@phdthesis{Engels2004,
  author    = {Engels, Eva},
  title     = {Adverb placement : an optimality theoretic approach},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-2453},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Adverb positioning is guided by syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic considerations and is subject to cross-linguistic as well as language-specific variation. The goal of the thesis is to identify the factors that determine adverb placement in general (Part I) as well as in constructions in which the adverb's sister constituent is deprived of its phonetic material by movement or ellipsis (gap constructions, Part II) and to provide an Optimality Theoretic approach to the contrasts in the effects of these factors on the distribution of adverbs in English, French, and German. In Optimality Theory (Prince \& Smolensky 1993), grammaticality is defined as optimal satisfaction of a hierarchy of violable constraints: for a given input, a set of output candidates are produced out of which that candidate is selected as grammatical output which optimally satisfies the constraint hierarchy. Since grammaticality crucially relies on the hierarchic relations of the constraints, cross-linguistic variation can be traced back to differences in the language-specific constraint rankings. Part I shows how diverse phenomena of adverb placement can be captured by corresponding constraints and their relative rankings: - contrasts in the linearization of adverbs and verbs/auxiliaries in English and French - verb placement in German and the filling of the prefield position - placement of focus-sensitive adverbs - fronting of topical arguments and adverbs Part II extends the analysis to a particular phenomenon of adverb positioning: the avoidance of adverb attachment to a phonetically empty constituent (gap). English and French are similar in that the acceptability of pre-gap adverb placement depends on the type of adverb, its scope, and the syntactic construction (English: wh-movement vs. topicalization / VP Fronting / VP Ellipsis, inverted vs. non-inverted clauses; French: CLLD vs. Cleft, simple vs. periphrastic tense). Yet, the two languages differ in which strategies a specific type of adverb may pursue to escape placement in front of a certain type of gap. In contrast to English and French, placement of an adverb in front of a gap never gives rise to ungrammaticality in German. Rather, word ordering has to obey the syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic principles discussed in Part I; whether or not it results in adverb attachment to a phonetically empty constituent seems to be irrelevant: though constraints are active in every language, the emergence of a visible effect of their requirements in a given language depends on their relative ranking. The complex interaction of the diverse factors as well as their divergent effects on adverb placement in the various languages are accounted for by the universal constraints and their language-specific hierarchic relations in the OT framework.},
  subject      = {Adverb},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Glikman2009,
  author    = {Glikman, Julie},
  title     = {Parataxe et subordination en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56784},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {Parataxe et subordination, ces deux termes, parfois antith{\´e}tiques, sont probl{\´e}matiques du fait m{\^e}me de leur extr{\^e}me polys{\´e}mie. C'est de cette ambigu{\"i}t{\´e} que na{\^i}t l'objet d'{\´e}tude, les constructions asynd{\´e}tiques, au statut incertain entre int{\´e}gration et ind{\´e}pendance. Dans cette th{\`e}se, nous proposons de r{\´e}interroger ce ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne ancien et d{\´e}j{\`a} bien connu en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais, en le mettant en regard des remises en question et avanc{\´e}es des recherches actuelles sur le sujet. Pour cela, il nous faut tout d'abord poser une d{\´e}finition de ce qu'est la subordination. Nous montrons ensuite que les constructions asynd{\´e}tiques sont bien des cas de subordination. Cette th{\`e}se {\´e}tablit enfin que ce ph{\´e}nom{\`e}ne constitue, en ancien fran{\c{c}}ais du moins, une variante libre en syntaxe. Sa r{\´e}partition et sa pr{\´e}sence dans les textes a cependant tr{\`e}s t{\^o}t diminu{\´e}, mais l'existence de ph{\´e}nom{\`e}nes parall{\`e}les en fran{\c{c}}ais moderne, tout comme d'autres indices, nous permettent de faire l'hypoth{\`e}se que cette {\´e}volution tient d'une alternance oral / {\´e}crit. Cette th{\`e}se montre ainsi que les probl{\`e}mes, comme les enjeux, ne diff{\`e}rent finalement pas, quel que soit l'{\´e}tat de langue et que la parataxe constitue bien une construction dans le syst{\`e}me de la langue.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@book{GrubicGenzelKuegler2010,
