@incollection{QuitzowBersalliLilliestametal.2023,
  author    = {Quitzow, Rainer and Bersalli, Germ{\´a}n and Lilliestam, Johan and Prontera, Andrea},
  title     = {Green recovery},
  series = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics},
  booktitle = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics},
  editor    = {Rayner, Tim and Szulecki, Kacper and Jordan, Andrew J. and Oberth{\"u}r, Sebastian},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  isbn      = {978-1-78990-698-1},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781789906981.00039},
  pages     = {351 -- 366},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission's role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{OllierMetzNunezJimenezetal.2022,
  author    = {Ollier, Lana and Metz, Florence and Nu{\~n}ez-Jimenez, Alejandro and Sp{\"a}th, Leonhard and Lilliestam, Johan},
  title     = {The European 2030 climate and energy package},
  series = {Policy sciences},
  volume    = {55},
  journal   = {Policy sciences},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer Science+Business Media LLC},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0032-2687},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5},
  pages     = {161 -- 184},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The European Union's 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{MeinelGalbasHageboelling2023,
  author    = {Meinel, Christoph and Galbas, Michael and Hageb{\"o}lling, David},
  title     = {Digital sovereignty: insights from Germany's education sector},
  number    = {157},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-561-3},
  issn      = {1613-5652},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-59772},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-597723},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {1 -- 27},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Digital technology offers significant political, economic, and societal opportunities. At the same time, the notion of digital sovereignty has become a leitmotif in German discourse: the state's capacity to assume its responsibilities and safeguard society's - and individuals' - ability to shape the digital transformation in a self-determined way. The education sector is exemplary for the challenge faced by Germany, and indeed Europe, of harnessing the benefits of digital technology while navigating concerns around sovereignty. It encompasses education as a core public good, a rapidly growing field of business, and growing pools of highly sensitive personal data. The report describes pathways to mitigating the tension between digitalization and sovereignty at three different levels - state, economy, and individual - through the lens of concrete technical projects in the education sector: the HPI Schul-Cloud (state sovereignty), the MERLOT data spaces (economic sovereignty), and the openHPI platform (individual sovereignty).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeckeFuhrWolfs2021,
  author    = {Hecke, Steven van and Fuhr, Harald and Wolfs, Wouter},
  title     = {The politics of crisis management by regional and international organizations in fighting against a global pandemic},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320984516},
  pages     = {672 -- 690},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{EbersHochRosenkranzetal.2021,
  author    = {Ebers, Martin and Hoch, Veronica R. S. and Rosenkranz, Frank and Ruschemeier, Hannah and Steinr{\"o}tter, Bj{\"o}rn},
  title     = {The European Commission's proposal for an Artificial Intelligence Act},
  series = {J : multidisciplinary scientific journal},
  volume    = {4},
  journal   = {J : multidisciplinary scientific journal},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {MDPI},
  address   = {Basel},
  issn      = {2571-8800},
  doi       = {10.3390/j4040043},
  pages     = {589 -- 603},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {On 21 April 2021, the European Commission presented its long-awaited proposal for a Regulation "laying down harmonized rules on Artificial Intelligence", the so-called "Artificial Intelligence Act" (AIA). This article takes a critical look at the proposed regulation. After an introduction (1), the paper analyzes the unclear preemptive effect of the AIA and EU competences (2), the scope of application (3), the prohibited uses of Artificial Intelligence (AI) (4), the provisions on high-risk AI systems (5), the obligations of providers and users (6), the requirements for AI systems with limited risks (7), the enforcement system (8), the relationship of the AIA with the existing legal framework (9), and the regulatory gaps (10). The last section draws some final conclusions (11).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BobzienKalleitner2020,
  author    = {Bobzien, Licia and Kalleitner, Fabian},
  title     = {Attitudes towards European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic},
  series = {European societies},
  volume    = {23},
  journal   = {European societies},
  number    = {Sup. 1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1461-6696},
  doi       = {10.1080/14616696.2020.1836669},
  pages     = {S791 -- S804},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Whilst the Covid-19 pandemic affects all European countries, the ways in which these countries are prepared for the health and subsequent economic crisis varies considerably. Financial solidarity within the European Union (EU) could mitigate some of these inequalities but depends upon the support of the citizens of individual member states for such policies. This paper studies attitudes of the Austrian population - a net-contributor to the European budget - towards financial solidarity using two waves of the Austrian Corona Panel Project collected in May and June 2020. We find that individuals (i) who are less likely to consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a national economic threat, (ii) who believe that Austria benefits from supporting other countries, and (iii) who prefer the crisis to be organized more centrally at EU-level show higher support for European financial solidarity. Using fixed effects models, we further show that perceiving economic threats and preferring central crisis management also explain attitude dynamics within individuals over time. We conclude that cost-benefit perceptions are important determinants for individual support of European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Paasch2022,
  author    = {Paasch, Jana},
  title     = {Revisiting policy preferences and capacities in the EU},
  series = {Journal of common market studies : JCMS},
  volume    = {60},
  journal   = {Journal of common market studies : JCMS},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0021-9886},
  doi       = {10.1111/jcms.13286},
