@misc{OPUS4-4201, title = {Klima nach Kopenhagen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-44746}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik, sehr harte sogar. Das zeigte der Gipfel in Kopenhagen. Als es zu konkreten Abmachungen kommen sollte, wurde gefeilscht, blockiert und schließlich ein nichts sagendes Papier verlesen. Im Schwerpunkt dieses Heftes analysieren Experten die Ursachen f{\"u}r das Scheitern in Kopenhagen und die Konsequenzen f{\"u}r die k{\"u}nftige Klimapolitik. Sie fragen nach der Rolle solcher Akteure wie China und Indien und der NGO, sie diskutieren den Faktor Klima in der Entwicklungspolitik und machen Vorschl{\"a}ge zur Finanzierung der Klimapolitik. Zudem setzen wir in diesem Heft den Streitplatz {\"u}ber die nationalen Interessen Deutschlands fort. In der Analyse wird die Frage nach der Zukunft der deutschen Wehrpflicht gestellt; in den WeltBlick nehmen wir die krisengesch{\"u}ttelte EU, Ungarn nach den Wahlen und die Friedensproblematik in Kolumbien.}, language = {de} } @article{Mueller2012, author = {M{\"u}ller, Melanie}, title = {Die Zivilgesellschaft in der internationalen Klimapolitik}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81331}, pages = {59 -- 66}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Die Zivilgesellschaft hat dazu beigetragen, dass die Klimakonferenz in Kopenhagen zu einem Medienereignis wurde. Fernab großer Demonstrationen haben Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) seit Jahren einen guten Zugang zu den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen. Am Beispiel von Chile wird gezeigt, wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen durch professionellen Lobbyismus ihre Positionen in politische Prozesse einspeisen. Sie befinden sich in einem Spannungsfeld von Kooperation und Instrumentalisierung durch politische Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger.}, language = {de} } @article{Schunz2012, author = {Schunz, Simon}, title = {Gescheiterte Klimapolitik?}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81347}, pages = {67 -- 72}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Der Kopenhagener Klimagipfel 2009 ist mit Spannung erwartet worden. Erreicht wurde lediglich ein Minimalkonsens. Der Autor liefert eine akteurszentrierte Deutung des Kopenhagener Abkommens und stellt die Frage nach dem Pr{\"a}zedenzcharakter der Verhandlungen: Handelte es sich um ein einmaliges Versagen multilateraler Diplomatie oder um einen Vorgeschmack auf die weltpolitische Routine des 21. Jahrhunderts?}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-5773, title = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-173-8}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-58354}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {100}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Der Klimawandel birgt globale Risiken. Dies ist weithin anerkannt. Umstritten ist die Frage, wie diesen Gefahren zu begegnen ist. 14 Jahre nach Kyoto ist klar: Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik. Das zeigte zuletzt die UN-Klimakonferenz 2011 in Durban mit ihren unverbindlichen Ergebnissen. In diesem Sammelband analysieren Experten Ursachen f{\"u}r das Scheitern der vergangenen Klima-Konferenzen und Konsequenzen f{\"u}r die k{\"u}nftige Klimapolitik. Insbesondere geht es um die Politik der Akteure China und Indien, um die Rolle der NGOs und die Klimafrage in der Entwicklungspolitik. Zugleich wird die deutsche Klimapolitik diskutiert und die Politik Brandenburgs von der verantwortlichen Ministerin vorgestellt.}, language = {de} } @article{Schroeder2012, author = {Schr{\"o}der, Miriam}, title = {China und Indien}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81311}, pages = {41 -- 49}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Der Artikel analysiert die neue Rolle aufsteigender Schwellenl{\"a}nder in den internationalen Klimaverhandlungen am Beispiel Chinas und Indiens. Die Ablehnung verbindlicher Reduktionsziele f{\"u}r Treibhausgase wurde in Kopenhagen als Blockadepolitik beider L{\"a}nder gewertet. China und Indien k{\"o}nnen sich in ihrer Position behaupten, da ihr gestiegenes Gewicht in der multipolaren Weltordnung und die Unt{\"a}tigkeit f{\"u}hrender Industriel{\"a}nder ihre Verhandlungsposition st{\"a}rkt. Die Autorin diskutiert Kooperationsm{\"o}glichkeiten auf subnationaler Ebene, die die Blockadeposition nationaler Regierungen umgehen k{\"o}nnen.}, language = {de} } @article{Lederer2012, author = {Lederer, Markus}, title = {Klimapolitik zwischen Kyoto und Canc{\´u}n}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81364}, pages = {83 -- 92}, year = {2012}, abstract = {In diesem einleitenden Beitrag des Themenschwerpunktes wird der Hintergrund der internationalen Klimaverhandlungen erl{\"a}utert und die Ergebnisse des Kopenhagen-Akkords vorgestellt. Angesichts des Scheiterns der Kopenhagener Konferenz muss die zeitnahe Schließung eines rechtlich bindenden, globalen Klimaabkommens als unwahrscheinlich gelten. Die Klimapolitik wird zuk{\"u}nftig verst{\"a}rkt auf nationalstaatlicher und transnationaler Ebene erfolgen.}, language = {de} } @article{HaugBerkhout2012, author = {Haug, Constanze and Berkhout, Frans}, title = {Abschied von KyotoPlus?