@article{SmieliauskasBewleyGronewoldetal.2016, author = {Smieliauskas, Wally and Bewley, Kathryn and Gronewold, Ulfert and Menzefricke, Ulrich}, title = {Misleading Forecasts in Accounting Estimates}, series = {Journal of business ethics}, volume = {152}, journal = {Journal of business ethics}, number = {2}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {0167-4544}, doi = {10.1007/s10551-016-3289-1}, pages = {437 -- 457}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The current financial reporting environment, with its increasing use of accounting estimates, including fair value estimates, suggests that unethical accounting estimates may be a growing concern. This paper provides explanations and empirical evidence for why some types of accounting estimates in financial reporting may promote a form of ethical blindness. These types of ethical blindness can have an escalating effect that corrupts not only an individual or organization but also the accounting profession and the public interest it serves. Ethical blindness in the standards of professional accountants may be a factor in the extent of misreporting, and may have taken on new urgency as a result of the proposals to change the conceptual framework for financial reporting using international standards. The social consequences for users of financial statements can be huge. The acquittal of former Nortel executives on fraud charges related to accounting manipulations is viewed by many as legitimizing accounting gamesmanship. This decision illustrates that the courts may not be the best place to deal with ethical reporting issues. The courts may be relied on for only the most egregious unethical conduct and, even then, the accounting profession is ill equipped to assist the legal system in prosecuting accounting fraud unless the standards have been clarified. We argue that the problem of unethical reporting should be addressed by the accounting profession itself, preferably as a key part of the conceptual framework that supports accounting and auditing standards, and the codes of ethical conduct that underpin the professionalism of accountants.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {The Regime-Trilemma: On the Relationship between the Executive and Legislature in advanced Democracies}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\~A}¼r Politische Wissenschaft}, volume = {57}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\~A}¼r Politische Wissenschaft}, publisher = {Nomos}, address = {Hannover}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.5771/0032-3470-2016-1-27}, pages = {27 -- +}, year = {2016}, abstract = {A comprehensive typology of basic executive formats is presented and linked to a discussion of tradeoffs in the design of executive-legislative relations. The focus is on the tradeoffs between three goals: (1) programmatic parties, (2) identifiable cabinets and (3) issue -specific legislative coalitions. To include semi-presidentialism into the typology in a logically consistent manner, a heretofore neglected executive format has to be defined, which is labelled semi-parliamentarism. Based on a discussion of Australian states, it is argued that semi-parliamentarism has the potential to mitigate the trilemma.}, language = {de} } @article{Seyfried2016, author = {Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Setting a fox to guard the henhouse? Determinants in elections for presidents of supreme audit institutions Evidence from the German federal states (1991-2011)}, series = {Managerial auditing journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Managerial auditing journal}, publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited}, address = {Bingley}, issn = {0268-6902}, doi = {10.1108/MAJ-03-2015-1168}, pages = {492 -- 511}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to provide evidence regarding the selection procedures for and characteristics of senior officials in supreme audit institutions (SIAs). Design/methodology/approach - This study follows a quantitative approach using original data collected for presidential elections of SIAs in the 16 federal states in Germany. A fractional logit model is calculated to test different theoretical assumptions in relation to structural, political and individual factors. Findings - The descriptive results confirm the findings of prior research that presidential candidates are elected with very high approval rates. The main determinants are the vote share of the ruling coalition and the executive experience of the presidential candidate. Research limitations/implications - This study focuses on 16 federal states in Germany, but an international comparative perspective covering subnational levels would further augment analysis through the variance of selection procedures and electoral outcomes. Social implications - Independence of auditors is a fundamental issue for the control of the executive, but it seems that there are inevitable trade-offs therein, such as between knowledge of the auditing objects or the politicization of the election process and the independence of the auditor. Originality/value - This study provides novel empirical insights into the election and selection procedures for senior SIA officials at the subnational level, and shows that the executive exerts strong, but functionally reasonable, influence on candidate selection.}, language = {en} } @article{SprinzdeMesquitaKallbekkenetal.2016, author = {Sprinz, Detlef F. and de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno and Kallbekken, Steffen and Stokman, Frans and Saelen, Hakon and Thomson, Robert}, title = {Predicting Paris: Multi-Method Approaches to Forecast the Outcomes of Global Climate Negotiations}, series = {Politics and Governance}, volume = {4}, journal = {Politics and Governance}, publisher = {Cogitatio Press}, address = {Lisbon}, issn = {2183-2463}, doi = {10.17645/pag.v4i3.654}, pages = {172 -- 187}, year = {2016}, abstract = {We examine the negotiations held under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention of Climate Change in Paris, December 2015. Prior to these negotiations, there was considerable uncertainty about whether an agreement would be reached, particularly given that the world's leaders failed to do so in the 2009 negotiations held in Copenhagen. Amid this uncertainty, we applied three different methods to predict the outcomes: an expert survey and two negotiation simulation models, namely the Exchange Model and the Predictioneer's Game. After the event, these predictions were assessed against the coded texts that were agreed in Paris. The evidence suggests that combining experts' predictions to reach a collective expert prediction makes for significantly more accurate predictions than individual experts' predictions. The differences in the performance between the two different negotiation simulation models were not statistically significant.}, language = {en} } @article{PossamaiTurnerRooseetal.2016, author = {Possamai, Adam and Turner, Bryan S. and Roose, Joshua M. and Dagistanli, Selda and Voyce, Malcolm}, title = {"Shari'a" in Cyberspace. A Case Study from Australia}, series = {Sociologica : Italian Journal of Sociology online}, volume = {63}, journal = {Sociologica : Italian Journal of Sociology online}, publisher = {Societ{\~A}  editrice il Mulino}, address = {Bologna}, issn = {1971-8853}, doi = {10.2383/83882}, pages = {143 -- 159}, year = {2016}, abstract = {New forms of communication and greater accessibility of Islamic texts on-line allow Muslims to shape their own religiosity, to become less dependent on established sources of authority, and thereby to become more aware of their own cultural diversity as a community. New practices of transnational Islam, and the growth of new concepts of Muslim identities currently emerging in the on-line community, are relatively free from immediate constraints. This article provides the result of a sociological analysis of three Internet sites in Sydney which deliver on-line fatwas. Even if cyberspace has allowed the Muslim world to be de-territorialised and provides a way for people to distance themselves from traditional communities if they wish, this research points out a variety of approaches, including one case which is aiming at re-localising an Australian Muslim system of values. This case highlights ways in which first generation Muslims are re-territorialising Shari'a in a specific western country.