  author    = {Grubic, Mira and Genzel, Susanne and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Linguistic Fieldnotes I: Information Structure in different African Languages},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-49684},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {This is the 13th issue of the working paper series Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure (ISIS) of the Sonderforschungsbereich (SFB) 632. It is the first part of a series of Linguistic Fieldnote issues which present data collected by members of different projects of the SFB during fieldwork on various languages or dialects spoken worldwide. This part of the Fieldnote Series is dedicated to data from African languages. It contains contributions by Mira Grubic (A5) on Ngizim, and Susanne Genzel \& Frank K{\"u}gler (D5) on Akan. The papers allow insights into various aspects of the elicitation of formal correlates of focus and related phenomena in different African languages investigated by the SFB in the second funding phase, especially in the period between 2007 and 2010.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Pauly2013,
  author    = {Pauly, Dennis},
  title     = {Grenzf{\"a}lle der Subordination : Merkmale, Empirie und Theorie abh{\"a}ngiger Nebens{\"a}tze},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70275},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind sog. nicht-kanonische bzw. unintegrierte Nebens{\"a}tze. Diese Nebens{\"a}tze zeichnen sich dadurch aus, dass sie sich mittels g{\"a}ngiger Kriterien (Satzgliedstatus, Verbletztstellung) nicht klar als koordiniert oder subordiniert beschreiben lassen. Das Ph{\"a}nomen nicht-kanonischer Nebens{\"a}tze ist ein Thema, welches in der Sprachwissenschaft generell seit den sp{\"a}ten Siebzigern (Davison 1979) diskutiert wird und sp{\"a}testens mit Fabricius-Hansen (1992) auch innerhalb der germanistischen Linguistik angekommen ist. Ein viel beachteter Komplex ist hierbei - neben der reinen Identifizierung nicht-kanonischer Satzgef{\"u}ge - meist auch die Erstellung einer Klassifikation zur Erfassung zumindest einiger nicht-kanonischer Gef{\"u}ge, wie dies etwa bei Fabricius-Hansen (1992) und Reis (1997) zu sehen ist. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, eine exhaustive Klassifikation der angesprochenen Nebensatztypen vorzunehmen. Dazu werden zun{\"a}chst - unter Zuhilfenahme von Korpusdaten - alle potentiellen Subordinationsmerkmale genauer untersucht, da die meisten bisherigen Studien zu diesem Thema die stets gleichen Merkmale als gegeben voraussetzen. Dabei wird sich herausstellen, dass nur eine kleine Anzahl von Merkmalen sich wirklich zweifelsfrei dazu eignet, Aufschluss {\"u}ber die Satzverkn{\"u}pfungsqualit{\"a}t zu geben. Die anschließend aufgestellte Taxonomie deutscher Nebens{\"a}tze wird schließlich einzig mit der Postulierung einer nicht-kanonischen Nebensatzklasse auskommen. Sie ist dar{\"u}ber hinaus auch in der Lage, die zahlreich vorkommenden Ausnahmef{\"a}lle zu erfassen. Dies heißt konkret, dass auch etwaige Nebens{\"a}tze, die sich aufgrund bestimmter Eigenschaften teilweise idiosynkratisch verhalten, einfach in die vorgeschlagene Klassifikation {\"u}bernommen werden k{\"o}nnen. In diesem Zuge werde ich weiterhin zeigen, wie eine Nebensatzklassifikation auch sog. sekund{\"a}ren Subordinationsmerkmalen gerecht werden kann, obwohl diese sich hinsichtlich der einzelnen Nebensatzklassen nicht einheitlich verhalten. Schließlich werde ich eine theoretische Modellierung der zuvor postulierten Taxonomie vornehmen, die auf Basis der HPSG mittels Merkmalsvererbung alle m{\"o}glichen Nebensatztypen zu erfassen imstande ist.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Herrmann2013,
  author    = {Herrmann, Heike},
  title     = {Zum Erwerb syntaktischer Aspekte von positiven und negativen W-Fragen im unauff{\"a}lligen und auff{\"a}lligen Spracherwerb des Deutschen},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-293-3},