}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81355}, pages = {73 -- 81}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Die Ergebnisse des Klimagipfels von Kopenhagen sind eine bittere Entt{\"a}uschung f{\"u}r die EU. Ihr ist es nicht gelungen, ihren F{\"u}hrungsambitionen beim globalen Klimaschutz gerecht zu werden und die Konferenz zur Weichenstellung f{\"u}r ein rechtsverbindliches Klimaabkommen nach 2012 zu nutzen. Damit steht die Union vor grundlegenden strategischen Fragen zum Kurs ihrer Klimapolitik.}, language = {de} } @article{HarnischWienges2012, author = {Harnisch, Astrid and Wienges, Sebastian}, title = {Wie Klimaschutz finanzieren?}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81328}, pages = {50 -- 58}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Zur Finanzierung von Klimaschutz m{\"u}ssen {\"o}ffentliche Mittel gezielt eingesetzt werden. Dies beinhaltet auch die Rahmenbedingungen f{\"u}r private Finanzstr{\"o}me signifikant zu verbessern. Anhand einer Problemanalyse bestimmen die Autoren Eckdaten f{\"u}r diese Hebelwirkung. {\"O}ffentliche Anschubfinanzierung kann somit die Grundlage f{\"u}r private Investitionen sein. Dies wird exemplarisch an der Internationalen Klimaschutzinitiative des Bundesumweltministeriums diskutiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Roettgen2012, author = {R{\"o}ttgen, Norbert}, title = {Regierungserkl{\"a}rung zu den Ergebnissen der Klimakonferenz in Durban}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81376}, pages = {93 -- 100}, year = {2012}, language = {de} } @article{Fuhr2012, author = {Fuhr, Harald}, title = {Klimawandel und Entwicklungspolitik}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81301}, pages = {31 -- 40}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Der Autor diskutiert die Chancen und Risiken bei der Einbindung des S{\"u}dens in die internationale Klimapolitik. Lange Zeit hatten die Entwicklungsl{\"a}nder am wenigsten zum Klimawandel beigetragen, w{\"a}ren aber am st{\"a}rksten von ihm betroffen. Mittlerweile jedoch tragen diese L{\"a}nder in erheblichem Maße selbst zum Klimawandel bei. Allerdings setzen deren Regierungen auf Zeit. Sie erwarten Ressourcentransfers. Dies verst{\"a}rkt auch alte Probleme des ‚Rent-Seeking'.}, language = {de} } @article{Hentschel2012, author = {Hentschel, Karl-Martin}, title = {Klimapolitik am Ende?}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81299}, pages = {21 -- 30}, year = {2012}, language = {de} } @article{KraemerKleinwaechter2012, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund and Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, title = {Brandenburg ist klimapolitisch gut aufgestellt!}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81285}, pages = {11 -- 20}, year = {2012}, language = {de} } @article{Kleinwaechter2012, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {Klimapolitik International}, journal = {Klimapolitik International}, editor = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Kai}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1868-6222}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-81267}, pages = {9 -- 10}, year = {2012}, language = {de} } @misc{SchuetzeFuerstMielkeetal.2017, author = {Sch{\"u}tze, Franziska and F{\"u}rst, Steffen and Mielke, Jahel and Steudle, Gesine A. and Wolf, Sarah and J{\"a}ger, Carlo C.}, title = {The Role of Sustainable Investment in Climate Policy}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {137}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-47048}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-470485}, pages = {21}, year = {2017}, abstract = {Reaching the Sustainable Development Goals requires a fundamental socio-economic transformation accompanied by substantial investment in low-carbon infrastructure. Such a sustainability transition represents a non-marginal change, driven by behavioral factors and systemic interactions. However, typical economic models used to assess a sustainability transition focus on marginal changes around a local optimum, whichby constructionlead to negative effects. Thus, these models do not allow evaluating a sustainability transition that might have substantial positive effects. This paper examines which mechanisms need to be included in a standard computable general equilibrium model to overcome these limitations and to give a more comprehensive view of the effects of climate change mitigation. Simulation results show that, given an ambitious greenhouse gas emission constraint and a price of carbon, positive economic effects are possible if (1) technical progress results (partly) endogenously from the model and (2) a policy intervention triggering an increase of investment is introduced. Additionally, if (3) the investment behavior of firms is influenced by their sales expectations, the effects are amplified. The results provide suggestions for policy-makers, because the outcome indicates that investment-oriented climate policies can lead to more desirable outcomes in economic, social and environmental terms.