}, language = {en} } @article{Weinbach2016, author = {Weinbach, Christine}, title = {Limited Inclusion as the General Case: Ascriptive Person Categories in the Political System of the Functional Differentiated Society}, series = {Tutorials in Quantitative Methods for Psychology}, volume = {67}, journal = {Tutorials in Quantitative Methods for Psychology}, publisher = {University of Montreal, Department of Psychology}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0038-6073}, doi = {10.5771/0038-6073-2016-2-159}, pages = {159 -- +}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Der vorliegende Beitrag interessiert sich aus differenzierungstheoretischer Perspektive am bundesdeutschen Beispiel f{\"u}r die Funktion askriptiver Personenkategorien im Politiksystem der funktional differenzierten Gesellschaft. Den Ausgangspunkt bildet die Geldabh{\"a}ngigkeit von Organisationen, welche die limitierte Inklusion von Individuen in die lebenslaufrelevanten Funktionssysteme zum Normalfall macht. Der nationale Wohlfahrtsstaat reagiert darauf mit der Regulierung des Arbeitsmarktzugangs durch die askriptiven Personenkategorien nationale Zugeh{\"o}rigkeit und Geschlecht, und erzeugt so eigene Formen limitierter Inklusion. Diese Personenkategorien werden im europ{\"a}isierten Wohlfahrtsstaat durch die askriptive Personenkategorie des rationalen Akteurs mit individueller Agency, der sein Wollen in die Vertragslogiken des Arbeits marktes und des aktivierenden Sozialstaates stellt, ersetzt und der Arbeitsmarktzugang extensiviert. Bei allen Unterschieden zwischen dem nationalen und dem europ{\"a}isierten Wohlfahrtsstaat begreift der Beitrag askriptive Personenkategorien als normative Strukturen einer Ebene sekund{\"a}rer Ordnungsbildung, die sich zwischen Funktionssystem- und Organisationsebene schiebt und auf der Kategorien sozialer Ungleichheit im Wohlfahrtstaatsstaat produziert werden. The present article asks from the perspective of differentiation theory for the function of ascriptive person categories within the political system of the functionally differentiated society. For this purpose it takes the Federal German as a case study. The article starts with the fact of money dependence of organisations and that this leads to the generally limited inclusion of the individuals into the functional systems, which are life course relevant. The national welfare state refers to the limited inclusion and regulates excess to the labour market via the ascriptive person categories national affiliation and gender, and by this it produces own modes of limited inclusion. The Europeanised welfare state expands the excess to the labour market. Simultaneously it replaces the national person categories by the person category of the rational actor with individual agency who puts his or her own willingness into the contract logics of labour marked and activating welfare state. Despite all differences between the national and the Europeanised welfare state the article conceives ascriptive person categories as normative structures of a secondary order formation which is slot between the levels of functional and organisational systems. On this secondary order level categories of social inequality are reproduced.}, language = {de} } @article{deGuevara2016, author = {de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann}, title = {visits in zones of conflict and intervention}, series = {Journal of intervention and statebuilding}, volume = {10}, journal = {Journal of intervention and statebuilding}, publisher = {Soil Science Society of America}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1750-2977}, doi = {10.1080/17502977.2015.1137394}, pages = {56 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This article explores the practice and political significance of politicians' journeys to conflict zones. It focuses on the German example, looking at field trips to theatres of international intervention as a way of first-hand knowledge in policymaking. Paying tribute to Lisa Smirl and her work on humanitarian spaces, objects and imaginaries and on liminality in aid worker biographies, two connected arguments are developed. First, through the exploration of the routinized practices of politicians' field trips the article shows how these journeys not only remain confined to the 'auxiliary space' of aid/intervention, but that it is furthermore a staged reality of this auxiliary space that most politicians experience on their journeys. The question is then asked, second, what politicians actually experience on their journeys and how their experiences relate to their policy knowledge about conflict and intervention. It is shown that political field trips enable sensory/affectual, liminoid and liminal experiences, which have functions such as authority accumulation, agenda setting, community building, and civilizing domestic politics, while at the same time reinforcing, in most cases, pre-existing conflict and intervention imaginaries.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Research Design in Political Science - Causal perspectives versus contrastive theory testing}, series = {Austrian journal of political science}, volume = {45}, journal = {Austrian journal of political science}, publisher = {{\~A}-sterreichische Gesellschaft f{\~A}¼r Politikwissenschaft}, address = {Wien}, issn = {2313-5433}, doi = {10.15203/ozp.1037.vol45iss1}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die politikwissenschaftliche Literatur unterscheidet zwei Grundtypen von Forschungsdesigns: x- und y-zentriert. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass ein „kontrastives" Forschungsdesign als dritter Grundtyp abgegrenzt werden sollte. Die drei Designs unterscheiden sich durch die Anzahl der betrachteten Theorien und dadurch, ob mehrere Theorien konkurrierend oder komplement{\"a}r sind. Die typologische Abgrenzung des kontrastiven Designs verdeutlicht auch die Vor- und Nachteile x- und y-zentrierter Designs. Anhand verschiedener Beispielstudien (experimentell und nicht-experimentell, quantitativ und qualitativ) werden die Charakteristika der drei Designs sowie ihre Kombinationsm{\"o}glichkeiten herausgearbeitet. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus wird das kontrastive Design als verbindendes Element zwischen den quantitativen und qualitativen Forschungs-„Kulturen" hervorgehoben. The political science literature distinguishes two basic types of research designs: x- and y-centered. The article argues for the distinction of a third basic type: the "contrastive" design. The three designs differ in the number of relevant theories and in whether they see theories as competing or complementary. The typological differentiation of the contrastive research design helps to clarify the pros and cons of x- and y-centered designs. The article uses exemplary studies (experimental and observational, quantitative and qualitative) to illustrate the characteristics of the three designs as well as the possibilities of combining them. The contrastive design also constitutes a common element of the quantitative and qualitative research, "cultures".}, language = {de} } @article{HustedtSeyfried2016, author = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus}, title = {Co-ordination across internal organizational boundaries: how the EU Commission co-ordinates climate policies}, series = {Journal of European public policy}, volume = {23}, journal = {Journal of European public policy}, publisher = {Springer Publishing Company}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1350-1763}, doi = {10.1080/13501763.2015.1074605}, pages = {888 -- 905}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Through an analysis of climate policy-making in the European Commission (EU), this article argues that co-ordination in the Commission displays the same characteristics as the co-ordination across ministries in central governments, i.e., the properties of negative co-ordination. The article is based on a survey among Commission officials. Overall, the article reveals that a public administration perspective on the Commission proves invaluable to gain insights on how decisions are made at the European Union level. The article contributes to the emerging literature viewing the Commission as an ordinary bureaucracy - as opposed to a unique supranational organization.}, language = {en} } @article{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators: Examining Use and Influence of Indicators in German Sustainability Policy Making}, series = {German politics}, volume = {25}, journal = {German politics}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {0964-4008}, doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1193160}, pages = {480 -- 499}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.}, language = {en} } @article{SchulzeTosun2016, author = {Schulze, Kai and Tosun, Jale}, title = {RIVAL REGULATORY REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF BIOSAFETY}, series = {Public administration}, volume = {94}, journal = {Public administration}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0033-3298}, doi = {10.1111/padm.12176}, pages = {57 -- 72}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The literature on international regulatory regimes has highlighted how rival standards can create different points of convergence. Scholarly attention has also focused on how the European Union (EU) and the United States (USA) attempt to 'export' their environmental standards internationally. Here, we explore the effectiveness of these attempts by means of third states' decisions to ratify the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, a multilateral environmental agreement regulating genetically modified organisms that is promoted by the EU but opposed by the USA. Our findings confirm that both rivals are able to influence the ratification decision of states, but they also suggest that these effects may have different origins. Countries relying more heavily on US markets for food exports tend to be less likely to ratify the Cartagena Protocol, while countries that have applied for EU membership are more likely to ratify the protocol.