  issn      = {1869-3830},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70606},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {362},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Der W-Fragen-Erwerb stellt einen Teilbereich der kindlichen Syntaxentwicklung dar, die sich maßgeblich innerhalb der ersten drei Lebensjahre eines Kindes vollzieht. Eine wesentliche Rolle spielen dabei zwei Bewegungsoperationen, die sich auf die Position des Interrogativpronomens an die erste Stelle der W-Frage sowie die Position des Verbs an die zweite Stelle beziehen. In drei Studien wurde einerseits untersucht, ob deutschsprachige Kinder, die noch keine W-Fragen produzieren k{\"o}nnen, in der Lage sind, grammatische von ungrammatischen W-Fragen zu unterscheiden und andererseits, welche Leistungen sprachunauff{\"a}llige und sprachauff{\"a}llige deutschsprachige Kinder beim Verstehen und Korrigieren unterschiedlich komplexer W-Fragen (positive und negative W-Fragen) zeigen. Die Ergebnisse deuten auf ein fr{\"u}hes syntaktisches Wissen {\"u}ber W-Fragen im Spracherwerb hin und st{\"u}tzen damit die Annahme einer Kontinuit{\"a}t der kindlichen Grammatik zur Standardsprache. Auch scheinen sprachauff{\"a}llige Kinder sich beim Erwerb von W-Fragen nicht qualitativ von sprachgesunden Kindern zu unterscheiden, sondern W-Fragen lediglich sp{\"a}ter korrekt umzusetzen. In beiden Populationen konnte ein syntaktischer {\"O}konomieeffekt beobachtet werden, der f{\"u}r eine sp{\"a}tere Umsetzung der Verbbewegung im Vergleich zur Bewegung des W-Elementes spricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{WittenbergSnedeker2014,
  author    = {Wittenberg, Eva and Snedeker, Jesse},
  title     = {It takes two to kiss, but does it take three to give a kiss? Categorization based on thematic roles},
  series = {Language, cognition and neuroscience},
  volume    = {29},
  journal   = {Language, cognition and neuroscience},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {2327-3798},
  doi       = {10.1080/01690965.2013.831918},
  pages     = {635 -- 641},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Gerth2015,
  author    = {Gerth, Sabrina},
  title     = {Memory limitations in sentence comprehension},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-321-3},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-71554},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xviii, 157},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {This dissertation addresses the question of how linguistic structures can be represented in working memory. We propose a memory-based computational model that derives offline and online complexity profiles in terms of a top-down parser for minimalist grammars (Stabler, 2011). The complexity metric reflects the amount of time an item is stored in memory. The presented architecture links grammatical representations stored in memory directly to the cognitive behavior by deriving predictions about sentence processing difficulty. Results from five different sentence comprehension experiments were used to evaluate the model's assumptions about memory limitations. The predictions of the complexity metric were compared to the locality (integration and storage) cost metric of Dependency Locality Theory (Gibson, 2000). Both metrics make comparable offline and online predictions for four of the five phenomena. The key difference between the two metrics is that the proposed complexity metric accounts for the structural complexity of intervening material. In contrast, DLT's integration cost metric considers the number of discourse referents, not the syntactic structural complexity. We conclude that the syntactic analysis plays a significant role in memory requirements of parsing. An incremental top-down parser based on a grammar formalism easily computes offline and online complexity profiles, which can be used to derive predictions about sentence processing difficulty.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HoehleFritzscheMueller2016,
  author    = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara and Fritzsche, Tom and M{\"u}ller, Anja},
  title     = {Children's Comprehension of Sentences with Focus Particles and the Role of Cognitive Control},
  series = {PLoS one},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {PLoS one},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {PLoS},
  address   = {Lawrence, Kan.},
  issn      = {1932-6203},
  doi       = {10.1371/journal.pone.0149870},
  pages     = {1 -- 27},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Children's interpretations of sentences containing focus particles do not seem adult-like until school age. This study investigates how German 4-year-old children comprehend sentences with the focus particle 'nur' (only) by using different tasks and controlling for the impact of general cognitive abilities on performance measures. Two sentence types with 'only' in either pre-subject or pre-object position were presented. Eye gaze data and verbal responses were collected via the visual world paradigm combined with a sentence-picture verification task. While the eye tracking data revealed an adult-like pattern of focus particle processing, the sentence-picture verification replicated previous findings of poor comprehension, especially for 'only' in pre-subject position. A second study focused on the impact of general cognitive abilities on the outcomes of the verification task. Working memory was related to children's performance in both sentence types whereas inhibitory control was selectively related to the number of errors for sentences with 'only' in pre-subject position. These results suggest that children at the age of 4 years have the linguistic competence to correctly interpret sentences with focus particles, which-depending on specific task demands-may be masked by immature general cognitive abilities.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HoehleFritzscheMueller2016,
