@article{ZerbianDowningKuegler2009,
  author    = {Zerbian, Sabine and Downing, Laura and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Introduction : tone and intonation from a typological perspective},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.024},
  year      = {2009},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{VerhoevenKuegler2015,
  author    = {Verhoeven, Elisabeth and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Accentual preferences and predictability: An acceptability study on split intransitivity in German},
  series = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  volume    = {165},
  journal   = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.09.013},
  pages     = {298 -- 315},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The difference in the default prosodic realization of simple sentences with unergative vs. unaccusative/passive verbs (assigning early nuclear accent with unaccusative/passive verbs but late nuclear accent with unergative verbs) is often related to the syntactic distinction of their nominative arguments as starting off in different hierarchical positions. Alternative accounts try to trace this prosodic variation back to asymmetries in the semantic or pragmatic contribution of the verb to an utterance. The present article investigates the interaction of the assignment of default nuclear accent with the predictability of the verb. In an experimental study testing the acceptability of nuclear accent assignment, we confirmed that the predictability of the verb influences accentual preferences (such that highly predictable verbs are preferably not accented). However, the experiment also reveals that the unaccusativity distinction cannot be accounted for by means of pragmatic phenomena of this type: the two verb classes are associated with distinct accentual patterns in the baseline condition, that is, without the predictability manipulation. (C) 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{vandeVijverHellmuthKuegleretal.2007,
  author    = {van de Vijver, Ruben and Hellmuth, Sam and K{\"u}gler, Frank and Mayer, J{\"o}rg and Stoel, Ruben},
  title     = {Phonology and intonation},
  isbn      = {978-3-939469-66- 7},
  year      = {2007},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KueglerSkopeteasVerhoeven2007,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank and Skopeteas, Stavros and Verhoeven, Elisabeth},
  title     = {Encoding Information structure in Yucatec Maya: on the Interplay of Prosody and Syntax},
  year      = {2007},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KueglerGollrad2015,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank and Gollrad, Anja},
  title     = {Production and perception of contrast: The case of the rise-fall contour in German},
  series = {Frontiers in psychology},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {Frontiers in psychology},
  publisher = {Frontiers Research Foundation},
  address   = {Lausanne},
  issn      = {1664-1078},
  doi       = {10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01254},
  pages     = {17},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {This study investigates the phonetics of German nuclear rise-fall contours in relation to contexts that trigger either a contrastive or a non-contrastive interpretation in the answer. A rise-fall contour can be conceived of a tonal sequence of L-H-L. A production study elicited target sentences in contrastive and non-contrastive contexts. The majority of cases realized showed a nuclear rise-fall contour. The acoustic analysis of these contours revealed a significant effect of contrastiveness on the height/alignment of the accent peak as a function of focus context. On the other hand, the height/alignment of the low turning point at the beginning of the rise did not show an effect of contrastiveness. In a series of semantic congruency perception tests participants judged the congruency of congruent and incongruent context-stimulus pairs based on three different sets of stimuli: (i) original data, (ii) manipulation of accent peak, and (iii) manipulation of the leading low. Listeners distinguished nuclear rise-fall contours as a function of focus context (Experiment 1 and 2), however not based on manipulations of the leading low (Experiment 3). The results suggest that the alignment and scaling of the accentual peak are sufficient to license a contrastive interpretation of a nuclear rise-fall contour, leaving the rising part as a phonetic onglide, or as a low tone that does not interact with the contrastivity of the context.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KueglerGenzel2012,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank and Genzel, Susanne},
  title     = {On the prosodic expression of pragmatic prominence The case of pitch register lowering in Akan},
  series = {Language and speech},
  volume    = {55},
  journal   = {Language and speech},
  number    = {9},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0023-8309},
  doi       = {10.1177/0023830911422182},
  pages     = {331 -- 359},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {This article presents data from three production experiments investigating the prosodic means of encoding information structure in Akan, a tone language that belongs to the Kwa branch of the Niger-Congo family, spoken in Ghana. Information structure was elicited via context questions that put target words either in wide, informational, or corrective focus, or in one of the experiments also in pre-focal or post-focal position rendering it as given. The prosodic parameters F0 and duration were measured on the target words. Duration is not consistently affected by information structure, but contrary to the prediction that High (H) and Low (L) tones are raised in ex situ (fronted) focus constructions we found a significantly lower realization of both H and L tones under corrective focus in ex situ and in situ focus constructions. Givenness does not seem to be marked prosodically. The data suggest that pragmatic prominence is expressed prosodically by means of a deviation from an unmarked prosodic structure. Results are thus contradicting the view of the effort code that predicts a positive correlation of more effort resulting in higher F0 targets.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kuegler2007,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {The intonational phonology of Swabian and Upper Saxon},
  series = {Linguistische Arbeiten},
  volume    = {515},
  journal   = {Linguistische Arbeiten},
  publisher = {Niemeyer},
  address   = {T{\"u}bingen},
  isbn      = {978-3-484-30515-1},
  pages     = {IX, 194 S. : graph. Darst.},
  year      = {2007},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Kuegler2017,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Tone and intonation in Akan},
  series = {Intonation in African Tone Languages},
  volume    = {24},