}, language = {en} } @article{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Reconciling Representation and Accountability: Three Visions of Democracy Compared}, series = {Government \& opposition : an international journal of comparative politics}, volume = {51}, journal = {Government \& opposition : an international journal of comparative politics}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0017-257X}, doi = {10.1017/gov.2015.15}, pages = {209 -- 233}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to 'clarity of responsibility', widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned - as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict.}, language = {en} } @article{Hartmann2016, author = {Hartmann, Eddie}, title = {Symbolic Boundaries and Collective Violence. A New Theoretical Argument for an Explanatory Sociology of Collective Violent Action}, series = {Journal for the theory of social behaviour}, volume = {46}, journal = {Journal for the theory of social behaviour}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0021-8308}, doi = {10.1111/jtsb.12093}, pages = {165 -- 186}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The sociology of violence still struggles with two critical questions: What motivates people to act violently on behalf of groups and how do they come to identify with the groups for which they act? Methodologically the article addresses these puzzling problems in favor of a relational sociology that argues against both micro- and macro-reductionist accounts, while theoretically it proposes a twofold reorientation: first, it makes a plea for the so called cognitive turn in social theory; second, it proposes following praxeological accounts of social action that focus on the dynamic interpenetration of cognition and socio-cultural practices. The argument is that symbolic boundaries constitute the "missing link" that allows for overcoming the micro-macro gap in violence research: Symbolic boundaries can cause people's participation in collective violence by providing the essential relational resources for violent action and by triggering the cognitive/affective mechanisms necessary for social actors to become drawn into mobilization processes that can cause their engaging in coordinated attacks on sites across the boundary. The article offers a new theoretical argument by drawing on knowledge from violence research, social action theory and cognitive science allowing for a non-reductionist theory of action that explains how and why people engage in collective violence.}, language = {en} } @article{EbingerRichter2016, author = {Ebinger, Falk and Richter, Philipp}, title = {Decentralizing for performance? A quantitative assessment of functional reforms in the German Lander}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {82}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852315586916}, pages = {291 -- 314}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the last 10 years, the governments of most of the German L{\"a}nder initiated administrative reforms. All of these ventures included the municipalization of substantial sets of tasks. As elsewhere, governments argue that service delivery by communes is more cost-efficient, effective and responsive. Empirical evidence to back these claims is inconsistent at best: a considerable number of case studies cast doubt on unconditionally positive appraisals. Decentralization effects seem to vary depending on the performance dimension and task considered. However, questions of generalizability arise as these findings have not yet been backed by more 'objective' archival data. We provide empirical evidence on decentralization effects for two different policy fields based on two studies. Thereby, the article presents alternative avenues for research on decentralization effects and matches the theoretical expectations on decentralization effects with more robust results. The analysis confirms that overly positive assertions concerning decentralization effects are only partially warranted. As previous case studies suggested, effects have to be looked at in a much more differentiated way, including starting conditions and distinguishing between the various relevant performance dimensions and policy fields.}, language = {en} } @misc{MielkeVermassenEllenbecketal.2016, author = {Mielke, Jahel and Vermassen, Hannah and Ellenbeck, Saskia and Milan, Blanca Fernandez and Jaeger, Carlo}, title = {Stakeholder involvement in sustainability science-A critical view}, series = {Global biogeochemical cycles}, volume = {17}, journal = {Global biogeochemical cycles}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, issn = {2214-6296}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2016.04.001}, pages = {71 -- 81}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Discussions about the opening of science to society have led to the emergence of new fields such as sustainability science and transformative science. At the same time, the megatrend of stakeholder participation reached the academic world and thus scientific research processes. This challenges the way science is conducted and the tools, methods and theories perceived appropriate. Although researchers involve stakeholders, the scientific community still lacks comprehensive theoretical analysis of the practical processes behind their integration - for example what kind of perceptions scientists have about their roles, their objectives, the knowledge to gather, their understanding of science or the science-policy interface. Our paper addresses this research gap by developing four ideal types of stakeholder involvement in science - the technocratic, the functionalist, the neoliberal-rational and the democratic type. In applying the typology, which is based on literature review, interviews and practical experiences, we identify and discuss three major criticisms raised towards stakeholder involvement in science: the legitimacy of stakeholder claims, the question whether bargaining or deliberation are part of the stakeholder involvement process and the question of the autonomy of science. Thus, the typology helps scientists to better understand the major critical questions that stakeholder involvement raises and enables them to position themselves when conducting their research. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @article{ReusswigBraunHegeretal.2016, author = {Reusswig, Fritz and Braun, Florian and Heger, Ines and Ludewig, Thomas and Eichenauer, Eva and Lass, Wiebke}, title = {Against the wind: Local opposition to the German Energiewende}, series = {Utilities Policy}, volume = {41}, journal = {Utilities Policy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0957-1787}, doi = {10.1016/j.jup.2016.02.006}, pages = {214 -- 227}, year = {2016}, abstract = {A growing number of local energy conflicts around wind power and power-grid extensions are slowing down the deployment of the German Energiewende. In this paper, a local conflict on wind energy in the state of Baden-W{\"u}rttemberg is analysed in detail. In the little community of Engelsbrand, local opposition against a planned wind park was able to turn around a set of favourable a priori conditions, such as a supporting state government planning process, a local supporter group, a transparent planning process, including a majority vote pro wind energy, and a round table discussion. Distancing itself from the NIMBY-explanation ('Not In My Back Yard'), the paper applies insights from discourse network analysis and micro-sociology in order to study the local conflict dynamics. Special attention is given to the resource mobilisation strategies of the opponents, including social networks, mass and social media use. The paper ends by drawing some general conclusions for the German Energiewende.