@article{FelserDrummer2022,
  author    = {Felser, Claudia and Drummer, Janna-Deborah},
  title     = {Binding out of relative clauses in native and non-native sentence comprehension},
  series = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  volume    = {51},
  journal   = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0090-6905},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10936-022-09845-z},
  pages     = {763 -- 788},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Pronouns can sometimes covary with a non c-commanding quantifier phrase (QP). To obtain such 'telescoping' readings, a semantic representation must be computed in which the QP's semantic scope extends beyond its surface scope. Non-native speakers have been claimed to have more difficulty than native speakers deriving such non-isomorphic syntax-semantics mappings, but evidence from processing studies is scarce. We report the results from an eye-movement monitoring experiment and an offline questionnaire investigating whether native and non-native speakers of German can link personal pronouns to non c-commanding QPs inside relative clauses. Our results show that both participant groups were able to obtain telescoping readings offline, but only the native speakers showed evidence of forming telescoping dependencies during incremental parsing. During processing the non-native speakers focused on a discourse-prominent, non-quantified alternative antecedent instead. The observed group differences indicate that non-native comprehenders have more difficulty than native comprehenders computing scope-shifted representations in real time.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DrummerFelser2018,
  author    = {Drummer, Janna-Deborah and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Cataphoric pronoun resolution in native and non-native sentence comprehension},
  series = {Journal of memory and language},
  volume    = {101},
  journal   = {Journal of memory and language},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {San Diego},
  issn      = {0749-596X},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.jml.2018.04.001},
  pages     = {97 -- 113},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Encountering a cataphoric pronoun triggers a search for a suitable referent. Previous research indicates that this search is constrained by binding Condition C, which prohibits coreference between a cataphoric pronoun and a referential expression within its c-command domain. We report the results from a series of eye-movement monitoring and questionnaire experiments investigating cataphoric pronoun resolution in German. Given earlier findings suggesting that the application of structure-sensitive constraints on reference resolution may be delayed in non-native language processing, we tested both native and proficient non-native speakers of German. Our results show that cataphoric pronouns trigger an active search in both native and non-native comprehenders. Whilst both participant groups demonstrated awareness of Condition C in an offline task, we found Condition C effects to be restricted to later processing measures during online reading. This indicates that during natural reading, Condition C applies as a relatively late filter on potential coreference assignments.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{PattersonFelser2019,
  author    = {Patterson, Clare and Felser, Claudia},
  title     = {Delayed Application of Binding Condition C During Cataphoric Pronoun Resolution},
  series = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
  volume    = {48},
  journal   = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0090-6905},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10936-018-9613-4},
  pages     = {453 -- 475},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Previous research has shown that during cataphoric pronoun resolution, the predictive search for an antecedent is restricted by a structure-sensitive constraint known as 'Condition C', such that an antecedent is only considered when the constraint does not apply. Evidence has mainly come from self-paced reading (SPR), a method which may not be able to pick up on short-lived effects over the timecourse of processing. This study investigates whether or not the active search mechanism is constrained by Condition C at all points in time during cataphoric processing. We carried out one eye-tracking during reading and a parallel SPR experiment, accompanied by offline coreference judgment tasks. Although offline judgments about coreference were constrained by Condition C, the eye-tracking experiment revealed temporary consideration of antecedents that should be ruled out by Condition C. The SPR experiment using exactly the same materials indicated, conversely, that only structurally appropriate antecedents were considered. Taken together, our results suggest that the application of Condition C may be delayed during naturalistic reading.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FelserDrummer2016,
  author    = {Felser, Claudia and Drummer, Janna-Deborah},
  title     = {Sensitivity to Crossover Constraints During Native and Non-native Pronoun Resolution},
  series = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  volume    = {46},
  journal   = {Journal of psycholinguistic research},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {New York},
  issn      = {0090-6905},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10936-016-9465-8},
  pages     = {771 -- 789},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {We report the results from two experiments examining native and non-native German speakers' sensitivity to crossover constraints on pronoun resolution. Our critical stimuli sentences contained personal pronouns in either strong (SCO) or weak crossover (WCO) configurations. Using eye-movement monitoring during reading and a gender-mismatch paradigm, Experiment 1 investigated whether a fronted wh-phrase would be considered as a potential antecedent for a pronoun intervening between the wh-phrase and its canonical position. Both native and non-native readers initially attempted coreference in WCO but not in SCO configurations, as evidenced by early gender-mismatch effects in our WCO conditions. Experiment 2 was an offline antecedent judgement task whose results mirrored the SCO/WCO asymmetry observed in our reading-time data. Taken together, our results show that the SCO constraint immediately restricts pronoun interpretation in both native and non-native comprehension, and further suggest that SCO and WCO constraints derive from different sources.},
  language  = {en}
}