@article{BacskaiAtkari2016,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {On the Diachronic Development of a Hungarian Declarative Complementiser},
  series = {Transactions of the Philological Society},
  volume    = {114},
  journal   = {Transactions of the Philological Society},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0079-1636},
  doi       = {10.1111/1467-968X.12069},
  pages     = {95 -- 116},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {My paper investigates the diachronic development of the Modern Hungarian finite declarative complementiser hogy 'COMP'. In Old Hungarian, hogy could be combined with other complementisers, e.g. mint 'than/as', giving configurations like hogymint and minthogy, that is, complementiser combinations in general are attested both in the hogy+X and the reverse X+hogy orders, X standing for an unspecified complementiser. The rich variation of Old Hungarian complex complementisers is not fully reflected in Modern Hungarian: it is invariably only one of the orders that survived. I will show that it is always the one that fully grammaticalised into a single C head; this is ultimately tied to the original underlying order of hogy and X as separate C heads. I will also demonstrate that hogy came to be used as a general marker of finite subordination.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacskaiAtkari2016,
  author    = {Bacskai-Atkari, Julia},
  title     = {Towards a cross-linguistic typology of marking polarity in embedded degree clauses},
  series = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  volume    = {63},
  journal   = {Acta linguistica Hungarica : an international journal of linguistics},
  publisher = {Akad{\~A}©miai Kiad{\~A}³},
  address   = {Budapest},
  issn      = {1216-8076},
  doi       = {10.1556/064.2016.63.4.1},
  pages     = {389 -- 409},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The article focuses on comparative complementisers in comparative clauses expressing inequality in various languages, with particular attention paid to their role as lexicalising negative polarity. I argue that the relevant property follows from degree semantics, in that the comparative subclause encodes the inequality of the degree expressed by a matrix clausal element and the one expressed by the comparative operator. Just like ordinary negation, this has to be encoded overtly; however, as it does not constitute an instance of genuine clausal negation, the property cannot be encoded by an operator, and hence must be realised on a functional head, which is either the complementiser or a separate polarity head.},
  language  = {en}
}