}, language = {en} } @article{Terhalle2016, author = {Terhalle, Maximilian}, title = {Transnational Actors and Great Powers during Order Transition}, series = {International studies perspectives}, volume = {17}, journal = {International studies perspectives}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1528-3577}, doi = {10.1111/insp.12077}, pages = {287 -- 306}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This article rests on the assumption of the "complexity, messiness, power relations, and contested character of the contemporary dualistic system," which comprises great powers and "superimposed, functionally differentiated global subsystems of world society" (Cohen 2012:5). The article argues that this framework is being shaped by the current transition of global order. In turn, this raises the question how the state-led negotiation of today's order transition can be understood against the backdrop of a post-Westphalian environment. The article challenges the widespread argument pertaining to the "autonomy of transnational actors" by suggesting that the influence of nonstate actors is dependent on a particular institutional context in which the key political questions framing a social order are settled. Whereas research on international institutions and their design simply assumes that this is the case, here it is argued that unless these framing patterns are agreed upon by major powers, the respective order and its elements, that is, institutions and regimes, remain contested or deadlocked. When this happens, the political impact of non-state actors is largely neutralized or strongly weakened and their effective autonomy from great powers is minimized.}, language = {en} } @article{Sawert2016, author = {Sawert, Tim}, title = {Dead Languages as an Profitable Investment?}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\~A}¼r Soziologie}, volume = {45}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\~A}¼r Soziologie}, publisher = {Lucius \& Lucius}, address = {Stuttgart}, issn = {0340-1804}, doi = {10.1515/zfsoz-2015-1020}, pages = {340 -- 356}, year = {2016}, abstract = {How does the selection of a classical language at school affect prospects on the labor market? Even though research on the impact of horizontal educational inequalities on labor market outcomes has become prominent recently, this question has not yet attracted scholarly attention. Based on several differing approaches (Human Capital Theory, Signaling Theory, Homophily Principle), hypotheses are derived about the impact of the language profile at school on labor market prospects at career entry. To test these assumptions, a field experiment was conducted in which applications were submitted in response to job advertisements. Results show that choosing Latin and Ancient Greek has a positive impact on the chances of being invited to a job interview.}, language = {de} } @misc{Wenzel2016, author = {Wenzel, Bertolt}, title = {Organizing coordination in fisheries and marine environmental management: Patterns of organizational change in Europe}, series = {Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America}, volume = {134}, journal = {Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0964-5691}, doi = {10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2016.10.012}, pages = {194 -- 206}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Over the past decade, an increasing number of public organizations involved in marine governance in Europe have adapted their formal coordination structures for fisheries and marine environmental management. This study examines why the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES), DG FISH of the European Commission, the Norwegian Institute of Marine Research (IMR), and the Swedish Agency for Marine and Water Management (SwAM) have changed their sectoral structures into organizations with a geographical focus on marine ecosystems. The study finds that the gradual convergence of formal coordination structures for fisheries and marine environmental management is driven by coercive, normative and mimetic processes of isomorphism. The structural changes reflect an organizational adaptation to a changing institutional environment and an Ecosystem Approach to Management (EAM) focusing on regional marine areas, cross-sector integration and coordination. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.}, language = {en} } @article{Friess2016, author = {Frieß, Nina A.}, title = {"From Russia with Blood". Stalinist Repression an the Gulag in Contemporary Crime Fiction}, series = {(Hi-)Stories of the Gulag : fiction and reality}, journal = {(Hi-)Stories of the Gulag : fiction and reality}, isbn = {978-3-8253-6534-9}, pages = {281 -- 302}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @misc{Ganghof2016, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Reconciling representation and accountability}, series = {Government and Opposition}, journal = {Government and Opposition}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413456}, pages = {25}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to clarity of responsibility', widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned - as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict.}, language = {en} } @misc{HeonKlin2016, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {H{\´e}on-Klin, V{\´e}ronique}, title = {Informations- und Wissensaustausch sowie Lernen in Netzwerken der hochspezialisierten Gesundheitsversorgung}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-405963}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {V, 121}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Mit der Patientenmobilit{\"a}tsrichtlinie (2011/24/EU) wurde eine verbindliche gesetzliche Grundlage geschaffen, im Bereich der hochspezialisierten Gesundheitsversorgung freiwillig und in strukturierter Form in europ{\"a}ischen Referenznetzwerken (ERN) von Gesundheits-dienstleistern und Fachzentren zusammenzuarbeiten. Dabei kommt dem Austausch von Fachwissen eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Diese qualitative Studie geht der Frage nach, wel-che wesentlichen Faktoren den Informations- und Wissensaustausch sowie das Lernen in Netzwerken beeinflussen und wie diese gef{\"o}rdert werden k{\"o}nnen. Es werden Netzwerkkoor-dinatoren und deren steuernde Einheiten in den hochspezialisierten Versorgungsbereichen Krebs und Seltene Erkrankungen in Deutschland und in Frankreich sowie auf europ{\"a}ischer Ebene befragt. Die Studie wird durch einen Literaturvergleich von bi- und trilateralen Ge-sundheitskooperationen mit multilateralen Netzwerken erg{\"a}nzt. F{\"u}r die ERN wird die zentra-le Bedeutung der digitalen Medien und Technologien herausgearbeitet sowie die Empfeh-lung ausgesprochen, die ERN ein systematisches Wissensverwendungs- und -generierungskonzept erarbeiten zu lassen. Durch die zuk{\"u}nftigen ERN wird die vernetzte Informationsgesellschaft Einzug in die medizinische Praxis halten.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Reisinger2016, author = {Reisinger, Susanne}, title = {Formen religi{\"o}sen Wandels: Die Bildung muslimischer Frauengruppen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403276}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {328}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die vorliegende explorative empirische Untersuchung muslimischer Frauengruppen leistet einen Beitrag zur Erforschung des religi{\"o}sen Wandels im religi{\"o}sen Feld in Deutschland. Zum einen werden damit erstmals qualitative Daten zu religi{\"o}sen Gruppen muslimischer Frauen erhoben. Zum anderen liefern die analysierten Anl{\"a}sse der Gruppengr{\"u}ndung und die Gruppenziele Einblicke in die relevanten Themen des religi{\"o}s-muslimischen Engagements im Zeitverlauf. Gem{\"a}ß der explorativen Konzeption interessiert sich diese Studie insbesondere f{\"u}r die Vielfalt muslimischer Frauengruppen in Deutschland. Es wurde gefragt, welche Selbstbeschreibungen als muslimische Frauengruppen sich derzeit erkennen lassen? Dazu wurden thematische Leitfadeninterviews mit Ansprechpartnerinnen muslimischer Frauengruppen im religi{\"o}sen Feld (2006-2011) durchgef{\"u}hrt. Die Gr{\"u}ndungen der zw{\"o}lf untersuchten muslimischen Frauengruppen lagen im Zeitraum von 1978 bis 2009. Dies umfasst im Hinblick auf das muslimisch-religi{\"o}se Engagement Phasen mit unterschiedlichen Schwerpunkten, die von der Verfestigung der religi{\"o}sen Strukturen {\"u}ber den Kampf um rechtliche Gleichstellung als religi{\"o}se Minderheit bis zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit der staatlichen Islampolitik reichen. Die {\"a}ltesten der untersuchten Gruppen reflektieren in ihrem historischen Verlauf den Aufbau der religi{\"o}sen Strukturen, indem sie zun{\"a}chst R{\"a}ume f{\"u}r sich in den Gemeinden schufen. Diese f{\"u}llten sie in Form von religi{\"o}sen Bildungsprozessen und zwar indem sie einander an ihren Kenntnissen teilhaben ließen und gemeinsam die religi{\"o}se Quelle erschlossen. Andere Gruppen schlossen sich zusammen, um von den Kenntnissen religi{\"o}ser Expertinnen zu profitieren, wieder andere etablierten Angebote, die {\"u}ber den eigenen Gruppenzusammenhang hinausreichten. Mit dieser Ausrichtung der Weltgestaltung ging auch die Gr{\"u}ndung einer Organisation, d.h. ein Wandel der Sozialform einher. Die Ergebnisse konstatieren eine Kontingenz hinsichtlich der Selbstzuordnung muslimische Frauengruppe. Es handelt sich um historisch spezifische Selbstzuschreibungen, die Ausdruck eines religi{\"o}sen Wandels im muslimisch-religi{\"o}sen Feld initiiert von muslimischen Frauen sind. Zentrales Ergebnis ist hier, dass die Gruppen zwar hinsichtlich ihrer Formen heterogen sind, allerdings eine Verbindungslinie in ihren Kernideen als Frauengruppen- und Organisationen besteht. Es zeigt sich durch alle Phasen des muslimisch-religi{\"o}sen Engagements im religi{\"o}sen Feld ein hohes Interesse an religi{\"o}sen Bildungsthemen seitens muslimischer Frauen. Diese sind verbunden mit der Auseinandersetzung mit dem religi{\"o}sen Geschlechterverh{\"a}ltnis. Die Aufmerksamkeit, die das religi{\"o}se Geschlechterverh{\"a}ltnis im Kontext des Institutionalisierungs- und Partizipationsprozess des Islam im politischen Feld derzeit besitzt, kann einerseits als spezifisch gelten. Andererseits zeigen historische Kontextualisierungen mit der religi{\"o}sen Frauenbewegung im 19. Jahrhundert, dass auch hier {\"u}ber religi{\"o}se Geschlechterbilder Partizipationsfragen verhandelt wurden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie belegen die Relevanz von religi{\"o}sen Gruppen innerhalb religi{\"o}ser Wandlungsprozesse. Weiterhin liefern sie neue Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich des Verh{\"a}ltnisses von religi{\"o}ser Individualisierung und Gruppenbindung: Muslimische Frauen vergemeinschaften sich aus religi{\"o}sen Bildungszwecken innerhalb von religi{\"o}sen Gruppen und behandeln dabei Themen ihre weibliche religi{\"o}se Identit{\"a}t und die religi{\"o}se Lebensf{\"u}hrung als Frau betreffend und dies st{\"a}rkt ihre individuelle religi{\"o}se Bindung.