EVS during a fixation, then a regression rather than a refixation followed with high probability. We further show that the EVS can help understand cognitive influences on fixation duration during reading: in mixed model analyses, the EVS was a stronger predictor of fixation durations than either word frequency or word length. The EVS modulated the influence of several other predictors on single fixation durations (SFDs). For example, word-N frequency effects were larger with a large EVS, especially when word N-1 frequency was low. Finally, a comparison of SFDs during oral and silent reading showed that reading is governed by similar principles in both reading modes, although EVS maintenance and articulatory processing also cause some differences. In summary, the EVS is regulated by adjusting fixation duration and/or by programming a regressive eye movement when the EVS gets too large. Overall, the EVS appears to be directly related to updating of the working memory buffer during reading.}, language = {en} } @article{FelserPattersonCunnings2015, author = {Felser, Claudia and Patterson, Clare and Cunnings, Ian}, title = {Structural constraints on pronoun binding and coreference: Evidence from eye movements during reading}, series = {Frontiers in psychology}, volume = {6}, journal = {Frontiers in psychology}, number = {840}, publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation}, address = {Lausanne}, issn = {1664-1078}, doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00840}, year = {2015}, abstract = {A number of recent studies have investigated how syntactic and non-syntactic constraints combine to cue memory retrieval during anaphora resolution. In this paper we investigate how syntactic constraints and gender congruence interact to guide memory retrieval during the resolution of subject pronouns. Subject pronouns are always technically ambiguous, and the application of syntactic constraints on their interpretation depends on properties of the antecedent that is to be retrieved. While pronouns can freely corefer with non-quantified referential antecedents, linking a pronoun to a quantified antecedent is only possible in certain syntactic configurations via variable binding. We report the results from a judgment task and three online reading comprehension experiments investigating pronoun resolution with quantified and non-quantified antecedents. Results from both the judgment task and participants' eye movements during reading indicate that comprehenders freely allow pronouns to corefer with non-quantified antecedents, but that retrieval of quantified antecedents is restricted to specific syntactic environments. We interpret our findings as indicating that syntactic constraints constitute highly weighted cues to memory retrieval during anaphora resolution.}, language = {en} }