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Mielke2018, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Coordination on Green Investment}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-42745}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-427459}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {viii, 209}, year = {2018}, abstract = {To reach its climate targets, the European Union has to implement a major sustainability transition in the coming decades. While the socio-technical change required for this transition is well discussed in the academic literature, the economics that go along with it are often reduced to a cost-benefit perspective of climate policy measures. By investigating climate change mitigation as a coordination problem, this thesis offers a novel perspective: It integrates the economic and the socio-technical dimension and thus allows to better understand the opportunities of a sustainability transition in Europe. First, a game theoretic framework is developed to illustrate coordination on green or brown investment from an agent perspective. A model based on the coordination game "stag hunt" is used to discuss the influence of narratives and signals for green investment as a means to coordinate expectations towards green growth. Public and private green investment impulses - triggered by credible climate policy measures and targets - serve as an example for a green growth perspective for Europe in line with a sustainability transition. This perspective also embodies a critical view on classical analyses of climate policy measures. Secondly, this analysis is enriched with empirical results derived from stakeholder involvement. In interviews and with a survey among European insurance companies, coordination mechanisms such as market and policy signals are identified and evaluated by their impact on investment strategies for green infrastructure. The latter, here defined as renewable energy, electricity distribution and transmission as well as energy efficiency improvements, is considered a central element of the transition to a low-carbon society. Thirdly, this thesis identifies and analyzes major criticisms raised towards stakeholder involvement in sustainability science. On a conceptual level, different ways of conducting such qualitative research are classified. This conceptualization is then evaluated by scientists, thereby generating empirical evidence on ideals and practices of stakeholder involvement in sustainability science. Through the combination of theoretical and empirical research on coordination problems, this thesis offers several contributions: On the one hand, it outlines an approach that allows to assess the economic opportunities of sustainability transitions. This is helpful for policy makers in Europe that are striving to implement climate policy measures addressing the targets of the Paris Agreement as well as to encourage a shift of investments towards green infrastructure. On the other hand, this thesis enhances the stabilization of the theoretical foundations in sustainability science. Therefore, it can aid researchers who involve stakeholders when studying sustainability transitions.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hanschmann2019, author = {Hanschmann, Raffael Tino}, title = {Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the 'Great Recession'}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-44044}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XXVIII, 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between 'beneficiaries' and 'losers' of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Schuetze2020, author = {Sch{\"u}tze, Franziska}, title = {Finance for a sustainable economy}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-48441}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-484415}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xi, 128}, year = {2020}, abstract = {With his September 2015 speech "Breaking the tragedy of the horizon", the President of the Central Bank of England, Mark Carney, put climate change on the agenda of financial market regulators. Until then, climate change had been framed mainly as a problem of negative externalities leading to long-term economic costs, which resulted in countries trying to keep the short-term costs of climate action to a minimum. Carney argued that climate change, as well as climate policy, can also lead to short-term financial risks, potentially causing strong adjustments in asset prices. Analysing the effect of a sustainability transition on the financial sector challenges traditional economic and financial analysis and requires a much deeper understanding of the interrelations between climate policy and financial markets. This dissertation thus investigates the implications of climate policy for financial markets as well as the role of financial markets in a transition to a sustainable economy. The approach combines insights from macroeconomic and financial risk analysis. Following an introduction and classification in Chapter 1, Chapter 2 shows a macroeconomic analysis that combines ambitious climate targets (negative externality) with technological innovation (positive externality), adaptive expectations and an investment program, resulting in overall positive macroeconomic outcomes. The analysis also reveals the limitations of climate economic models in their representation of financial markets. Therefore, the subsequent part of this dissertation is concerned with the link between climate policies and financial markets. In Chapter 3, an empirical analysis of stock-market responses to the announcement of climate policy targets is performed to investigate impacts of climate policy on financial markets. Results show that 1) international climate