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Janetschek2016, author = {Janetschek, Hannah}, title = {Water development programs in India}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-401337}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {279}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the past decades, development cooperation (DC) led by conventional bi- and multilateral donors has been joined by a large number of small, private or public-private donors. This pluralism of actors raises questions as to whether or not these new donors are able to implement projects more or less effectively than their conventional counterparts. In contrast to their predecessors, the new donors have committed themselves to be more pragmatic, innovative and flexible in their development cooperation measures. However, they are also criticized for weakening the function of local civil society and have the reputation of being an intransparent and often controversial alternative to public services. With additional financial resources and their new approach to development, the new donors have been described in the literature as playing a controversial role in transforming development cooperation. This dissertation compares the effectiveness of initiatives by new and conventional donors with regard to the provision of public goods and services to the poor in the water and sanitation sector in India. India is an emerging country but it is experiencing high poverty rates and poor water supply in predominantly rural areas. It lends itself for analyzing this research theme as it is currently being confronted by a large number of actors and approaches that aim to find solutions for these challenges . In the theoretical framework of this dissertation, four governance configurations are derived from the interaction of varying actor types with regard to hierarchical and non-hierarchical steering of their interactions. These four governance configurations differ in decision-making responsibilities, accountability and delegation of tasks or direction of information flow. The assumption on actor relationships and steering is supplemented by possible alternative explanations in the empirical investigation, such as resource availability, the inheritance of structures and institutions from previous projects in a project context, gaining acceptance through beneficiaries (local legitimacy) as a door opener, and asymmetries of power in the project context. Case study evidence from seven projects reveals that the actors' relationship is important for successful project delivery. Additionally, the results show that there is a systematic difference between conventional and new donors. Projects led by conventional donors were consistently more successful, due to an actor relationship that placed the responsibility in the hands of the recipient actors and benefited from the trust and reputation of a long-term cooperation. The trust and reputation of conventional donors always went along with a back-up from federal level and trickled down as reputation also at local level implementation. Furthermore, charismatic leaders, as well as the acquired structures and institutions of predecessor projects, also proved to be a positive influencing factor for successful project implementation. Despite the mixed results of the seven case studies, central recommendations for action can be derived for the various actors involved in development cooperation. For example, new donors could fulfill a supplementary function with conventional donors by developing innovative project approaches through pilot studies and then implementing them as a supplement to the projects of conventional donors on the ground. In return, conventional donors would have to make room the new donors by integrating their approaches into already programs in order to promote donor harmonization. It is also important to identify and occupy niches for activities and to promote harmonization among donors on state and federal sides. The empirical results demonstrate the need for a harmonization strategy of different donor types in order to prevent duplication, over-experimentation and the failure of development programs. A transformation to successful and sustainable development cooperation can only be achieved through more coordination processes and national self-responsibility.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannBogumilHafner2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Hafner, Jonas}, title = {Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, series = {Verwaltung \& Management : VM ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r moderne Verwaltung}, journal = {Verwaltung \& Management : VM ; Zeitschrift f{\"u}r moderne Verwaltung}, number = {3}, publisher = {Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft}, address = {Baden-Baden}, issn = {0947-9856}, pages = {126 -- 136}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In dem Beitrag werden das Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise und m{\"o}gliche Ursachen der aufgetretenen Vollzugsprobleme untersucht. Im Fokus stehen vor allem die Vollzugsrealit{\"a}t und die Verwaltungsvarianz im Bereich der Erstaufnahme von Fl{\"u}chtlingen auf der L{\"a}nderebene sowie die durch das BAMF als auch die Bundes l{\"a}nder mittlerweile begonnenen Reformen im Verwaltungsvollzugssystem. Leitfrage des Aufsatzes ist, ob das bestehende Verwaltungsvollzugssystem nicht nur in den jeweiligen Zust{\"a}ndigkeiten reformbed{\"u}rftig ist, sondern ob es auch zu einer neuen Zust{\"a}ndigkeitsverteilung im Bundesstaat kommen sollte.}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannBogumilHafner2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Hafner, Jonas}, title = {Verwaltungshandeln in der Fl{\"u}chtlingskrise}, series = {Die Verwaltung : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Verwaltungsrecht und Verwaltungswissenschaften}, volume = {49}, journal = {Die Verwaltung : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Verwaltungsrecht und Verwaltungswissenschaften}, number = {2}, publisher = {Duncker und Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {1865-5211}, doi = {10.3790/verw.49.2.289}, pages = {289 -- 300}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @article{KuhlmannReiter2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Reiter, Renate}, title = {Decentralization of the French welfare state: from 'big bang' to 'muddling through'}, series = {International Review of Administrative Sciences}, volume = {82}, journal = {International Review of Administrative Sciences}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {0.1177/0020852315583194}, pages = {255 -- 272}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This article analyses the decentralization of the French welfare state focusing on the transfer of the Revenu minimum d'insertion (RMI) welfare benefit to the departments in 2003 and 2004. We map and explain the effects of the reform on the system and performance of the subnational provision of welfare tasks. To evaluate the impact of decentralization on the RMI-related action of the departments, we carry out a qualitative document analysis and use data from two case studies. The RMI decentralization offers an exemplary insight into the incremental implementation of French decentralization. We find many unintended effects in terms of the performance and outcome of the subnational welfare provision. This is traced back to the combining of institutional and policy reforms and the inadequate translation of high political expectations into an inadequate action programme both resulting in excessive demands on the local actors. Points for practitioners The decentralization of public tasks is associated with high expectations in terms of the effects on the performance of public services and public governance on the subnational levels. For an in-depth measure the range of administrative performance and political systems effects should be taken into account. We propose a five-dimensional scheme allowing for the determination of decentralization effects on the resource input to and the operative output of subnational public services, on the horizontal coordination between subnational task holders and the affected non-public stakeholders, on the vertical intergovernmental coordination, and on the democratic accountability of subnational authorities.