  pages     = {783 -- 800},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Research on multi-level implementation of EU legislation has almost exclusively focused on the national level, while little is known about the role of subnational authorities. Nevertheless, it is a prerequisite for the functioning of the European Union that all member states and their subnational authorities apply and enforce EU legislation in due time. I address this research gap and take a closer look at the legal transposition process in the German regional states. Using a novel data set comprising detailed information on about 700 subnational measures, I show that state-level variables, such as political preferences and ministerial resources, account for variation in the timing of legal transposition and repeatedly lead to subnational delay. To conclude, the paper addresses the role of subnational authorities in the EU multi-level system and points to their interest in shaping legal transposition in order to counterbalance their loss of competences to the national level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SchmidtWellenburg2018,
  author    = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian},
  title     = {Struggling over crisis},
  series = {Historical Social Research},
  volume    = {43},
  journal   = {Historical Social Research},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {GESIS, Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences},
  address   = {Cologne},
  issn      = {0172-6404},
  doi       = {10.12759/hsr.43.2018.3.147-188},
  pages     = {147 -- 188},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {If you put two economists in a room, you get two opinions, unless one of them is Lord Keynes, in which case you get three opinions." Following the premise of this quotation attributed to Winston Churchill, varying perceptions of the European crisis by academic economists and their structural homology to economists' positions in the field of economics are examined. The dataset analysed using specific multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical agglomerative clustering (HAC) comprises information on the careers of 480 German-speaking economists and on statements they made concerning crisis-related issues. It can be shown that the main structural differences in the composition and amount of scientific and academic capital held by economists as well as their age and degree of transnationalisation are linked to how they see the crisis: as a national sovereign debt crisis, as a European banking crisis, or as a crisis of European integration and institutions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017,
  author    = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika},
  title     = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks},
  series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
  volume    = {97},
  journal   = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0016-3287},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004},
  pages     = {35 -- 46},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Hanschmann2019,
  author    = {Hanschmann, Raffael Tino},
  title     = {Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the 'Great Recession'},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-44044},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XXVIII, 303},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between 'beneficiaries' and 'losers' of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{SchmidtWellenburg2017,
  author    = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian},
  title     = {Europeanisation, stateness, and professions},
  series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {99},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590},
  pages     = {28},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu's work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KraheBergerVanwesenbeecketal.2015,
  author    = {Krah{\´e}, Barbara and Berger, Anja and Vanwesenbeeck, Ine and Bianchi, Gabriel and Chliaoutakis, Joannes and Fernandez-Fuertes, Andres A. and Fuertes, Antonio and de Matos, Margarida Gaspar and Hadjigeorgiou, Eleni and Haller, Birgitt and Hellemans, Sabine and Izdebski, Zbigniew and Kouta, Christiana and Meijnckens, Dwayne and Murauskiene, Liubove and Papadakaki, Maria and Ramiro, Lucia and Reis, Marta and Symons, Katrien and Tomaszewska, Paulina and Vicario-Molina, Isabel and Zygadlo, Andrzej},
  title     = {Prevalence and correlates of young people's sexual aggression perpetration and victimisation in 10 European countries: a multi-level analysis},
  series = {Culture, health \& sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {Culture, health \& sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care},
  number    = {6},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1369-1058},
  doi       = {10.1080/13691058.2014.989265},
  pages     = {682 -- 699},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Data are presented on young people's sexual victimisation and perpetration from 10 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia and Spain) using a shared measurement tool (N = 3480 participants, aged between 18 and 27 years). Between 19.7 and 52.2\% of female and between 10.1 and 55.8\% of male respondents reported having experienced at least one incident of sexual victimisation since the age of consent. In two countries, victimisation rates were significantly higher for men than for women. Between 5.5 and 48.7\% of male and 2.6 and 14.8\% of female participants reported having engaged in a least one act of sexual aggression perpetration, with higher rates for men than for women in all countries. Victimisation rates correlated negatively with sexual assertiveness and positively with alcohol use in sexual encounters. Perpetration rates correlated positively with attitudes condoning physical dating violence and with alcohol use in men, and negatively with sexual assertiveness in women. At the country level, lower gender equality in economic power and in the work domain was related to higher male perpetration rates. Lower gender equality in political power and higher sexual assertiveness in women relative to men were linked to higher male victimisation rates.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{TosunSchulze2015,
  author    = {Tosun, Jale and Schulze, Kai},
  title     = {Compliance with EU biofuel targets in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe: Do interest groups matter?},
  series = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Environment \& planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government \& policy},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0263-774X},
  doi       = {10.1177/0263774X15605923},