  author    = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara and Fritzsche, Tom and M{\"u}ller, Anja},
  title     = {Children's Comprehension of Sentences with Focus Particles and the Role of Cognitive Control},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90524},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {Children's interpretations of sentences containing focus particles do not seem adult-like until school age. This study investigates how German 4-year-old children comprehend sentences with the focus particle 'nur' (only) by using different tasks and controlling for the impact of general cognitive abilities on performance measures. Two sentence types with 'only' in either pre-subject or pre-object position were presented. Eye gaze data and verbal responses were collected via the visual world paradigm combined with a sentence-picture verification task. While the eye tracking data revealed an adult-like pattern of focus particle processing, the sentence-picture verification replicated previous findings of poor comprehension, especially for 'only' in pre-subject position. A second study focused on the impact of general cognitive abilities on the outcomes of the verification task. Working memory was related to children's performance in both sentence types whereas inhibitory control was selectively related to the number of errors for sentences with 'only' in pre-subject position. These results suggest that children at the age of 4 years have the linguistic competence to correctly interpret sentences with focus particles, which-depending on specific task demands-may be masked by immature general cognitive abilities.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Schmidt2016,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Schmidt, Andreas},
  title     = {Udmurt as an OV language},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-89465},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {iii, 94},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {This is the first study to investigate Hubert Haider's (2000, 2010, 2013, 2014) proposed systematic differences between OV and VO language in a family other than Germanic. Its aim is to gather evidence on whether basic word order is predictive of further properties of a language. The languages under investigation are the Finno-Ugric languages Udmurt (as an OV language) and Finnish (as a VO language). Counter to Kayne (1994), Haider proposes that the structure of a sentence with a head-final VP is fundamentally different from that of a sentence with a head-initial VP, e.g., OV languages do not exhibit a VP-shell structure, and they do not employ a TP layer with a structural subject position. Haider's proposed structural differences are said to result in the following empirically testable differences: (a) VP: the availability of VP-internal adverbial intervention and scrambling only in OV-VPs; (b) subjects: the lack of certain subject-object asymmetries in OV languages, i.e., lack of the subject condition and lack of superiority effects; (c) V-complexes: the availability of partial predicate fronting only in OV languages; different orderings between selecting and selected verbs; the intervention of non-verbal material between verbs only in VO languages; (d) V-particles: differences in the distribution of resultative phrases and verb particles. Udmurt and Finnish behave in line with Haider's predictions with regard to the status of the subject, with regard to the order of selecting and selected verbs, and with regard to the availability of partial predicate fronting. Moreover, Udmurt allows for adverbial intervention and scrambling, as predicted, whereas the status of these properties in Finnish could not be reliably determined due to obligatory V-to-T. There is also counterevidence to Haider's predictions: Udmurt allows for non-verbal material between verbs, and the distribution of resultative phrases and verb particles is essentially as free as the distribution of adverbial phrases in both Finno-Ugric languages. As such, Haider's theory is not falsified by the data from Udmurt and Finnish (except for his theory on verb particles), but it is also not fully supported by the data.},
  language  = {en}
}