  booktitle = {Intonation in African Tone Languages},
  publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-11-050352-4; 978-3-11-048479-3},
  issn      = {1861-4191},
  doi       = {10.1515/9783110503524-004},
  pages     = {89 -- 129},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This chapter provides an account of the intonation patterns in Akan (Kwa, Niger-Congo). Tonal processes such as downstep, tonal spreading and tonal replacement influence the surface tone pattern of a sentence. In general, any Akan utterance independent of sentence type shows a characteristic down-trend in pitch. This chapter proposes that Akan employs a simple post-lexical tonal grammar that accounts for the shapes of an intonation contour. The unmarked post-lexical structure is found in simple declaratives. The downward trend of an intonation contour is shaped by local tonal interactions (downstep), and sentence-final tonal neutralization. In polar questions, an iota-phrase-final low boundary tone (L\%) accounts for the intensity increase and lengthening of the final vowel compared to a declarative. Complex declaratives and left-dislocations show a partial pitch reset at the left edge of an embedded iota-phrase. Underlying lexical tones are not affected by intonation with the exception of sentence-final H-tones.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kuegler2008,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {The role of duration as a phonetic correlate of focus},
  year      = {2008},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kuegler2015,
  author    = {K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Phonological phrasing and ATR vowel harmony in Akan},
  series = {Phonology},
  volume    = {32},
  journal   = {Phonology},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0952-6757},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0952675715000081},
  pages     = {177 -- 204},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax-phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GenzelKuegler2018,
  author    = {Genzel, Susanne and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Production and perception of question prosody in Akan},
  series = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association},
  volume    = {50},
  journal   = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0025-1003},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0025100318000191},
  pages     = {61 -- 92},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The paper presents a production experiment investigating the phonetic parameters speakers employ to differentiate Yes-No questions from string-identical statements in Akan, a West-African two-tone Kwa language. Results show that, in comparison to the statement, speakers use a higher pitch register throughout the utterance as a global parameter, and falling f0, longer duration and higher intensity as local parameters on the final syllable of the Yes-No question. Further, two perception experiments (forced-choice identification and gating) investigate the perceptual relevance of the global parameter and the local final parameters. Results show that listeners cannot assess the higher pitch register information to identify the mode of a sentence early on. Rather, identification takes place when the local phonetic parameters on the final vowel are available. The findings point to the superiority of language-specific cues in sentence mode perception. It is suggested that Akan uses a low boundary tone that associates with the right edge of the intonation phrase (L\%) in Yes-No questions. The results are discussed from the point of view of question intonation typology in African languages. It is argued that a classification along the lines of functionally relevant cues is preferable to an impressionistic analysis.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FeryKueglervandeVijver2003,
  author    = {F{\´e}ry, Caroline and K{\"u}gler, Frank and van de Vijver, Ruben},
  title     = {Pitch accents realization in German},
  isbn      = {1-87634-649-3},
  year      = {2003},
  language  = {en}
}
@unpublished{BaumannKuegler2015,
  author    = {Baumann, Stefan and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {Prosody and information status in typological perspective - Introduction to the Special Issue},
  series = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  volume    = {165},
  journal   = {Lingua : international review of general linguistics},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  issn      = {0024-3841},
  doi       = {10.1016/j.lingua.2015.08.001},
  pages     = {179 -- 182},
  year      = {2015},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BaerHenneyKueglervandeVijver2015,
  author    = {Baer-Henney, Dinah and K{\"u}gler, Frank and van de Vijver, Ruben},
  title     = {The Interaction of Language-Specific and Universal Factors During the Acquisition of Morphophonemic Alternations With Exceptions},
  series = {Cognitive science : a multidisciplinary journal of anthropology, artificial intelligence, education, linguistics, neuroscience, philosophy, psychology ; journal of the Cognitive Science Society},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Cognitive science : a multidisciplinary journal of anthropology, artificial intelligence, education, linguistics, neuroscience, philosophy, psychology ; journal of the Cognitive Science Society},
  number    = {7},
  publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0364-0213},
  doi       = {10.1111/cogs.12209},
  pages     = {1537 -- 1569},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {Using the artificial language paradigm, we studied the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations with exceptions by 160 German adult learners. We tested the acquisition of two types of alternations in two regularity conditions while additionally varying length of training. In the first alternation, a vowel harmony, backness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix. This process is grounded in substance (phonetic motivation), and this universal phonetic factor bolsters learning a generalization. In the second alternation, tenseness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix vowel. This process is not based in substance, but it reflects a phonotactic property of German and our participants benefit from this language-specific factor. We found that learners use both cues, while substantive bias surfaces mainly in the most unstable situation. We show that language-specific and universal factors interact in learning.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{AsuSchoetzKuegler2009,
  author    = {Asu, Eva-Liina and Sch{\"o}tz, Susanne and K{\"u}gler, Frank},
  title     = {The acoustics of Estonian Swedish long close vowels as compared to Central Swedish and Finland Swedish},
  isbn      = {978-91-633-4892-1 (print)},
  year      = {2009},
  language  = {en}
}