negotiations have an effect on asset prices and 2) investors increasingly recognize transition risks in carbon-intensive investments. In Chapter 4, an analysis of equity markets and the interbank market shows that transition risks can potentially affect a large part of the equity market and that financial interconnections can amplify negative shocks. In Chapter 5, an analysis of mortgage loans shows how information on climate policy and the energy performance of buildings can be integrated into risk management and reflected in interest rates. While costs of climate action have been explored at great depth, this dissertation offers two main contributions. First, it highlights the importance of a green investment program to strengthen the macroeconomic benefits of climate action. Second, it shows different approaches on how to integrate transition risks and opportunities into financial market analysis. Anticipating potential losses and gains in the value of financial assets as early as possible can make the financial system more resilient to transition risks and can stimulate investments into the decarbonization of the economy.}, language = {en} } @misc{ThonigDelRioKieferetal.2020, author = {Thonig, Richard and Del Rio, Pablo and Kiefer, Christoph and Lazaro Touza, Lara and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lechon, Yolanda and Spaeth, Leonhard and Wolf, Ingo and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Does ideology influence the ambition level of climate and renewable energy policy?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {1}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57798}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577981}, pages = {19}, year = {2020}, abstract = {We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change.}, language = {en} } @techreport{HaenselFranksKalkuhletal.2021, type = {Working Paper}, author = {H{\"a}nsel, Martin C. and Franks, Max and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {Optimal carbon taxation and horizontal equity}, series = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, journal = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, number = {28}, issn = {2628-653X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-49812}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-498128}, pages = {51}, year = {2021}, abstract = {We develop a model of optimal carbon taxation and redistribution taking into account horizontal equity concerns by considering heterogeneous energy efficiencies. By deriving first- and second-best rules for policy instruments including carbon taxes, transfers and energy subsidies, we then investigate analytically how horizontal equity is considered in the social welfare maximizing tax structure. We calibrate the model to German household data and a 30 percent emission reduction goal. Our results show that energy-intensive households should receive more redistributive resources than energy-efficient households if and only if social inequality aversion is sufficiently high. We further find that redistribution of carbon tax revenue via household-specific transfers is the first-best policy. Equal per-capita transfers do not suffer from informational problems, but increase mitigation costs by around 15 percent compared to the first- best for unity inequality aversion. Adding renewable energy subsidies or non-linear energy subsidies, reduces mitigation costs further without relying on observability of households' energy efficiency.}, language = {en} } @techreport{BlanzEydamHeinemannetal.2022, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Blanz, Alkis and Eydam, Ulrich and Heinemann, Maik and Kalkuhl, Matthias}, title = {Optimal carbon pricing with fluctuating energy prices — emission targeting vs. price targeting}, series = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, journal = {CEPA Discussion Papers}, number = {51}, issn = {2628-653X}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-56104}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-561049}, pages = {12}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Prices of primary energy commodities display marked fluctuations over time. Market-based climate policy instruments (e.g., emissions pricing) create incentives to reduce energy consumption by increasing the user cost of fossil energy. This raises the question of whether climate policy should respond to fluctuations in fossil energy prices? We study this question within an environmental dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (E-DSGE) model calibrated on the German economy. Our results indicate that the welfare implications of dynamic emissions pricing crucially depend on how the revenues are used. When revenues are fully absorbed, a reduction in emissions prices stabilizes the economy in response to energy price shocks. However, when revenues are at least partially recycled, a stable emissions price improves overall welfare. This result is robust to different modeling assumptions.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023, author = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz}, title = {Governing climate change in Brazil}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-58733}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xxvii, 272}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.}, language = {en} }