}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannWayenberg2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen}, title = {Institutional impact assessment in multi-level systems: conceptualizing decentralization effects from a comparative perspective}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {82}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852315583194}, pages = {233 -- 272}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Comparative literature on institutional reforms in multi-level systems proceeds from a global trend towards the decentralization of state functions. However, there is only scarce knowledge about the impact that decentralization has had, in particular, upon the sub-central governments involved. How does it affect regional and local governments? Do these reforms also have unintended outcomes on the sub-central level and how can this be explained? This article aims to develop a conceptual framework to assess the impacts of decentralization on the sub-central level from a comparative and policy-oriented perspective. This framework is intended to outline the major patterns and models of decentralization and the theoretical assumptions regarding de-/re-centralization impacts, as well as pertinent cross-country approaches meant to evaluate and compare institutional reforms. It will also serve as an analytical guideline and a structural basis for all the country-related articles in this Special Issue. Points for practitioners Decentralization reforms are approved as having a key role to play in the attainment of 'good governance'. Yet, there is also the enticement on the part of state governments to offload an ever-increasing amount of responsibilities to, and overtask, local levels of government, which can lead to increasing performance disparities within local sub-state jurisdictions. Against this background, the article provides a conceptual framework to assess reform impacts from a comparative perspective. The analytical framework can be used by practitioners to support their decisions about new decentralization strategies or necessary adjustments regarding ongoing reform measures.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Kuhlmann2016, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {Benchmarking in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung}, series = {Praxishandbuch Public Management}, booktitle = {Praxishandbuch Public Management}, publisher = {WEKA}, address = {Z{\"u}rich}, isbn = {978-3-297-00936-9}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {321 -- 339}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @misc{Wack2016, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Wack, Christian}, title = {Acceptance criteria as part of the German energy turnaround}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-395173}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {88}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Arbeit ist eine Fallstudie zum Netzausbauprojekt „Suedlink". Sie gliedert sich demnach in vier wesentliche Abschnitte: 1. In einem theoretischen Teil werden die f{\"u}r diese Arbeit wichtigen Theorien der „Sozialen Akzeptanz" nach W{\"u}stenhagen et al. (2007), der „Schritte der Partizipation" nach M{\"u}nnich (2014) und der Governance-Theorie nach Benz und Dose (2011) erl{\"a}utert. 2. In einem methodischen Teil werden die f{\"u}r diese Arbeit relevanten Methoden diskutiert und kritisch erl{\"a}utert. 3. In einem qualitativ-empirischen Teil werden die Informationen der Experteninterviews ausgewertet und anhand der vorgestellten Theorien eingeordnet. In dem vierten und letzten Teil der Arbeit wird eine empirisch-quantitative Analyse der gesellschaftlichen Akzeptanz gegen{\"u}ber S{\"u}dlink vorgenommen. In dieser Arbeit soll mithilfe qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden zwei Fragen gekl{\"a}rt werden. 1. Welche Governance-Aspekte waren f{\"u}r eine gesetzliche Priorit{\"a}t von Erdkabeln im Ausbau von Hochspannungs{\"u}bertragungsgleichstromleitungen entscheidend? Hierf{\"u}r wurden intensive Dokumentenanalysen und verschiedene Experteninterviews durchgef{\"u}hrt. 2. Die zentrale Fragestellung dieser Arbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit der Frage, inwiefern lokale und individuelle Faktoren die Akzeptanz von Suedlink beeinflussen. Hierbei ist interessant zu sehen, welchen Einfluss der gesetzliche Erdkabelvorrang bei der Akzeptanzbildung der Bev{\"o}lkerung gegen{\"u}ber Suedlink gespielt hat. F{\"u}r die Beantwortung wurde ein Online-survey konzipiert, welcher zwischen M{\"a}rz und Juli 2016 {\"u}ber B{\"u}rgerinitiativen, Landr{\"a}te und soziale Netzwerke verteilt wurde. Nach Abschluss der Datenerhebung wurden dieser unter Verwendung deskriptiv-quantitativer Methoden ausgewertet. Die Auswertung der Umfrage zeigt auf, das Erdkabel alleine keine nennenswerte Akzeptanz schaffen (vgl. dazu Menges und Beyer, 2013). Vielmehr stehen individuell und lokale Faktoren und Kriterien im Vordergrund der Beurteilung. Zum Beispiel spielt die Qualit{\"a}t der Partizipation und Einbindung der B{\"u}rger sowie die N{\"a}he zur Erdverkabelung und die finanzielle Mehrbelastung eine Rolle bei der Beurteilung von Erdkabeln. Zudem wird deutlich, das Befragte aus B{\"u}rgerinitiativen wesentlich kritischer gegen Suedlink allgemein und gegen{\"u}ber Erdkabeln im speziellen sind. Ferner ist signifikant, dass Eigenheimbesitzer jegliche Bauform ablehnen.}, language = {en} } @misc{Cornelius2016, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Cornelius, Annekathrin}, title = {Der Fall der Rachel Dolezal}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-388-6}, issn = {2363-8168}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-99399}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {121}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die Amerikanerin Rachel Dolezal war bis ins Jahr 2015 als Afroamerikanerin bekannt. Als Aktivistin der National Association for the Advancement of Colored People setzte sie sich f{\"u}r die Rechte der afroamerikanischen Bev{\"o}lkerung ein, lebte in einem schwarzen Umfeld und lehrte an einer Universit{\"a}t Afroamerikanische Studien. „I identify as black" antwortete sie auf die Frage eines amerikanischen Fernsehmoderators, ob sie Afroamerikanerin sei. Ihre Kollegen und ihr n{\"a}heres Umfeld identifizierten sie ebenfalls als solche. Erst, als regionale Journalisten auf sie aufmerksam wurden und ihre Eltern sich zu Wort meldeten, wurde deutlich, dass Dolezal eigentlich eine weiße Frau ist. Dolezals Eltern best{\"a}tigten dies, indem sie Kindheitsfotos einer hellh{\"a}utigen, blonden Rachel ver{\"o}ffentlichten. Dolezals Verhalten entfachte daraufhin eine rege mediale Diskussion {\"u}ber ihre Person im Kontext von Ethnizit{\"a}t und »Rasse«. Die Verfasserin greift Dolezals Fall exemplarisch auf, um der Frage nachzugehen, ob ein Doing Race nach Belieben m{\"o}glich ist. Darf sich Dolezal als schwarz identifizieren, obwohl sie keine afrikanischen Vorfahren hat? Welche gesellschaftliche Wissensvorr{\"a}te schr{\"a}nken diese Wahl ein und welche Konsequenzen ergeben sich daraus? Anhand einer Diskursanalyse amerikanischer Zeitungsartikel geht die Verfasserin diesen Fragen nach. Hierbei werden »Rasse« und Ethnizit{\"a}t als soziale Konstruktionen, basierend auf dem Konzept von Stephen Cornell und Douglas Hartmann, betrachtet.