  pages     = {950 -- 968},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The European Union requires its member states to establish national targets for the biofuel content of all diesel and petrol supplies for transport placed on the market. This study explores the adoption of this European Union policy across South-Eastern and Eastern Europe between 2003 and 2012. In theoretical terms, we are specifically interested in examining the role of interest groups for policy adoption. We argue that the oil industry in general and the producers of biofuels in particular will support the establishment of national biofuel targets because they expect economic gains. By contrast, we expect environmental groups with international and regional ties to oppose such targets because biofuels have come under attack for their potential environmental impact including deforestation, a loss in biodiversity, and food insecurity. Empirically, we concentrate on policy adoptions in 21 South-Eastern and Eastern European states with varied relations to the European Union and the Energy Community. Our analysis supports our main arguments in suggesting that a stronger presence of environmental groups decreases the chances of adopting national biofuel targets across our country sample while producer interests tend to increase adoptions. This finding holds true also when controlling for a country's European Union membership and accession perspective, membership in the Energy Community, and additional domestic-level factors. These results add more generally to our understanding about compliance with European Union policies and environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KraheTomaszewskaKuyperetal.2014,
  author    = {Krah{\´e}, Barbara and Tomaszewska, Paulina and Kuyper, Lisette and Vanwesenbeeck, Ine},
  title     = {Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: a review of the evidence from 27 EU countries},
  series = {Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1359-1789},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.avb.2014.07.005},
  pages     = {545 -- 558},
  year      = {2014},
  abstract  = {Sexual aggression poses a serious threat to the sexual well-being of young people. This paper documents the available evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization from 27 EU countries, established as part of the Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimization (Y-SAV) project. A total of N = 113 studies were identified through a systematic review of the literature and consultations with experts in each country. Despite differences in the number of available studies, methodology, and sample composition, the review shows substantial prevalence rates of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization across Europe. A wide variation was found, both within and between countries. The lifetime prevalence rates of female sexual victimization, excluding childhood sexual abuse, ranged from 9 to 83\%, the rates of male sexual victimization ranged from 2 to 66\%, the rates of male sexual aggression ranged from 0 to 80\%, and the range of female sexual aggression ranged from 0.8 to 40\%. One-year prevalence rates showed a similar variability. Conceptual and methodological problems in the database are discussed, and an outline is presented for a more harmonized approach to studying the scale of sexual aggression among young people in Europe. (c) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Patz2013,
  author    = {Patz, Ronny},
  title     = {Information flows in the context of EU policy-making : affiliation networks and the post-2012 reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70732},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as - not surprisingly - a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these "leaks" in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements - such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance - which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Karolewski2010,
  author    = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
  title     = {Challenges to the external identity making in the European Union},
  series = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
  journal   = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
  number    = {15},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {1864-0656},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62953},
  pages     = {43 -- 61},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU's external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU's external identity making The EU's external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{BielawskiJurišićLenzetal.2006,
  author    = {Bielawski, Martina and Jurišić, J. and Lenz, T. and Maxian Rusche, T. and Nippert, C.},
  title     = {Via : communis Europa ; Europe's architecture in 2020},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48454},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Koasidis2006,
  author    = {Koasidis, Jannis},
  title     = {Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48404},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{PedersenJohannsen2004,
  author    = {Pedersen, Karin Hilmer and Johannsen, Lars},
  title     = {The real challenge for change : public administration in new EU member states},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46718},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Executive responsibility for EU policies is by tradition delegated to the member states and their internal administrative bodies. It is therefore of outmost importance that the new Central and East European members have the capacity to administer the acquis communitaire once they are full members of the EU. Based on a survey among current and former top-level decision-makers (ministers), this article argues that although there are significant implementation problems, efficiency gains can be made through administrative reform and not the least education aimed at changing the worldview and knowledge of the individual civil servant. However, there seem to be significant differences in how these countries tackle implementation problems and administrative reform.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Jorgensen2004,
  author    = {Jorgensen, Knud Erik},
  title     = {Three doctrines on European foreign policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46318},
  year      = {2004},
  abstract  = {Taking its departure from the debate on the Iraq war, the article examines three so-called „doctrines" on European foreign policy. According to the first one, there is no such thing as an EU foreign policy. This may come as a surprise for policy-makers but is a common view among media commentators, analysts and some diplomats. The second doctrine holds that the EU's foreign policy has been, is, and always will be a failure. Reasons for this gloomy view show considerable variations and are most likely unsustainable in the long run. The third approach is more optimistic, counting on the EU's material volume, yet often ignoring the need to politically cash in if international clout is the quest.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Meyer2007,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Meyer, Eike},
  title     = {Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2007},
  abstract  = {The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy", „conditionality" and „positive instruments". For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more "political", although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself - e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.},
  language  = {en}
}