@article{Rothermel2021,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender at the crossroads},
  series = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1753-9153},
  doi       = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061},
  pages     = {533 -- 558},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
  series = {International feminist journal of politics},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {International feminist journal of politics},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1461-6742},
  doi       = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
  pages     = {720 -- 741},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{JagtianiWellek2022,
  author    = {Jagtiani, Sharinee L. and Wellek, Sophia},
  title     = {In the Shadow of Ukraine},
  series = {Survival},
  volume    = {64},
  journal   = {Survival},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {126962024X},
  doi       = {10.1080/00396338.2022.2078045},
  pages     = {29 -- 48},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act.},
  language  = {en}
}