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Kaltschew2016, author = {Kaltschew, Kristian}, title = {Die politische Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-103930}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {237}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die Empirie des beginnenden 21. Jahrhunderts weist mehr autorit{\"a}re Regime aus als am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts angenommen. Die gegenw{\"a}rtige Autoritarismusforschung versucht die Fortdauer dieses Regimetyps in Hinblick auf die politischen Institutionen zu erkl{\"a}ren - dabei bleiben politische Akteure, die nicht zum Herrschaftszentrum geh{\"o}ren, außen vor. Das vorliegende Projekt untersucht die Rolle und Funktion politischer Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich an der Opposition eine signifikante Charakteristik autorit{\"a}rer Regime manifestiert. Das akteurszentrierte Projekt ist der qualitativ orientierten Politikwissenschaft zuzurechnen und verkn{\"u}pft das Autoritarismuskonzept von Juan Linz mit klassischen Ans{\"a}tzen der Oppositionsforschung und macht diese Theorien f{\"u}r die gegenw{\"a}rtige Autoritarismusforschung nutzbar. Die eigens entwickelte elitenorientierte Oppositionstypologie wird am Beispiel Kenias im Zeitraum 1990-2005 angewendet. Die Oppositionsgruppen werden im Institutionengef{\"u}ge autorit{\"a}rer Regime verortet und ihr politisches Agieren in den Dimensionen Handlungsstatus, Handlungs{\"u}berzeugung und Handlungsstrategie analysiert. Unter Beachtung der historisch gewachsenen regionalen und kulturellen Spezifika wird angenommen, dass generelle, Regionen {\"u}bergreifende Aussagen zur Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen getroffen werden k{\"o}nnen: Kein Oppositionstyp kann allein einen Herrschaftswechsel bewirken. Der Wechsel bzw. die Fortdauer der Herrschaft h{\"a}ngt von der Dominanz bestimmter Oppositionstypen im Oppositionsgeflecht sowie der gleichzeitigen Schw{\"a}che anderer Oppositionstypen ab. Durch die konzeptionelle Besch{\"a}ftigung mit Opposition sowie deren empirische Erschließung soll ein substantieller Beitrag f{\"u}r die notwendige Debatte um autorit{\"a}re Regime im 21. Jahrhundert geleistet werden.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Governing through 'governing images'}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be 'developed' or 'sustained'. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for 'evidence-based policy making', recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy 'co-production' (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the 'garbage-can model'. The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of 'Management by Objectives and Results' (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct 'social meaning' about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation constructs'. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively - that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability 'truth-out-there', a theoretical localization of indicators - and of the input variable structure - may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy 'Perspektiven f{\"u}r Deutschland' (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the 'contextual fit' of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries' 'EPI architectures' have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which 'EPI architectures' seem to be more effective in producing more 'stringent' sustainability policy.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Huber2016, author = {Huber, Stefan}, title = {Basisaktivierung als Mittel gegen soziale Exklusion?}, series = {Region - Nation - Europa ; 80}, journal = {Region - Nation - Europa ; 80}, publisher = {LIT Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-643-13483-7}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {X, 336}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Seit Jahren steigen Politikverdrossenheit und die Zahl der Menschen an, die sich von der Gesellschaft exkludiert f{\"u}hlen. K{\"o}nnen Basisaktivierung durch Quartiersmanagement und Community Organizing diesen Trends entgegenwirken? F{\"o}rdert die Erm{\"o}glichung der gesellschaftlichen Teilhabe von benachteiligten Bev{\"o}lkerungsgruppen die Sozialkapitalbildung im Sinne Putnams? Um diese Fragen zu beantworten, wurden die vorhandene Literatur analysiert und zahlreiche Experteninterviews gef{\"u}hrt.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Produktivit{\"a}t als Antwort}, series = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Sawert2016, author = {Sawert, Tim}, title = {Alte Sprachen als schulische Fremdsprachen}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {392}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Sylla2016, author = {Sylla, Ulrike}, title = {Do it yourself - Die R{\"u}ckkehr zur Handarbeit als Teil eines neuen an Nachhaltigkeit orientierten Lebensstils?}, series = {Berichte aus der Sozialwissenschaft}, journal = {Berichte aus der Sozialwissenschaft}, publisher = {Shaker}, address = {Aachen}, isbn = {978-3-8440-4696-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {269}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die sozialwissenschaftliche Dissertation nimmt den derzeitigen DIY-Trend, konkret den Handarbeitstrend, in den Fokus. Welche individuellen Gr{\"u}nde und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen bewegen die Menschen, wieder gemeinsam und/oder allein zu n{\"a}hen und zu stricken, alte Dinge aufzuwerten oder anders zu nutzen bzw. einfach kreativ zu sein? Ist es der Wunsch nach dem Besonderen, die Abgrenzung von Anderen, der wiedererwachte Sinn f{\"u}r Gemeinschaft oder die Freude an der praktischen Arbeit? Und nicht zuletzt, gibt es eine Verbindung von Handarbeit zu einer nachhaltig orientierten Lebensweise? Ist Handarbeit eine soziale Innovation? Die Untersuchung basiert auf dem bereichsspezifischen Lebensstilkonzept, welches verschiedene gesellschaftliche Ebenen, die individuelle, gemeinschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Ebene, einschließt. Nach einer historischen Betrachtung der Handarbeit und einer ebenen-spezifischen Literaturschau einschließlich der Auswertung von Experteninterviews zum Thema Handarbeit erfolgt im empirischen Teil die Inhaltsanalyse von zw{\"o}lf leitfadengest{\"u}tzten problemzentrierten Interviews mit Personen, die in ihrer Freizeit handarbeiten. Die Untersuchung best{\"a}tigt die forschungsleitenden Annahmen. Es wird deutlich, dass bei der Herausbildung der Affinit{\"a}t zur Handarbeit alle drei gesellschaftlichen Ebenen relevant sind: Individuelle Vorerfahrungen und Motivationen spielen ebenso eine Rolle wie die Gemeinschaft und Vernetzung mit Anderen.Gesellschaftlich betrachtet zeigt die Arbeit, dass die historischen Br{\"u}che in der Bedeutung der Handarbeit f{\"u}r deren heutigen Stellenwert relevant sind. Handarbeit - und im weiteren Sinne DIY - wird als soziale Innovation wahrgenommen und kann bewusstseinsbildend hinsichtlich nachhaltig orientierter Lebensweisen wirken.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Lorenz2016, author = {Lorenz, Kathrin}, title = {Interessen und Ideen in der deutschen Entwicklungspolitik}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-93213}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {252}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die Ann{\"a}herung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre gilt in Teilen der Fach{\"o}ffentlichkeit als wesentliches Merkmal einer zunehmenden Eigennutz- und Interessenorientierung der deutschen Entwicklungspolitik nach Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts. Den Ausgangspunkt der vorliegenden Untersuchung bildete die Skepsis gegen{\"u}ber diesem Befund eines Wandels deutscher Entwicklungspolitik weg von moralischen Begr{\"u}ndungszusammenh{\"a}ngen und hin zu nationaler Interessenpolitik seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre. Diese Skepsis begr{\"u}ndet sich in der Annahme, dass die bisherige Kritik gegen{\"u}ber einer m{\"o}glichen Versicherheitlichung von Entwicklungspolitik die Rolle von eigennutzorientierten Interessen als erkl{\"a}rendem Faktor {\"u}berbetont und gleichzeitig ideellen Strukturen und deren m{\"o}glichem Wandel als konstitutivem Faktor f{\"u}r politische Prozesse zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit schenkt. Die Forschungsfrage lautet dementsprechend: Kann die deutsche Entwicklungspolitik im Lichte der Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit als zunehmend interessenorientiert gedeutet werden und hat sich damit ein grundlegender Politikwandel vollzogen? Theoretisch kn{\"u}pft die Arbeit an die konstruktivistisch-orientierte Forschung im Thema Entwicklung und Sicherheit an und entwickelt diese weiter. F{\"u}r die Herleitung der theoretischen Position wird auf konstruktivistische {\"U}berlegungen in den Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen rekurriert. Im Vordergrund stehen dabei jene Ans{\"a}tze der Internationalen Beziehungen, die die konstruktivistische Wende nicht nur ontologisch, sondern auch epistemologisch vollziehen und der Rolle von Sprache besondere Aufmerksamkeit schenken. In empirischer Hinsicht wird die Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit in der deutschen staatlichen Entwicklungspolitik anhand von Interpretationen dieser Verkn{\"u}pfung im Agenda-Setting und in der Politikformulierung untersucht. Der Untersuchungszeitraum der empirischen Analyse bel{\"a}uft sich auf die Amtsjahre der SPD-Politikerin Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul als Bundesministerin f{\"u}r wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit, n{\"a}mlich 1998 2009. Der Datenkorpus der Untersuchung in Agenda-Setting und Politikformulierung umfasst {\"u}ber 50 Reden von Mitgliedern der Bundesregierung sowie ausgew{\"a}hlte offizielle Politikdokumente, in denen relevante Textpassagen enthalten sind. Die beispielhafte Untersuchung der Institutionalisierung im Lichte der Verkn{\"u}pfungen von Entwicklung und Sicherheit bezieht sich auf weitere Prim{\"a}r- und Sekund{\"a}rquellen. Auf der Grundlage der empirischen Analyse wird deutlich, dass unterschiedliche Interpretationen in der staatlichen deutschen Entwicklungspolitik hinsichtlich der Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit {\"u}ber den Untersuchungszeitraum 1998 - 2009 nachgezeichnet werden k{\"o}nnen. Bemerkenswert ist dabei insbesondere die diffuse Vielfalt der Konstruktionen des Sicherheitsbegriffs. Außerdem wird anhand der empirischen Untersuchung nachgezeichnet, dass zum Teil erhebliche Unterschiede bestehen zwischen den Verkn{\"u}pfungen von Entwicklung und Sicherheit auf der ressort{\"u}bergreifenden Ebene einerseits und der entwicklungspolitischen Ebene andererseits. Auch die beispielhafte Diskussion von Meilensteinen der institutionalisierten Entwicklungspolitik best{\"a}tigt diese Varianzen, die durch die nuancierte Analyse sprachlicher Konstruktionen sichtbar gemacht werden konnte. Ausgehend vom empirischen Ergebnis der Varianz und Variabilit{\"a}t der Begr{\"u}ndungsmuster f{\"u}r die Verkn{\"u}pfungen von Entwicklung und Sicherheit ist es nunmehr m{\"o}glich, Schlussfolgerungen im Hinblick auf die Forschungsfrage zu ziehen: Ist deutsche Entwicklungspolitik im Lichte der Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit zunehmend eigennutz- und interessenorientiert? In den Anfangsjahren von Wieczorek-Zeul spielen normative Aspekte wie Gerechtigkeit und Frieden im Zusammenhang mit der Genese des Themenfelds Frieden und Sicherheit eine wichtige Rolle. Pr{\"a}gend f{\"u}r die Politikformulierung sind dabei vor allem die Herausforderungen im Zusammenhang mit der Globalisierung, die den Ausgangspunkt f{\"u}r die Formulierung der von Wieczorek-Zeul gepr{\"a}gten Globalen Strukturpolitik bilden. Eine Eigennutzorientierung im realistischen Sinne scheint nur dann pr{\"a}sent, wenn es um unser Interesse der Wohlstandssicherung geht. Entwicklungspolitische Friedenf{\"o}rderung und Krisenpr{\"a}ventionen dienen dazu, die {\"o}konomischen Kosten von Kriegen zu verringern und leisten einen Beitrag zur Vermeidung von wohlstandsgef{\"a}hrdender Migration. Es wird auf einen Sicherheitsbegriff rekurriert, der die Menschliche Sicherheit der Bev{\"o}lkerung in den Entwicklungs- und Transformationsl{\"a}ndern in den Vordergrund stellt. Nach 9/11 verschieben sich die sprachlichen Konstruktionen weg von unserem Wohlstand und dem Frieden weltweit in Richtung unsere Sicherheit. Artikulierte Eigennutzorientierung mit Bezug auf Sicherheit gewinnt an Dominanz gegen{\"u}ber moralischen Begr{\"u}ndungszusammenh{\"a}ngen. Diese Entwicklung l{\"a}sst sich vor allem im Rahmen der ressort{\"u}bergreifenden Interpretationen des Zusammenhangs von Entwicklung und Sicherheit nachzeichnen. Auch bei dieser ressort{\"u}bergreifenden Verschiebung l{\"a}sst sich die Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit auf der Ebene des f{\"u}r die deutsche Entwicklungspolitik federf{\"u}hrenden Bundesministeriums f{\"u}r wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) hingegen weiterhin als vorwiegend verpflichtungsorientiert deuten. Erst mit der Großen Koalition ab 2005 kann von umfassenderer Neu-Interpretation der Verkn{\"u}pfung von Entwicklung und Sicherheit ausgegangen werden: Wohlstand und Sicherheit in der Welt werden nunmehr gleichermaßen als in unserem Interesse artikuliert, die neben der internationalen Verpflichtung zur Friedenssicherung als gleichwertig eingesch{\"a}tzt werden k{\"o}nnen Zusammenfassend bringen diese empirischen Ergebnisse im Lichte der theoretischen Deutung ein nuancierter es Bild hervor als in der bisherigen Forschung mit ihrem meist einseitigen Fokus auf einer zunehmenden Interessenorientierung angenommen wurde. Die ideellen Bez{\"u}ge waren immer pr{\"a}sent als pr{\"a}gender Faktor f{\"u}r die deutsche Entwicklungspolitik, sie haben sich allerdings im Zeitverlauf ver{\"a}ndert. Der theoretische Ertrag der Studie und die Policy-Relevanz liegen auf mehreren Ebenen. Erstens wird mit der differenzierten Untersuchung und Deutung deutscher Entwicklungspolitik im Lichte der Verkn{\"u}pfungen von Entwicklung und Sicherheit die Forschung zum Thema Versicherheitlichung von Entwicklungspolitik angereichert und deren theoretische Pr{\"a}missen weiterentwickelt. Zweitens leistet die Arbeit einen Beitrag zur Forschung zur deutschen Entwicklungspolitik. Mit der vorliegenden Studie wird diese oft an der Umsetzung und Praxis interessierte Forschung durch die theoretische Besch{\"a}ftigung mit der Deutung deutscher Entwicklungspolitik angereichert. Dieser Beitrag ergibt sich konkret aus der Anwendung theoretischer {\"U}berlegungen der Sicherheitsstudien, aus dem konstruktivistischen Strang der Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) sowie konzeptionellen {\"U}berlegungen aus der Policy-Forschung, die miteinander verkn{\"u}pft werden.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Usik2016, author = {Usik, Lillia}, title = {A Comparative Analysis of the Frozen Conflicts in the Post-Soviet Space}, series = {The European Union and Russia}, booktitle = {The European Union and Russia}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {193 -- 239}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @incollection{Franzke2016, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {After the Strategic Partnership}, series = {The European Union and Russia}, booktitle = {The European Union and Russia}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 25}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @incollection{BalkInanSenneke2016, author = {Balk, Jennifer and Inan, Aylin and Senneke, Marie}, title = {Yasmina Reza: Der Gott des Gemetzels}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {205 -- 228}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{HinzPullwittStachowski2016, author = {Hinz, Carsten and Pullwitt, Maria and Stachowski, Maika}, title = {Friedrich D{\"u}rrenmatt: Die Physiker}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {149 -- 167}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{BabendreierBeyerMai2016, author = {Babendreier, Christian and Beyer, Tobias and Mai, Jana}, title = {Georg B{\"u}chner: Woyzeck}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {95 -- 120}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{BachmayerHagerHofer2016, author = {Bachmayer, Rene and Hager, Anna and Hofer, Simone}, title = {Friedrich Schiller: Don Karlos}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {73 -- 94}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{BauschkeBeyerZaake2016, author = {Bauschke, Cedric and Beyer, Karoline and Zaake, David}, title = {Gotthold Ephraim Lessing: Nathan der Weise}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {47 -- 71}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{KoehnReinhardtSchmidt2016, author = {K{\"o}hn, Mathias and Reinhardt, Cindy and Schmidt, Henrike}, title = {William Shakespeare: Der Sturm}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {17 -- 45}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2016, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-09977-0}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {7 -- 15}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @incollection{JuchlerLechnerAmante2016, author = {Juchler, Ingo and Lechner-Amante, Alexandra}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, booktitle = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-09977-0}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {1 -- 6}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-9121, title = {Politische Bildung im Theater}, editor = {Juchler, Ingo and Lechner-Amante, Alexandra}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-09977-0}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {252}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Das Theater ist seit seiner Erfindung durch die Griechen mit dem Politischen und insbesondere mit der Staatsform der Demokratie verbunden. Entsprechend kann das Theater als außerschulischer politischer Lernort zum Besuch mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern dienen. Ziel der vorliegenden Publikation ist es, Vorschl{\"a}ge zur unterrichtlichen Bearbeitung von Theaterst{\"u}cken zu pr{\"a}sentieren, zur Auseinandersetzung mit den politischen Gehalten von theatralen Narrationen in der politischen Bildung wie im f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifenden Unterricht anzuregen und zum Besuch von Theaterauff{\"u}hrungen im Rahmen der politischen Bildung zu ermutigen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Juchler2016, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Politische Bildung im Dokumentartheater}, series = {Politikunterricht verstehen und gestalten}, booktitle = {Politikunterricht verstehen und gestalten}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-11858-7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {75 -- 90}, year = {2016}, language = {de} }